Washington, D. C.
We may search governmental records in vain for a parallel case. Here was a faithful servant of the public, a loyal friend to the Indians. The Congressmen appeared against him in force and brought up every conceivable charge, in order to encompass his fall; striving to preserve official peace in Oklahoma, the Honorable Secretary was forced to replace him, yet at the same time wrote a commendatory letter in Mott’s behalf.
The night following his honorable defeat, I saw Mott in his room at the National Hotel. With him were two staunch friends of the Creeks, Chief Moty Tiger and Captain G. W. Grayson. Mott uttered a remarkable prophecy: “Moorehead, they are rid of me. The next step will be to force out the Department of Justice men, Gresham and Frost; then Kelsey and Wright will have to go; Kate Barnard must stop protecting minor heirs, or her board will be abolished; also your Indian Commissioners. Having cut off the real fighters, then they will remove restrictions. A few years hence—and do not forget this—the Oklahoma Congressmen will ask the American people to support Indian paupers, claiming that Federal negligence has brought distress to thousands, and that the State of Oklahoma must not be called upon to care for these indigents. Most people who took Indian lands will not be compelled to return them, and the Federal slate will be wiped clean of the 30,000 land suits now pending.”
In eight months, nearly half of Mott’s prophecy has been verified.
CHAPTER XVI. THE LEASING SYSTEM; CHOCTAW AND CHICKASAW; FINAL RECOMMENDATIONS
Few Indian matters in our honorable Congress have had more publicity than the so-called McMurray contracts. Several chapters of this book could be devoted to describing the propositions made by Mr. McMurray and his associates and the far-reaching effects on the Indians of Oklahoma were these carried into effect. But I must content myself with calling attention to the bibliography at the end of this chapter. The testimony and investigations cover hundreds of pages.
Mr. McMurray made contracts with thousands of Indians on a percentage basis. P. J. Hurley, Esq., attorney for the Choctaw Indians, opposed the McMurray contracts before Congressional Committees and in court. Hurley contended that McMurray would receive at the least possible estimate $3,500,000 in fees, the undistributed portion of the Choctaw and Chickasaw estate being $35,000,000 minimum valuation. The struggle for so large a stake has extended through a number of years. So far Mr. Hurley, and other friends of the Indians, have succeeded in preventing McMurray carrying his contracts into effect.
The Choctaw and Chickasaw affairs are both interesting and complicated, and tell a different story from that of the Creeks. Further reference to Cherokees and Seminoles may be omitted, as their story is practically that of the Creeks.
A little more than two-thirds of the entire acreage—a vast domain over 200 miles east and west, and an average of approximately 100 miles north and south—was allotted and sold for the benefit of these three classes of Indians, the Choctaws, Chickasaws and Mississippi Choctaws, about 37,600 in number—a little more than one-third of the total Oklahoma enrollment.
The eastern third of this territory is especially rich in coal and hardwood timber. What is shown upon the map as the Choctaw Nation contains the largest coal deposits in what is generally known as the Mississippi valley, and when allotment of lands began in 1903, this country was practically covered with a rich growth of pine timber of the finest quality.