“Un faible rejetton—— entre les ruines
“De cet arbre fécond, coupé dans ses racines.”
Henriade, 7th Canto.
The royalist party is strongest in the country, and the republican in the town. The most numerous class of inhabitants in the latter, the little housekeepers, find their importance increased, and their vanity flattered, by becoming members of clubs and political societies, and being admitted into municipal posts and honours. Doubtless, even in this part of France, which has long been regarded with a jealous eye by the government, the royalists are not equal in number to their formidable antagonists: they will, however, I am confident, fly to arms, if ever a favourable opportunity of attacking their oppressors be presented to them. Whenever I find myself (which sometimes happens) in a little knot of these good people, almost all of whom have either fathers, brothers, sons, husbands, or other near relations emigrated; and when I listen to the downfall of the convention, and hear them, by the restoration of a king, restore themselves to their forfeited honours and estates; it brings to my remembrance what passed, seventeen years ago, among the loyalists of Maryland, where I was then, as now, a prisoner of war. I hear similar fallacious calculations made, unsupported expectancies indulged, and ardent resolutions adopted, to end, I fear, in similar disappointment. The paper-money, divisions and mistrusts of parties, my own situation at both periods, and other circumstances, render the parallel very striking to me. To dash, with rude hand, the cup of consolation from the lips of these unfortunate people, were the extreme of cruelty; but when they appeal to me, by asking whether armies of Englishmen and emigrants may not be expected to execute their airy speculations, I cannot become a partner of the deceit, by administering to the delirium. Whatever might once be the opening presented to us for the attacking of France in her vitals, by a co-operation with the armies of La Vendée, that season is passed, never to return. To commence, at this declining period of the contest, such a system, were almost to proclaim, that while we believed it possible to subjugate France by a coalition of exterior force, we disdained to profit by the arms of Frenchmen, in a cause which we called their own. Besides, if a publication, which is stuck up in all parts of the town, dated the 1st of Floreal, at Rennes, and signed by ten representatives, and twenty-two Chouan chiefs, with Caumartin at their head, may be believed, the Vendeans have made their peace, and submitted to the republic, after having for more than two years caused the most powerful diversion in favour of her external enemies. But this my friends here intreat me to despise; and, when I point out to them its marks of authenticity, assure me, that Charette will never lay down his arms, but on the condition of royalty being re-instated; that he is only temporizing, and will soon break out stronger than ever. I listen in silence, and know not which way to turn my faith.—What shall I say of this extraordinary character, Charette! who, whatever be his future intentions, has hitherto, certainly, displayed extraordinary powers of mind, and Antæus-like arisen fresh from every fall. I am acquainted with two people who personally know him, and describe his talents, courage, and perseverance, in terms of enthusiastic admiration. The French do not scruple to affirm (but here I suspect their love of exaggeration, not unmixed with national vanity, to preponderate) that the war of La Vendée has cost to the republic more men than all her foreign conflicts united. If, instead of men, perplexity and vexation were substituted, the account would be more credible.
The proclamation which announces a conclusion of the war of La Vendée is not the only one, which strikes at this moment the public eye, in Quimper. His Prussian Majesty, Frederic William, our good and faithful ally, has, we are told, also made his peace with the republic. When I recollect his threatening bombastic language, and the mighty irruption made into Champagne, not quite three years ago, by this pigmy in the shoes of a giant, I can compare him to nothing but the month (April) I write in, which is said to come in like a lion and go out like a lamb. The French themselves cannot help adverting to his former menaces, and sneering at them, when compared with his present meekness and tender concern for the effusion of human blood. The preamble of the proclamation states, that, “in Pilnitz, a part of his Prussian Majesty’s dominions, the first partitioning treaty of the territory of France was executed. That now the republic has demonstrated to kings and ministers, that she is not only victorious but invincible, she will prove to them that she is generous, and willing to grant peace, upon terms consisting with her dignity, to all her enemies. And, that henceforth the stability of her government, not only to conclude, but to guarantee, treaties and alliances, ought not to be doubted, &c. &c.”—A peace with Spain, likewise, is reported to be in great forwardness; so that it is probable, before the end of this year, England alone will have the contest to maintain; and well, I trust, it will be maintained by our victorious fleet?
If then the coalition be on the point of its dissolution, and Charette has laid down his arms, either we must abandon the subjugation of France, or seek for other means to accomplish it, which, if they exist at all, are internal. Nothing can be more dazzling and imposing than the great success of the French against their foreign enemies, and the seeming ease with which the vast machine of the republican government moves; but this smooth exterior conceals a hollow and ulcerated inside. The numberless abuses subsisting in the multiplied public offices, which defy control or abolition; (what think you of its being asserted in the convention, that in the post-office department more than thirty-nine thousand persons receive salaries?) the depreciation of assignats, which proceeds in a ratio continually increasing, a piece of money, which eight weeks since sold for 140 livres, now fetching 400; and, above all, the enormous public expenditure, which almost defies computation; are causes of the most serious alarm to the supporters of the revolution. The last of them, if not checked, must produce a national bankruptcy, and overturn this government, as it did the monarchy; but whether to give birth to a new form of democracy, or to the restoration of a king, who shall say!
By the report of the new financier, Johannot, made to the convention—
| livres | |
| The national expence of the month of Nivose last was | 423,374,450 - or -£.18,522,632 |
| The receipt of taxes in the same month was | 57,168,733 - or - 2,501,132 |
| Excess of expenditure, rejecting shillings and pence, and reckoning a livre at 10½d. | 366,205,717 - or - £.16,021,500 |
In the succeeding month, Pluviose, the difference was still more enormous: it exceeded the receipt by 443,164,244 livres, or £.19,388,435. “The trappings of royalty” would poorly keep pace with this unprecedented profusion, which is hourly increasing, by the inevitable augmentation of salaries to all the public servants, both civil and military. The naval officers have had a considerable addition to their pay since I left Brest; and, as a signal to all beneath, the stipend of the members of the convention has been increased from eighteen to thirty-six livres a day.
I do not pretend to know the nature and extent of the present taxes; but I remember the favourite scheme of a heavy land-tax, in lieu of all others, was trumpeted forth at the commencement of the revolution, not that it dates its birth at so recent a period. Our principle of taxing consumption, they treated with great contempt; but I have reason to believe they will soon adopt it, as I have lately read a most spirited and ingenious attack on Cambon, and some of his predecessors, in which it is extolled. The most considerable of the present imposts is a duty of 20 per cent. on all lands and houses. This was calculated to produce 260 millions, and makes the annual value of landed property (including buildings) to be 1300 millions of livres. Let us suppose (dreadful supposition!) that a third part of this is sequestrated, and in the disposal of the government. Call this 440 millions; and farther, let us presume, that all these houses and lands will be sold at 25 years purchase (which, if the nature of a part of the property, and the fears of reclamation, particularly of the estates of the later emigrants, be considered, is perhaps too much) the amount will be 11 milliards. This is the calculation of the most sanguine of the French with whom I have conversed on the subject; and even this, terrifying as it is to compute or read, seems likely to be insufficient. Johannot reckons the national means at 15 milliards 226 millions, even after the allowances, which justice and humanity dictate, shall be deducted from them; and proposes to coin immediately 150 millions of copper, in order to afford support to the declining credit of assignats. I need not tell you, that I possess no data to formally controvert this statement of the financier; but I beg leave to observe, that his whole report, which I have carefully read, is conceived in those sanguine and flattering terms, which appear to me to have sprung from a pre-concerted determination of exhibiting the favourable side of the picture, and keeping the people in good-humour. I have heard it publickly derided, and have been told that both its premises and conclusions are false. In addition to the allowance which he hints is to be made to the relations and creditors of emigrants, under certain restrictions, is to be placed a complete restitution of the properties of the Brissotine party, and all who suffered under the tyranny of Robespierre: at least such expectations have been holden out in the convention. He also states, that there are now eight milliards of assignats in circulation, and that only three milliards more need be added to them. For the justness of this last declaration his word must be taken, as he does not tell us why he limits to this sum the future emission.—Query, How are the creditors of the old government to be considered, when the day of liquidation shall arrive? A lottery, it seems, is projected, of all the forfeited houses; and the scheme, at least here, appears to be relished.—There is yet another source of revenue, of a delicate nature, which I sometimes hear and read boasted of:—requisitions from the conquered countries; and confiscations of the church lands in the Austrian Netherlands.—How far these will be practicable to any great amount, I leave to you to determine. Remember, that the comparatively trifling levies, which have been already made upon the Belgians, are said to have rendered the French name odious in that country.
But little facts sometimes impress conviction on the mind, when a laboured detail has failed.—Until lately there were not any assignats in circulation of more than two thousand livres each in value; but, on the petition of the army contractors, assignats of ten thousand livres each have been fabricated, “in order to lessen the expence of carriage, which is become enormous.”—One of the Paris papers, two months ago, assigned as a reason for raising its price, the increasing value of paper, which was then 80 livres a ream. “How,” asks the editor, “can it be otherwise, when government, by contract, is every day supplied with six thousand reams for its consumption in printing off assignats!!”
All assignats of the value of more than 100 livres, bearing the effigy of Louis XVI. were proscribed some time since, except in the purchasing of national domains. This was one of the last piratical manœuvres of Cambon, and was every way worthy of the financier or Robespierre. However it somewhat contributed to lessen the immense load of circulating paper.