TROOPERS OF 10TH CAVALRY GOING INTO MEXICO. THESE HEROIC NEGRO SOLDIERS WERE AMBUSHED NEAR CARRIZAL AND SUFFERED A LOSS OF HALF THEIR NUMBER IN ONE OF THE BRAVEST FIGHTS ON RECORD.
TENTH CAVALRY SURVIVORS OF CARRIZAL. DESPOILED OF THEIR UNIFORMS BY THE MEXICANS THEY ARRIVE AT EL PASO IN OVERALLS. LEM SPILLSBURY, WHITE SCOUT IN CENTER. EACH SOLDIER HAS A BOUQUET OF FLOWERS.
AMERICA'S WAR TIME PRESIDENT. THIS PHOTOGRAPH OF WOODROW WILSON WAS ESPECIALLY POSED DURING THE WAR. IN HIS STUDY AT THE WHITE HOUSE.
DR. J.E. MOORLAND, SENIOR SECRETARY OF COLORED MEN'S DEPT., INTERNATIONAL Y.M.C.A. THE MAN LARGELY RESPONSIBLE FOR SUCCESS OF HIS RACE IN "Y" WORK.
A TYPICAL GROUP OF "Y" WORKERS, SECRETARY SNYDER AND STAFF. Y.M.C.A. NO.7, CAMP GRANT, ILLINOIS.
PRESIDENT WOODROW WILSON (AT HEAD OF TABLE) AND HIS WAR CABINET. LEFT—W.G. MCADOO SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY; THOMAS W. GREGORY, ATTY. GENL.; JOSEPHUS DANIELS, SEC. OF NAVY; D.F. HOUSTON, SEC. OF AGRICULTURE; WILLIAM B. WILSON, SEC. OF LABOR. RIGHT—ROBERT LANSING, SEC. OF STATE; NEWTON D. BAKER, SEC. OF WAR; A.S. BURLESON, POSTMASTER-GENERAL; FRANKLIN K. LANE, SEC. OF INTERIOR; WILLIAM C. REDFIELD, SEC. OF COMMERCE.

With a war likely to involve the greater part of Europe hanging on the issue, it was a time for cool judgment, sober statesmanship and careful action on all sides. Months should have been devoted to an investigation.
But Germany and Austria did not want a sober investigation. They were afraid that while it was proceeding the pretext for war might vanish. As surmised above, they also may have feared that the responsibility for the act would be placed in quarters that would be embarrassing to them.
On July 23, 1914, just twenty-five days after the murder, Austria delivered her demands upon Serbia and placed a time limit of forty-eight hours for their acceptance. With the fate of a nation and the probable embroiling of all Europe hanging on the outcome, forty-eight hours was a time too brief for proper consideration. Serbia could hardly summon her statesmen in that time. Nevertheless the little country, realizing the awful peril that impended, and that she alone would not be the sufferer, bravely put aside all selfish considerations and practically all considerations of national pride and honor.
The records show that every demand which Austria made on Serbia was granted except one, which was only conditionally refused. Although this demand involved the very sovereignty of Serbia—her existence as a nation—the government offered to submit the matter to mediation or arbitration. But Austria, cats-pawing for Germany, did not want her demands accepted. The one clause was inserted purposely, because they knew it could not be accepted. With Serbia meeting the situation honestly and going over ninety percent of the way towards an amicable adjustment, the diplomacy that could not obtain peace out of such a situation, must have been imbecile or corrupt to the last degree.
An American historian discussing causes in the early stages of the war, said:

"The German Imperial Chancellor pays no high compliment to the intelligence of the American people when he asks them to believe that 'the war is a life-and-death struggle between Germany and the Muscovite races of Russia', and was due to the royal murders at Sarajevo.
"To say that all Europe had to be plunged into the most devastating war of human history because an Austrian subject murdered the heir to the Austrian throne on Austrian soil in a conspiracy in which Serbians were implicated, is too absurd to be treated seriously. Great wars do not follow from such causes, although any pretext, however trivial, may be regarded as sufficient when war is deliberately sought.
"Nor is the Imperial Chancellor's declaration that 'the war is a life-and-death struggle between Germany and the Muscovite races of Russia' convincing in the slightest degree. So far as the Russian menace to Germany is concerned, the Staats-Zeitung is much nearer the truth when its editor, Mr. Ridder, boasts that 'no Russian army ever waged a successful war against a first-class power.'
"The life-and-death struggle between Germany and the Muscovite races of Russia is a diplomatic fiction invented after German Autocracy, taking advantage of the Serbian incident, set forth to destroy France. It was through no fear of Russia that Germany violated her solemn treaty obligations by invading the neutrality of Belgium and Luxemburg. It was through no fear of Russia that Germany had massed most of her army near the frontiers of France, leaving only six army corps to hold Russia in check. Germany's policy as it stands revealed by her military operations was to crush France and then make terms with Russia. The policy has failed because of the unexpected resistance of the Belgians and the refusal of Great Britain to buy peace at the expense of her honor."

A nearer and equally clear view is expressed for the French by M. Clemenceau, who early in the war said:

"For twenty-five years William II has made Europe live under the weight of a horrible nightmare. He has found sheer delight in keeping it in a state of perpetual anxiety over his boastful utterances of power and the sharpened sword.
"Five threats of war have been launched against us since 1875. At the sixth he finds himself caught in the toils he had laid for us. He threatened the very springs of England's power, though she was more than pacific in her attitude toward him.
"For many years, thanks to him, the Continent has had to join in a giddy race of armaments, drying up the sources of economic development and exposing our finances to a crisis which we shrank from discussing. We must have done with this crowned comedian, poet, musician, sailor, warrior, pastor; this commentator absorbed in reconciling Hammurabi with the Bible, giving his opinion on every problem of philosophy, speaking of everything, saying nothing." M. Clemenceau summed up the Kaiser as "another Nero; but Rome in flames is not sufficient for him—he demands the destruction of the universe."