The question is whether Fulton acted as a man of honor in abandoning the country for which he had volunteered to fight and where he had received such signal and loyal service from its citizens. Was he justified in transferring his support to another nation at war with France and thus help destroy the growing power of France for which country he had professed so much affection? This question has been debated by Fulton’s biographers, although apparently none of them knew exactly what it was that Fulton had done for the British Government. They were all under the impression that his work consisted chiefly in the demonstration of the efficacy of torpedoes, carcasses or bombs as Fulton vicariously called them, or mines as we would speak of them today. Cadwallader D. Colden gives several pages of his book to developing, with some labor, an excuse for Fulton. Dickinson finds some justification in the fact that Fulton had been only partially reimbursed by the French Government for his work, but more particularly in that the development of Napoleon’s ambitions was repugnant to Fulton’s ideas of republicanism. The last is without question the correct and only view to take.
A radical republican, hating blindly all forms of autocracy, he had remained in France believing that in France he would see the full flowering of his principles. He offered his inventions to the French Government, not for pecuniary gain, because his proposals show that he was willing to abide by their decision as to the monetary value to be determined only after he had achieved success, but because he thought that the French revolution was a real movement toward perfect liberty. To this end he offered not only his device, but also himself. He was anxious to be enrolled in the fighting force of France and go forth in his little boat to do battle against mighty England. When, therefore, he was refused by Bonaparte and his sincere offers scorned with absolutely unjustified insult, we can imagine his revulsion of sentiment and forgive any bitterness of feeling. In a moment his idol was shattered. He realized that those in control of the French Government were not actuated by a broad conception of world freedom, but solely by personal ambition and thirst for power. He makes this position quite clear in a letter to Lord Melville quoted by Colden as follows, though, before publishing, the latter must have edited the orthography: “In writing this letter, I feel no enmity to the people of France, or any other people; on the contrary, I wish their happiness; for my principle is, that every nation profits by the prosperity of its neighbours, provided the governments of its neighbours be humane and just. What is here said, is directed against the tyrannic principles of Bonaparte, a man who has set himself above all law; he is, therefore in that state which Lord Somers compares to that of a wild beast unrestrained by any rule, and he should be hunted down as the enemy of mankind. This, however, is the business of Frenchmen. With regard to the nations of Europe, they can only hold him in governable limits, by fencing him round with bayonets.”
France, his dearly beloved France, was no more liberal under the upstart clique of the consulate than was England under the régime of her long established autocracy. This is the only explanation of how and why Fulton abandoned his allegiance to France, went to England and there worked to strengthen the British navy that it might the more easily smash the growing power of the French fleet with which he had once so ardently desired to serve. He had been cruelly stabbed by the hands of his friends in the most tender spot in his heart. This cruelty that served to clear his vision he could not forgive, much less forget.
Fulton had undoubtedly been unfairly and even cruelly treated by the French authorities. His cherished ideas into which he had thrown his whole soul had been rejected without fair or reasonable examination. His pride had been deeply wounded. But Fulton was magnanimous enough to have overlooked this treatment had France herself remained true to his conception of her own ideals. It was not that Fulton abandoned France, but that France deserted Fulton. From his arrival in 1797, he thought that he saw in France a great exponent of a new world liberty, with freedom of trade, freedom of men, freedom of the seas, and above all an enduring world-wide peace. In his enthusiasm he believed that such ideals, in which he firmly believed, were not only practically realizable, but that France was about to make them the guiding principles of every nation. It was for that reason that he so warmly espoused her cause.
In 1797, soon after his arrival in Paris, he wrote to his friend Lord Stanhope his views based on what he fancied to be the actuating theory of the French revolution:
My Lord
Hoping every month to Return to England, together with the difficulty of transmitting Letters to London, has hitherto prevented my Writing to you Since my arrival In Paris. But at present I have troubeled you with a very Long Letter, the object of Which I will here explain,—Since my arrival In Paris I have been Very active In my Canal pursuits, And on this Subject I have Created a Revolution In the mind of all the french engeneers I have met with, who are now descidedly In favour of the Small System of Canals—Which are now Contemplated on an emmense Scale of extension which you will See explained in my Letter—It is Contemplated to Raise the Whole Revenue by a Single toll on Canals which System will Infinately Simplify the operations of Government, tend directly to Set trade free and annihilate a Mass of Political absurdities which have hitherto disturbed the peace of Nations—all of Which you will find explained in the annexed Letter, Which Letter will Shew you how much Frenchmen are turning their mind to the true fountain of Riches—viz home Improvement and Systems of Industry. With the true philosophic Ideas which the entertain of Foreign Possessions and Restricted trade—And I Can assure you that I find In them the most Resolute determination to establish the principles which you will find explained And Which to me appears of the Very first Importance to Lasting peace—and the Wellfare of all Nations—It is therefore of much Importance that English Men Should know the truth of these principles and Learn their true Interest by Giving up as the french mean to do, and will Compel others to do the System of foreign Possessions and Restricted trade they should also understand that Frenchmen are Realy thinking Like philosophers Which I hope my Letter will prove.
By 1801, when his offer of his talents and personal service were spurned, Napoleon was already leading France far afield from the altruistic but impossible programme of 1797. In 1802, Napoleon had made himself consul for life. In the spring of 1804, he was proclaimed Emperor of the French and the beautiful dream that had entranced Fulton for more than ten years had faded into nothingness, as dreams usually do. He saw that in the aristocracy of England he could find a truer democracy than in the demagogic leaders of France. Fulton was but human. His warm heart, artistic temperament and impetuous nature now asserted themselves and drove him back to the country whence his forebears had come, and away from the people whose governing powers had wounded his pride and had failed him in his ideals.
The “Descriptions” given above were written just prior to August 10th, 1806, and recite the course of events from the autumn of 1803. At the time they were signed, Fulton was arranging to return to America, and actually sailed about ten weeks later. His negotiations with the Government had not been satisfactory in that his devices had not been accepted and he had not received in money what he felt was due. The contract shows that Fulton, profiting perhaps by his French experiences not to put trust in princes, foresaw this contingency and provided against it in the Fourth article, that should any circumstance arise to prevent carrying the plan into execution commissioners should be appointed to determine whether the stipulated compensation had been earned. The “Descriptions” were prepared for submission to the arbitrators and were actually read to them, as is shown by a note attached to a copy of the manuscript reading as follows:
These papers I read to Sir Charles Blagden, Capt. Hamilton, the Rev. Dr. Cartwright and Alexander Davison, Esq., on the 18th of August 1806 these gentlemen being named Arbitrators to settle my Claims on Government under a contract which I made with Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville—the two last named acting for me.