It is not our intention to detail his interview with Mr. Hickman. For the present it is sufficient to say, that he produced to that gentleman a letter of introduction from Lord Cumber himself, who removed all mystery from about him, by stating that he was an English artist, who came over on a foolish professional tour, to see and take sketches of the country, as it appeared in its scenery, as well as in the features, character, and costume of its inhabitants. He had also introductions to M'Clutchy, M'Slime, Squire Deaker, M. Lucre, and several other prominent characters of the neighborhood.
As this gentleman amused himself by keeping an accurate and regular journal of all events connected with the Castle Cumber property, or which occurred on it, we feel exceedingly happy in being able to lay these important chronicles before our readers, satisfied as we are, that they will be valued, at least on the other side of the channel, exactly in proportion to the scanty opportunities he had of becoming acquainted with our language, manners, and character. The MS. is now before us, and the only privilege we reserve to ourselves is simply to give his dialogue an Irish turn, and to fill up an odd chasm here and there, occasioned by his ignorance of circumstances which have come to our knowledge through personal cognizance, and various other sources. The journal now in our possession is certainly the original one; but we know that copies of it were addressed successively, as the events occurred, to a gentleman in London, named Spinageberd, under cover to Lord Cumber himself, who kindly gave them the benefit of his frank, during the correspondence. Our friend, the journalist, as the reader will perceive, does not merely confine himself to severe facts, but gives us all the hints, innuendoes, and rumors of the day, both personal, religious and political. With these, our duty is simply to confirm or contradict them where we can, and where we cannot, to leave them just as we found them, resting upon their intrinsic claims to belief or otherwise. Having premised thus far, we beg leave to introduce to our reader's special acquaintance, Evory Easel, Esq., an English Artist and Savan, coming to do a portion of the country, ladies and gentleman, as has been often done before.
Batch No. I. Evory Easel, Esq., to Sam Spinageberd, Esq.
“Old Spinageberd:
“Here I am at last, in the land of fun and fighting—-mirth and misery—orange and green. I would have written to you a month ago, but, that such a course was altogether out of my calculation. The moment I arrived, I came to the determination of sauntering quietly about, but confining myself to a certain locality, listening to, and treasuring up, whatever I could see or hear, without yet availing myself of Lord Cumber's introductions, in order that my first impressions of the country and the people, might result from personal observation, and not from the bias, which accounts heard here from either party, might be apt to produce. First, then, I can see the folly, not to say the injustice, which I ought to say, of a landlord placing his property under the management of a furious partisan, whose opinions, political and religious are not merely at variance with but, totally opposed to, those whose interests are entrusted to his impartiality and honesty. In the management of a property circumstanced as that of Castle Cumber is, where the population is about one-half Roman Catholic, and the other half Protestant and Presbyterian, between us, any man, my dear Spinageberd, not a fool or knave, must see the madness of employing a fellow who avows himself an enemy to the creed of one portion of the tenantry, and a staunch supporter of their opponents. Is this fair, or can justice originate in its purity from such a source? Is it reasonable to suppose that a Roman Catholic tenantry, who, whatever they may bear, are impatient of any insult or injustice offered to their creed, or, which is the same thing, to themselves on account of that creed,—is it reasonable, I say, to suppose that such a people could rest satisfied with a man who acts towards them only through the medium of his fierce and ungovernable prejudices? Is it not absurd to imagine for one moment that property can be fairly administered through such hands, and, if not property, how much less justice itself. You may judge of my astonishment, as an Englishman, when I find that the administration of justice is in complete keeping with that of property; for, I find it an indisputable fact, that nineteen magistrates, out of every twenty, are Orangemen, or party men of some description, opposed to Roman Catholic principles. And, yet, the Roman Catholic party are expected to exhibit attachment to the government which not merely deprives them of their civil rights, but literally places the execution of the laws in the hands of their worst and bitterest enemies. I say so deliberately; for I find that nothing so strongly recommends a man to the office of magistrate, or, indeed, to any office under government, as the circumstance of being a strong, conspicuous anti-Catholic. In writing to you, my dear Spinageberd, you may rest assured that I will give expression to nothing but truths which are too well known to be contradicted. The subject of property in Ireland, is one, which, inasmuch as it is surrounded with great difficulties, is also entitled to great consideration.
“If there be any one prejudice in the character of an Irish peasant stronger or more dangerous than another—and he has many, they say, that are both strong and dangerous—it is that which relates to property and the possession of it. This prejudice is, indeed, so conscious of its own strength, and imbued in this opinion with so deep a conviction of its justice, that, in ordinary circumstances, it scorns the aid of all collateral and subordinate principles and even flings religion aside, as an unnecessary ally, justice, therefore, or oppression, or partiality in the administration of property, constitutes the greatest crime known to the agrarian law, and is consequently resisted by the most unmitigable and remorseless punishment. The peasant who feels, or believes himself to be treated with injustice, or cruelty, never pauses to reflect upon the religion of the man whom he looks upon as his oppressor. He will shoot a Catholic landlord or agent from behind a hedge, with as much good will as he would a Protestant. Indeed, in general, he will prefer a Protestant landlord to those of his own creed, knowing well, as he does, that the latter, where they are possessed of property, constitute the very worst class of landlords in the kingdom. As religion, therefore, is not at all necessarily mixed up with the Irishman's prejudices as this subject—it is consequently both dangerous and wicked to force it to an adhesion with so dreadful a principle as that which resorts to noon-day or midnight murder. This is unfortunately what such fellows as this M'Clutchy do. They find the Irish peasant with but one formidable prejudice in relation to property, and by a course of neglect, oppression, and rapacity, joined to all the malignant rancor of religious bigotry and party feeling, they leave him goaded by a hundred. I believe in my soul that there are many fire-brands like M'Clutchy in this country, who create the crime, in order to have the gratification of punishing it, and of wreaking a legal vengeance upon the unfortunate being who has been guilty of it, in order that they may recommend themselves as loyal men to the government of the day. If this be so, how can the country be peaceable? If it be peaceable, such men can have no opportunity of testing their loyalty, and if they do not test their loyalty, they can have no claim upon the government, and having no claim upon the government, they will get nothing from it. The day will come, I hope, when the very existence of men like these, and of the system which encouraged; them, will be looked upon with disgust and wonder—when the government of our country will make no invidious distinctions of creed or party, and will not base the administration of its principles upon the encouragement of hatred between man and man.
“Hickman, the former agent, was the first to whom I presented Lord Cumber's letter. He is a gentleman by birth, education, and property; a man of a large and a liberal mind, well stored with information and has the character of being highly, if not punctiliously honorable. His age is about fifty-five, but owing to his regular and temperate habits of life, and in this country temperance is a virtue indeed, he scarcely, looks beyond forty. Indeed, I may observe by the way, that in this blessed year of ——, the after-dinner indulgences of the Irish squirearchy, who are the only class that remain in the country, resemble the drunken orgies of Silenus and his satyrs, more than anything else to which I can compare them. The conversation is in general licentious, and the drinking beastly; and I don't know after all, but the Irish are greater losers by their example than they would be by their absence.
“On making inquiries into the state and management of this property, I found Hickman actuated by that fine spirit of gentlemanly delicacy, which every one, rich and poor, attribute to him. M'Clutchy having succeeded him, he very politely declined to enter into the subject at any length, but told me that I could be at no loss in receiving authentic information on a subject so much and so painfully canvassed. I find it is a custom in this country for agents to lend money to their employers, especially when they happen to be in a state of considerable embarrassment, by which means the unfortunate landlord is seldom able to discharge or change his agent, should he misconduct himself; and is consequently saddled with a vampire probably for life, or while there is any blood to be got out of him. Hickman, who has other agencies, makes it a point of principle, never to lend money to a landlord, by which means he avoids those imputations which are so frequently and justly brought against those who trade upon the embarrassments of their employers, in order to get them into their power.
“May 13.—There are two newspapers in the town of Castle Cumber, conducted upon opposite principles: one of them is called The Castle Cumber True Blue, and is the organ of the Orange Tory party, and the High Church portion of the Establishment. The other advocates the cause of the Presbyterians, Dissenters, and gives an occasional lift to the Catholics. There is also a small party here, which, however, is gaining ground every day, called the Evangelical, an epithet adopted for the purpose of distinguishing them from the mere worldly and political High Churchmen, who, together with all the loyalty and wealth, have certainly all the indifference to religion, and most of the secular and ecclesiastical corruptions that have disgraced the Church, and left it little better than a large mass of bribes in the hands of the English minister. In such a state of things, you may judge how that rare grace, piety, is rewarded. There is, besides, no such thing to be found in this country as an Irish bishop, nor, is a bishop ever appointed for his learning or his piety; on the contrary, the unerring principle of their elevation to the mitre, is either political, or family influence, or both. I wish I could stop here but I cannot; there are, unfortunately, still more flagitious motives for their appointment. English ministers have been found who were so strongly influenced by respect for the religion and Church Establishment of the Irish, that they have not blushed to promote men, who were the convenient instruments of their own profligacy, to some of the richest sees in the kingdom. But I am travelling out of my record; so to return. The name of the second paper is the Genuine Patriot, and Castle Cumber Equivocal; this last journal is, indeed, sorely distressed between the Catholic and Evangelical parties. The fact is, that the Evangelicals entertain such a horror of Popery, as a spiritual abomination, that they feel highly offended that their advocates should also be the advocate of Old Broadbottom, as the Orangemen call the Pope; in consequence, they say, of his sitting upon seven hills. The editors of these papers are too decidedly opposed in general, to be on bad terms with each other; or, to speak more intelligibly, they are not on the same side, and consequently do not hate each other as they ought and would. The town of Castle Cumber, like every other country town, is one mass of active and incessant scandal; and, it not infrequently happens that the True Blue will generously defend an individual on the opposite side, and the Genuine Patriot fight for a High Churchman. The whole secret of this, however is, that it is the High Churchman who writes in the Patriot, and the Evangelical in the True Blue, each well knowing that a defence by an opposing paper is worth more than one by his favorite organ. In the instance I am about to specify, however, the case was otherwise, each paper adhering to the individual of his own principles. On taking up the True Blue I read the following passage, to which I have fortunately obtained a key that will make the whole matter quite intelligible. The article was headed:—
“Susanna and the Elder; or the Conventicle in trouble.