25. In the same category are the numerous taboos of intercourse between a man and his wife and her relations. We have already noticed the legend of Urvasî. The wife must not mention her husband by name, and if he addresses her, it is in the indirect form of mother [[cciii]]of his children. Mr. Frazer has directed attention to the rule by which silence is imposed on women for some time after marriage as a relic of the custom of marrying women of a different tongue. Hence the familiar incident of the Silent Bride which runs through the whole range of folklore.[87] On the same lines is the taboo of intercourse between a man and his mother-in-law, of which Dr. Tylor, though he gives numerous instances, is unable to suggest an explanation.[88] This, also, perhaps accounts for the use of the terms “brother-in-law” (sâla), “father-in-law” (sasur), as abusive epithets.

Runaway marriages. 26. The next form of marriage is the runaway marriage, which was dignified by the early Hindu lawgivers with the name of Gandharva, “the reciprocal connection of a youth and a damsel, with mutual desire, contracted for the purpose of amorous embraces, and proceeding from sensual inclination.”[89] This prevails largely among the Dravidian tribes of the Central Indian plateau. At the periodical autumn feast the Ghasiya damsel has only to kick the youth, of whom she approves, on the ankle, and this is a signal to her relatives that the sooner the connection is legalised the better. We have the same custom in another form in the well known institution of the Bachelors’ Hall among the Orâons and Bhuiyas.[90] This merges [[cciv]]into the Mutʼah marriage, which is legalised among Muhammadans.

Marriage by exchange. 27. Next comes marriage by exchange, known commonly as adala badala, where two fathers exchange daughters in marriage between their sons. This is the simplest form of marriage by purchase.[91] The present survey has disclosed instances of this among Barhais, Bhuiyas, Dharkârs, Ghasiyas, Kanaujiyas, Meos, Musahars and Tarkihârs. It thus is in a great measure confined to the lower castes, and Mr. Ibbetson remarks[92] that in the East of the Panjâb “exchange of betrothal is thought disgraceful, and, if desired, is effected by a triangular exchange,—A betrothing with B, B with C, and C with A: in the West, on the contrary, among all classes, in the Hills and Submontane Districts, apparently among all but the highest classes, and among the Jâts, almost everywhere, except in the Jumna District, the betrothal by exchange is the commonest form.”

Beena marriage. 28. The next stage is what has been called by ethnologists Beena marriage,[93] in which the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride and wins her after a period of probation as Jacob wins Rachel. In these Provinces the custom seems to be confined to the Dravidian tribes of the [[ccv]]Vindhyan plateau, Bhuiyârs, Cheros, Ghasiyas, Gonds, Kharwârs, Majhwârs, and Parahiyas. Among them it bears the name of gharjanwai, which means “the son-in-law residing in the house of the bride.”

Bride purchase. 29. Immediately arising out of this is the more common form of bride purchase which prevails among most of the inferior tribes. In many cases, as will be seen by the examples which have been collected, the bride-price is fixed by tribal custom, and it marks a progressive stage in the evolution of marriage, where the purchase of the bride is veiled under the fiction of a contribution given by the relatives of the youth to cover the expenses of the marriage feast, which is, except in the dola or inferior form of marriage, provided by the relatives of the bride. “Let no father,” says Manu,[94] “who knows the law, receive a gratuity, however small, for giving his daughter in marriage: since the man who, through avarice, takes a gratuity for that purpose, is a seller of his offspring.”

Marriage with dowry. 30. The last stage is when the relatives of the bride provide a dowry for the bride, which is the subject of careful negotiation, and is paid over in the presence of the tribesmen when the wife lives with her husband. [[ccvi]]

Confarreatio. 31. In all these forms of marriage the ceremony of Confarreatio, or the feeding of the married pair by the relatives on both sides, takes an important place. We have seen that it is the main rite in widow marriage. It is regulated by rigid rules of etiquette, one of the chief of which is that both bride and bridegroom must at first refuse the proffered food, and accept it only after much pressure and conciliation by gifts.

The Matriarchate. 32. According to Baudhayana “there is a dispute regarding five practices both in the South and in the North. Those peculiar to the South are to eat in the company of an uninitiated person, to eat in the company of one’s wife, to eat stale food, to marry the daughter of a maternal uncle or paternal aunt. He who follows these in any other country than the one where they prevail commits sin.”[95] There is some want of moral perspective in the classification of these prohibitions: but they chiefly concern us in connection with the matriarchal theory. The prohibition of marriage with a cousin on the mother’s side has been accepted as an indication of the uncertainty of male parentage. There can be no doubt that in Northern India there is some special connection between a boy and his maternal uncle, as is shown by many instances drawn from the usages of the inferior tribes, such as the Agariya, Majhwâr and other Dravidian races. We also find among the Doms and Dharkârs that it is the [[ccvii]]sister’s son who performs the duties of priest at the cremation and worship of the sainted dead, which follows it. He is not, however, regarded as an heir to the deceased to the exclusion of his sons. Similarly though a foster-child has no rights to succeed,[96] the relationship is universally recognised as a bar to intermarriage. There is thus some evidence for some of the tests of female kinship as laid down by Professor Robertson Smith.[97] [[ccviii]]

GENERAL DISTRICT STATISTICS.

District.Area in square miles.Population.Density per square mile.Religions of the people.
Hindu.Musalmân.Jain.Christian.Arya.Sikh.Buddhist.Parsi.Jew.Brahmo.Deist.Unspecified.
Dehra Dûn 1192·9 168,135 140·9 143,718 19,896 234 2,743 784 755 2 3
Sahâranpur 2242·0 1,001,280 446·5 667,494 324,432 6,084 1,974 496 792 8
Muzaffarnagar 1658·2 772,874 466·1 542,563 218,990 9,396 127 1,032 766
Meerut 2369·7 1,391,458 587·2 1,047,650 316,971 16,380 5,435 2,784 2,237 1
Bulandshahr 1911·1 949,914 497·0 764,937 179,019 1,284 210 4,430 34
Aligarh 1952·4 1,043,172 534·3 918,730 120,338 2,507 465 992 126 14
Mathura 1440·6 713,421 495·2 646,385 62,657 2,403 846 209 919 2
Agra 1845·5 103,796 543·9 879,319 104,443 13,462 4,758 989 540 254 41
Farrukhâbâd 1720·3 858,687 499·1 756,194 99,476 1,048 828 877 24 232 8
Mainpuri 1700·9 762,163 448·0 714,294 41,529 5,760 132 326 122
Etâwah 1691·2 727,629 430·3 682,863 42,325 2,117 134 169 19 2
Etah 1740·7 702,063 403·3 622,833 72,953 4,945 520 764 43 4 1[[ccix]]
Bareilly 1594·6 1,040,691 652·6 789,603 245,039 4 5,271 351 300 111 12
Bijnor 1898·4 794,070 418·2 521,891 267,162 998 908 2,046 1,065
Budaun 2016·5 925,598 459·0 733,179 148,289 229 2,581 1,215 105
Morâdâbâd 2282·5 1,179,398 516·7 773,001 400,705 1,002 3,307 1,305 75 3
Shâhjahânpur 1744·1 918,551 526·6 787,136 129,266 36 1,328 640 144 1
Pilibhît 1371·7 485,366 353·8 402,120 82,486 11 365 383 1
Cawnpur 2363·2 1,209,695 511·9 1,103,990 101,541 415 3,036 620 52 32 3 6
Fatehpur 1633·1 699,157 428·1 621,923 77,061 83 71 15 4
Banda 3060·1 705,832 230·6 664,679 40,662 284 74 76 49 2 6
Hamîrpur 2288·7 513,720 224·4 480,215 33,281 107 50 37 11 19
Allahâbâd 2852·3 1,548,737 542·6 1,341,934 199,853 568 5,933 155 268 25 1
Jhânsi 1640·0 409,419 249·6 380,804 23,067 2,521 1,877 131 946 66 4 2 1
Jâlaun 1479·6 396,361 267·9 370,604 25,501 168 67 12 5 4
Lalitpur 1947·4 274,200 140·8 258,595 5,946 9,546 63 49 1
Benares 1009·5 921,943 913·7 831,730 88,401 138 1,364 52 255 1 2
Mirzapur 5223·0 1,161,508 222·4 4,085,232 75,240 281 465 102 188
Jaunpur 1549·8 1,264,949 816·0 1,148,505 116,344 6 93 1
Ghâzipur 1462·0 1,077,909 737·3 974,340 102,726 27 576 86 150 4 …[[ccx]]
Ballia 1169·7 942,465 805·7 876,095 66,353 15 2
Gorakhpur 4676·1 2,994,057 654·3 2,691,164 301,630 44 1,176 2 19 21 1
Basti 2767·0 1,785,844 645·1 1,509,989 275,729 66 60
Kumâun 2148·3 1,728,625 804·6 1,502,911 225,639 74 1
Azamgarh 7151·0 563,181 78·8 549,572 11,969 5 1,601 34
Garhwâl 5629·0 407,818 72·4 403,603 3,605 2 573 2 33
Tarâi 962·7 210,568 218·7 135,160 75,207 39 23 130 9
Lucknow 967·0 774,163 800·6 605,625 161,369 797 5,769 553 379 193 66 12
Unâo 1778·0 953,636 536·4 877,451 73,920 8 106 123 28
Râê Bareli 1751·2 1,036,521 591·7 950,290 85,965 23 145 2 96 6
Sîtapur 2254·9 1,075,413 476·9 916,680 157,639 234 717 88 44 1 4
Hardoi 2324·5 1,113,211 478·9 998,339 114,674 13 167 16 2 …[[ccxi]]
Kheri 2964·8 903,615 304·7 784,855 113,057 10 505 132 56
Faizâbâd 1728·1 1,216,959 703·7 1,076,831 138,461 161 1,254 55 171 4 22
Gonda 2879·9 1,459,229 506·6 1,253,514 205,425 248 42
Bahrâich 2680·3 1,000,432 373·2 829,701 169,798 48 124 37 721 3
Sultânpur 1709·9 1,075,851 629·2 958,952 116,846 53
Partâbgarh 1438·2 910,895 633·4 819,835 90,838 130 77 15
Bârabanki 1740·2 1,130,906 649·9 943,740 185,938 1,043 147 35 3
Total 107,502·8 46,905,085 436·4 40,380,168 6,346,651 84,601 58,441 22,053 11,343 1,387 342 60 14 3 22