Magna Carta, and Other Addresses

by William D. Guthrie

The framers had grasped the great truth that jurisprudence is a science, that the law must be administered by men learned in that science and bound to obey its rules and follow its precedents, that uniformity and certainty are essential to the administration of justice, and that the highest political liberty is the right to justice according to law and not according to the will of the judge or the judge's master, or according to the judge's individual discretion, or his notions of right and wrong. They had also arrived at the conclusion that every Englishman was entitled as of absolute right to a day in a court which would hear before it condemned, which would proceed upon notice and inquiry, and which would render judgment only after a fair trial. The plain people of England knew full well that the struggle for their old laws—the laws of their land, pious, good, fixed and permanent, as they devoutly believed them to be—would be fruitless unless they secured permanent courts and learned, independent and impartial judges; and they instinctively felt, if they did not clearly perceive, that the law is infinitely wiser than those who may be called upon to administer it, and that, as Aristotle had declared fifteen hundred years before, "to seek to be wiser than the laws is the very thing which is by good laws forbidden."

It was Magna Carta that established in England the doctrine of the rule of law administered in fixed courts by learned and independent judges bound to obey the law; and it was Magna Carta that established the greatest of all the English constitutional doctrines, that of the supremacy of the law over every official however high. When the Great Charter was being translated and explained in the cathedrals, churches and monasteries of England, the people fully understood the tremendous significance and value to them, determined as they were to establish a rule of law and put an end to arbitrary decrees, of the famous covenant in chapter forty-five that the king would "appoint as justices, constables, sheriffs, or bailiffs only such as know the law of the realm and mean to observe it well," and of the covenants in chapter seventeen that the "common pleas shall not follow our court, but shall be held in some fixed place"—in chapter eighteen that the petty assizes should be held in the county court—in chapter thirty-six that the writ of inquisition should be freely "granted, and never denied"—in chapter forty that "to no one will we sell, to no one will we refuse or delay, right or justice," which in time came to be interpreted as a universal guaranty of free and impartial justice to all classes high and low.

For many generations in England and in America it was believed that the writ of habeas corpus, justly esteemed the great bulwark of personal liberty, had its direct guaranty or at least its antecedent in Magna Carta. Such was the contention of counsel in the Five Knights case of 1627, and such was the declaration of the Petition of Right of 1628. This view is now being challenged on the ground that the exact procedure subsequently developed was not provided for in Magna Carta and was not in the minds of its authors. Even if this be so, the underlying principle of chapter thirty-six and its promise that the writ of inquisition should be freely "granted, and never denied" naturally led in time, after the passing of trial by combat, to the right of speedy inquisition by grand jury and trial by petit jury. At all events, the principle of the writ of habeas corpus was for centuries assumed to be embodied in Magna Carta.

Professor Dicey lecturing at Oxford on "The Law of the Constitution" has well remarked that, although the English Habeas Corpus acts declare no principle and define no rights, they are for practical purposes worth a hundred constitutional articles guaranteeing individual liberty. As in England, so with us. Without the writ of habeas corpus there would be no liberty worthy of the name and no rights of personal freedom of any practical value. We have only to read the leading cases in our courts to realize how great a part the writ has played and still plays in securing and rendering effective the fundamental principles of American liberty.

Chapters twelve and fourteen of Magna Carta dealt with the subject of taxation, and they laid the foundation of our representative system and of the separation of the legislative from the executive power. As has been suggested, the only legislative function that the people of England in the thirteenth century contemplated as closely affecting them or as likely to create any pressing grievance was that of taxation. It was, therefore, expressly provided in the Great Charter that, aside from the three existing feudal aids, more or less fixed, the power to impose taxes should not be exercised without the consent of the commune consilium. This common council is the body that fifty years later developed into the famous parliament of Simon de Montfort of 1265.

In the controversies in regard to taxation subsequently arising, whether in parliament, in the courts, or in the forum of public opinion, it was always insisted that Magna Carta prevented taxation without the consent of parliament, just as in the eighteenth century our ancestors contended that Magna Carta prevented taxation without representation, that is, prevented the imposition of taxes except by a legislative body in which the taxpayers were represented. We have only to refer to the arguments in the great constitutional cases before the courts of England in the seventeenth century, such as the famous case of Impositions in the reign of James I. and the still more famous case of Ship-Money in the reign of Charles I., to realize how much the people relied upon Magna Carta as establishing the doctrine that parliament alone could impose taxes.

The counsel for Bate in the former case and for Hampden in the latter case may not have apprehended the philosophical theory of the separation of governmental powers elaborated by Montesquieu in the next century, and they may not have contended that taxation was essentially a legislative function and, therefore, could not be exercised by the king; but in final analysis they affirmed these principles when they asserted that parliament alone could impose taxes. The judgment of a majority of the court in the Ship-Money case, as had been the judgment in the case of Impositions, was in favor of the crown, but the appeal to the country cost Charles I. his head and ultimately resulted in vesting in parliament the exclusive power to legislate and hence to tax. If England had then had an independent judiciary charged with the duty of enforcing the fundamental law of the land, the levying of the taxes in both of these cases would have been held contrary to the letter, as it was certainly contrary to the spirit, of Magna Carta.

It is no answer to say that the parliament of to-day finds its prototype not in the old common council referred to in Magna Carta, but in the parliament of 1265, nor is it an answer to say that the idea of taxation in its abstract form is essentially modern and was quite unknown in 1215. I do not suggest that the people of England in 1215 or even in 1265 understood the virtues of the representative system, or the principles of taxation or of the separation of powers. The point is that the direct consequence of the provisions of Magna Carta was a parliament based, theoretically at least, on the representative idea as well as on the principle that there could be no legislation without the consent of parliament.

The most famous of all the chapters of Magna Carta and the most important and far-reaching from a juridical point of view is undoubtedly the thirty-ninth, which provides that "no freeman shall be taken or imprisoned or disseised or exiled or in any way destroyed, nor will we go upon him nor send upon him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land."

The substance of this provision as to "the law of the land," or its equivalent "due process of law," is of universal application throughout the United States as a constitutional limitation upon the powers of government, and it is to be found not only in the Constitution of the United States but in the constitution of every state of the Union. It is now firmly established in American and English constitutional law, and it is familiar knowledge, that the terms "the law of the land" and "due process of law" are exactly equivalent in meaning and in legal force and effect. The earliest use of the phrase "due process of law" in American constitutions seems to have been in the fifth amendment to the Constitution of the United States, ratified in 1791. None of the state constitutions then in existence contained that term, but nearly all of them used the phrase "the law of the land." The phrase "due process of law" will be found in the New York bill of rights of 1787.