As the Whethams have written recently: "Of late years, the duty of the State to support the falling and fallen has been so much emphasized that its still more important duty to the able and competent has been obscured. Yet it is they who are the real national asset of worth, and it is essential to secure that their action should not be hampered, and their value sterilized, by the jealousy and obstruction of the social failures, and of others whom pity for the failures has blinded. Mankind has been shrewdly divided into those who do things and those who must get out of the way while things are being done, and if the latter class do not recognize their true function in life, they themselves will suffer the most. The incompetent have to be supported partially or wholly by the competent, and, even for their own good, it would be worth while for the incompetent to encourage the freedom of action and the preponderant reproduction of the abler and more successful stocks. It is only where such stocks abound that the nation is able to support and carry along the heavy load of incompetence kept alive by modern civilization."

In discussing the general subject of variation and variability in this connection, we must take always into account the biological distinction between variation and functional modification, between innate and acquired traits. Only the former are of real and primary value in evolution. The distinction is familiar and we cannot dwell upon it here; but it is of particular importance in dealing with social improvement and we shall return to it in the next chapter. Many "social variations" are in reality not variations at all, but modifications; although these may be of the greatest value to the in dividual modified, they are artificial things without permanent value to the race. So many of the distinguishing personal traits are the results of nurture rather than of nature. They represent the result of the incidence of special factors in the environment. It is extremely difficult and at times impossible to distinguish between variations and modifications in adult characters, but in general the distinction is usually clear upon careful analysis.

The changing of the innate characters of the human race is a slow process, depending chiefly upon the advantage taken of the appearance of real mutational variations. On the other hand, it is comparatively easy to improve the condition of the individual by improving his environing conditions—cleaning him, educating him, leading him to higher ideals in his physical and mental and moral life. But as this is easy, so it is impermanent. All this is modificational and has no influence upon the stock. This is not opposed by the Eugenist; it simply is no part of his province, for its effect is not racial. By releasing a deforming pressure it may permit the individual to come back to his real structurally determined condition, but the structural condition itself is not thus affected. It is temporary and must be done over with each generation, or on account of the unfortunate habit of "backsliding," even at intervals shorter than that of a generation.


Let us now turn to another phase of our subject and consider the biological methods of the description and measurement of heredity, as a preliminary to our next chapter in which we shall discuss the bearings of the facts of human heredity upon the possibility of the formation of a permanently improved human breed.

The fact of heredity is one of the most familiar and patent things about organisms. "Do men gather grapes of thorns or figs of thistles?" For we may define heredity as the fact of general resemblance between parent and offspring. This simple definition is disappointing to many persons. "Heredity" is so often supposed popularly to refer only to some occasional, striking, and unusual similarity within a family respecting certain traits or peculiarities. Very often the idea of heredity seems shrouded in mystery: it is some uncanny relation which explains peculiarities and helps the novelist out of difficulties, but is itself inexplicable. In truth, however, the fact that a boy, like his father, has a head and a heart and hands and feet, physical traits characteristic of the human species, that he begins to walk and talk and shave at about the same age as his father did—all this is the fact of heredity. The fact that guinea pigs produce guinea pigs and not rabbits is the fact of heredity. Often it is true that this resemblance is strikingly particular. All know of family traits; we may have our father's eyes or nose, our mother's hair or disposition, a grandfather's determination or a grandmother's patience. But these particular individual resemblances are no more and no less illustrations of heredity than the fact that on the whole children are more like their parents than like other human beings.

The subject of heredity is of supreme importance in the practice of Eugenics. The facts of no other department of biological inquiry are of equal value, and at the same time there is probably no biological subject regarding which there is so much misunderstanding. Of the many phases of this extremely fascinating subject there are chiefly two with which we are particularly concerned as Eugenists. These are the questions: first, how completely are all the distinguishing traits of either or both parents represented in the offspring; and, second, how completely is each trait inherited that is inherited at all? In other words, what we are chiefly interested to know, as bearing upon the subject in hand, is whether all or only some of the characteristics of our parents are heritable, and whether the offspring show each inherited trait with the same intensity shown in the parent, or more, or less.

One of the leading British students of heredity has said that no one should undertake the study of this subject unless he can instantly detect and explain the fallacy involved in the familiar conundrum, "Why do white sheep eat more than black ones?" It is perhaps the elasticity of our language that makes possible the mental confusion involved in this question, but yet it is certainly true that we do tend to confuse individual and statistical statements. We must remember, in connection with this subject particularly, that an individual may belong to a group without representing it, and that within a group there are many more individuals with average than with exceptional characteristics. The mediocre is common, the extremes are rare. And yet an unusual individual may really be an outlying member of a normal group.

In describing the facts of hereditary resemblance between successive generations two formulas are available. One deals ostensibly with the individual—the Mendelian formula: the other deals with the group—the statistical formula. It seems entirely probable that these are not formulas for describing two essentially different processes or forms of heredity, but that in reality these are two ways of describing the same facts seen from two different points of view. The Mendelian formula regards each individual separately and describes its heredity thus. The statistical formula regards the whole group as the unit and considers the individual not as such, but as one of the crowd, concerning which statements can be made only in terms of averages and probabilities; black sheep and white. Of these two formulas the Mendelian is obviously of much the greater importance on account of its more exact, more particular character; its greater definiteness gives it a value in the treatment of eugenic problems that statistical statements must inherently lack. While much has been written of late regarding the Mendelian formula of heredity, we shall find it profitable to repeat here its general outlines and to recall a few of the essential features of this important law that we shall make much use of later.

Let us have a concrete illustration. One of the simplest cases is that of the heredity of color in the Andalusian fowl which has been so clearly described by Bateson. There are two established color varieties of this fowl, one with a great deal of black and one that is white with some black markings or "splashes"; for convenience we may refer to these as the black and white varieties respectively. Each of these breeds true by itself. Black mated with black produce none but black offspring, white mated with white produce none but white offspring. Crossing black and white, however, results in the production of fowls with a sort of grayish color, called "blue" by the fancier, though in reality it is a fine mixture of black and white. At first sight we seem to have a gray hybrid race through the mixture of the black and the white races. Not so: for if we continue to breed successive generations from these blue hybrid fowls we get three differently colored forms. Some will be blue like the parents, some black like one grandparent, some white like the other grandparent. Not only this but we get certain definite proportions among these three classes of descendants. Of the total number of the immediate offspring of the hybrid blues, approximately one half will be blue like the parents, approximately one fourth black, and one fourth white like each of the grandparents. Now comes the most important fact of all. These blacks, bred together produce only blacks, the whites similarly produce only whites; the blues, on the other hand, when bred together produce progeny sorting into the same original classes and in the same proportions as were produced by the blues of the original hybrid generation. Their blacks and whites each breed true, their blues repeat the history of the preceding blues. No race of the hybrid character can be established: blues always produce blacks and whites, as well as blues. A summary of this history in graphic and diagrammatic form is given in Fig. 7.