At the risk of easing the conscience, let us finally return to the other side of society and look at a summarized statement of the Edwards Family given by Boies and drawn from Winship's account of the descendants of Jonathan Edwards. "1,394 of his descendants were identified in 1900, of whom 295 were college graduates; 13 presidents of our greatest colleges; 65 professors in colleges, besides many principals of other important educational institutions; 60 physicians, many of whom were eminent; 100 and more clergymen, missionaries, or theological professors; 75 were officers in the army and navy; 60 prominent authors and writers, by whom 135 books of merit were written and published and 18 important periodicals edited; 33 American States and several foreign countries, and 92 American cities and many foreign cities, have profited by the beneficent influence of their eminent activity; 100 and more were lawyers, of whom one was our most eminent professor of law; 30 were judges; 80 held public office, of whom one was Vice President of the United States; 3 were United States Senators; several were governors, members of Congress, framers of State constitutions, mayors of cities, and ministers to foreign courts; one was president of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company; 15 railroads, many banks, insurance companies, and large industrial enterprises have been indebted to their management. Almost if not every department of social progress and of the public weal has felt the impulse of this healthy and long-lived family. It is not known that any one of them was ever convicted of crime."
The serious consideration of bodies of facts like those contained in some of these pedigrees leads every thoughtful and sympathetic, every humanely minded, human being to ask—What can we do about it? The display of such conditions stimulates us to measures of relief. It is greatly to be regretted that the honest desire to do good often leads to the performance of ill-considered or unconsidered acts which may result in positive injury to the constitution of society, or at any rate at best merely in the amelioration of the immediate situation without reference to ultimate profit or penalty, or to the necessity for interminable amelioration. Such relief leaves out of account the fact that modifications are not heritable—not permanent, practically without effect in the long run. "Good intentions" have a certain well-known value as paving material, but not as building material.
The science of Eugenics includes not only the study of the data in this field, but further the formulation of definite courses of procedure; but it insists that these be based upon scientific principles and not upon emotional states. Philanthropic relief has become a serious business—is becoming a science. Eugenics is a science and it aims to put the human race upon such a level that the need for philanthropic relief will be less and continually less. We shall then be able to devote more of the resources of our time and money and energy to the production of permanent results. The Eugenist pleads in this work for more sympathetic consideration of the problems of relief—for a sympathy which is wider, which transcends the individual person and reaches the social group, even the nation or race. For just as a society is something more than the sum of its individual parts when taken separately, so the consideration of all the component individuals of a society taken separately and by themselves, results in something less than social consideration. Again "Charity refers to the individual; Statesmanship to the nation; Eugenics cares for both."
What, then, does the Eugenist propose to do? What is the eugenic program? Eugenics is not an academic matter—not an armchair science. It is intensely practical—so very practical, indeed, that the Eugenist hesitates to make many suggestions of a definite nature looking directly and immediately toward specific action. Something must precede action. The Eugenist has been ridiculed as one responsible for the absurd schemes proposed in his name, perhaps seriously, by the unscientific but well-intentioned sympathizer. Many persons have been led to object to what they believed to be a eugenic program which is not a eugenic program at all. Thus the willingness of some to offer adverse criticism of the subject and its aims has grown largely out of a common misconception of the matter and has led Galton to say, "As in most other cases of novel views, the wrongheadedness of objectors to Eugenics has been curious." As a scientist the Eugenist realizes clearly and fully that his new science is in a very early stage of its development. It is just entering upon what are the first stages in the history of any science, namely, the periods of the formulation of elementary ideas and the collection of facts. There are certain groups of facts, however, of glaring significance and undoubted meaning, and upon these as a basis the Eugenist already has a few, a very few, concrete suggestions for eugenic practice. In conclusion, then, we may outline tentatively and briefly a conservative eugenic program somewhat as follows:
First of all there must be an extensive collection of exact data—of the facts regarding all the varied aspects of racial history and evolution. These facts must be collected with great care and under the strictest scientific conditions. In this matter particularly must we "desert verbal discussion for statistical facts." Figures can't lie, but liars can figure. What we need first of all is the accumulation of masses of cold, hard facts, uncolored by any point of view, untinged by any propaganda: facts regarding the net fertility of all classes; facts regarding the racial effects of all sorts of environmental and occupational conditions; facts regarding variability and variation in the race; facts regarding human heredity of normal and pathological conditions, of physical and psychical traits. We have merely scratched the surface of the great masses of such data to be had for the looking. As Davenport has recently put it in his valuable essay on "Eugenics"—
"While the acquisition of new data is desirable, much can be done by studying the extant records of institutions. The amount of such data is enormous. They lie hidden in records of our numerous charity organizations, our 42 institutions for the feeble-minded, our 115 schools and homes for the deaf and blind, our 350 hospitals for the insane, our 1,200 refuge homes, our 1,300 prisons, our 1,500 hospitals and our 2,500 almshouses. Our great insurance companies and our college gymnasiums have tens of thousands of records of the characters of human blood lines. These records should be studied, their hereditary data sifted out and ... placed in their proper relations" that we may learn of "the great strains of human protoplasm that are coursing through the country." Thus shall we learn "not only the method of heredity of human characteristics but we shall identify those lines which supply our families of great men: ... We shall also learn whence come our 300,000 insane and feeble-minded, our 160,000 blind or deaf, the 2,000,000 that are annually cared for by our hospitals and Homes, our 80,000 prisoners and the thousands of criminals that are not in prison, and our 100,000 paupers in almshouses and out.
"This three or four per cent of our population is a fearful drag on our civilization. Shall we as an intelligent people, proud of our control of nature in other respects, do nothing but vote more taxes or be satisfied with the great gifts and bequests that philanthropists have made for the support of the delinquent, defective, and dependent classes? Shall we not rather take the steps that scientific study dictates as necessary to dry up the springs that feed the torrent of defective and degenerate protoplasm?
"Greater tasks than those contemplated in the broadest scheme of the Eugenics committee have been carried out in this country. If only one half of one per cent of the 30 million dollars annually spent on hospitals, 20 millions on insane asylums, 20 millions for almshouses, 13 millions on prisons, and 5 millions on the feeble-minded, deaf and blind were spent on the study of the bad germ plasm that makes necessary the annual expenditure of nearly 100 millions in the care of its produce we might hope to learn just how it is being reproduced and the best way to diminish its further spread. A new plague that rendered four per cent of our population, chiefly at the most productive age, not only incompetent, but a burden costing 100 million dollars yearly to support, would instantly attract universal attention, and millions would be forthcoming for its study as they have been for the study of cancer. But we have become so used to crime, disease and degeneracy that we take them as necessary evils. That they were, in the world's ignorance, is granted. That they must remain so, is denied."
Of course one should not jump from this to the conclusion that the fact of heredity is responsible for all of this defect. Disease is so often the result of infections to which none is immune, and defect is frequently the result of such disease. Warbasse has recently stated that "At least one fourth of our public institutions for caring for defectives is made necessary by venereal disease." Doubtless an appreciable share of this fourth is the result of hereditary tendencies, the expression of which gives the opportunity for such infection. Here as elsewhere no single factor accounts for all of the facts, although when, as the result of the increase of knowledge, we shall become able to make more definite statements, we no doubt shall find that heredity is the most important single factor in the disgraceful prevalence of crime, disease, and defect in our communities: indeed this is practically demonstrated to-day. These are questions of the most fundamental importance in our national life-history: our only "hope of perpetuity" lies in the right solution of such problems. And the crying need is for facts, always more facts.