The Turk and his lost provinces

by William Eleroy Curtis

The balance of power in Europe prevents the annexation of the Balkan States to the Russian Empire. Austria and Germany will not permit the Czar to extend his boundaries to the Mediterranean, but no power has yet been able to counteract the Russian influence in Bulgarian politics or prevent the Bulgarians from appealing to the Great White Bear when they are in danger or distress. Russian influence is paramount in Bulgaria to-day, not only because of affection, but for two other reasons: In the first place, the people are not strong enough to resist it, and in the second place, it is important for the Bulgarians to cultivate the friendship of their powerful neighbor in anticipation of events which may occur at any time. To no other source can they look for assistance.

SOFIA, THE CAPITAL OF BULGARIA

In the twelfth century occurred the second Russian invasion of Bulgaria, which was so general as to cause a fusion of races and the adoption of the Slav language and religion, which has been used by Russia as a pretext for exercising a protectorate over southeastern Europe. In the fourteenth century the Turks drove the Russians out, and in 1389 the country was brought completely under Ottoman rule, which continued until the close of the Russo-Turkish war in 1877-78. The pretext for that war was the protection of the members of the Greek Church against the cruelties and persecutions of the Turkish officials, and Mr. Gladstone, although out of power at the time in England, undoubtedly did more to bring it about than any other influence, by the publication of a pamphlet entitled “The Bulgarian Atrocities.” With fervid eloquence he described the sufferings of the Christians, and Eugene Schuyler, then United States consul-general at Constantinople, prepared a report which furnished the facts to sustain the appeal of Mr. Gladstone in awakening sympathy and indignation throughout the civilized world. The state of public feeling justified Alexander II. of Russia in undertaking to protect and avenge the victims of Moslem cruelty, who professed the same religion and spoke almost the same language as himself. While the motives of the Russian government may not have been entirely disinterested, the crusade was so just that public opinion overlooked the fact that it had been striving several hundred years to annex European Turkey to its own great empire and make Constantinople its southern capital.

Alexander II. was a humane man. He emancipated 40,000,000 of serfs, and, if his life had been spared a few years longer, he would have given the Russian people a liberal allowance of self-government and transformed an autocratic despotism into a constitutional monarchy. The Bulgarians worship his memory. They have erected a monument in his honor, and have called their principal park by his name. His portrait may be seen in the cabins of the peasants as well as in the palace of the reigning prince. At every stationer’s and news-stand, in every shop where postage stamps are sold, postal cards bearing his picture over the title “Liberator of Bulgaria” may be purchased. More of them are sold than of any other variety and this devotion and gratitude has continued for nearly a quarter of a century. One of the principal streets of Sofia is named in honor of Mr. Gladstone, and his portrait is also printed on postal cards, although I saw no recognition of Mr. Schuyler’s services to that country.

The blood that was spilled in behalf of Bulgaria in the siege of Plevna and in the defense of Shipka Pass was not shed in vain; and, as the price of peace, Russia demanded and Turkey consented in the Treaty of San Stefano that Bulgaria and Macedonia, known on the map as Rumelia, should be independent of the Sultan’s authority. But the other jealous Powers of Europe unfortunately interfered with this arrangement, and, at a conference in Berlin, created a new nation called Bulgaria, defining its limits as they appear upon current maps, but leaving out Macedonia and providing that it should be under “the direct political and military authority of the Sultan” with a Christian governor-general. It was also stipulated that religious freedom and tolerance should be guaranteed by the Turks, and that the people of the various provinces should have the privilege of electing their own magistrates and enacting their own laws, subject to the general approval of the imperial authorities at Constantinople. Various other important reforms were also promised by the Sultan affecting taxation, the protection of personal and property rights, and the general welfare of the people. If these pledges and stipulations had been carried out according to the letter of the treaty, Rumelia would be a happy, prosperous and peaceful country to-day, but the Powers at Berlin must have known that the Sultan of Turkey never kept a promise, and probably never will, and the childlike faith with which they accepted his profuse assurances of reform is the most astonishing phenomenon in political history.

When the great Powers met at Berlin after the close of the Russo-Turkish war, they told the people of Bulgaria that they might thereafter manage their own affairs and select their own king, subject to the approval of the Sultan. They were required to pay him annual tribute in lieu of the taxes which he used to collect in Bulgaria, but the amount was not definitely fixed, and the financial relations of the two countries are in a hopeless muddle, and will some time require an international commission to adjust them. Bulgaria was also held responsible for a share of the Turkish national debt, but it has never been definitely apportioned. As soon as their neighbors had decided what the Bulgarians must do, an election was ordered, and a legislative assembly chosen under the supervision of Russian soldiers, who interfered more or less at the polls, and endeavored to influence the voting by bulldozing, moral suasion, gilded promises and other inducements. A curious constitution was also prepared by a shrewd Russian politician and adopted by the people, although very few of them were able to comprehend it. In fact, nobody pretends to understand the document, and it was evidently intended to be ambiguous.

After a good deal of conferring and correspondence the national assembly selected as their sovereign Prince Alexander of Battenberg, a man of twenty-four, then holding a commission as lieutenant upon the staff of his great-uncle, Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany, and stationed at Potsdam. Alexander was directly or indirectly connected with several of the reigning families of Europe, and was therefore believed to be impartial. He was a nephew of the Czar of Russia, and his brother Henry was the husband of Queen Victoria’s daughter Beatrice. He was a great favorite with everybody, because of his amiable disposition, his frank and brave nature and his sterling integrity. The people of Bulgaria gave him a cordial welcome, and he commenced a series of reforms, said to have been recommended by Prince Bismarck, who took great interest in his career. He proved to be a good king, unselfish, warm-hearted, patriotic and ambitious to promote the welfare of the people whose destiny he was selected to control. But he was too frank and honest to cope with the conspirators by whom he was surrounded. The Bulgarians had been under Turkish bondage for five centuries, and were unfitted to govern themselves, like all people who have been subject to tyranny. They were even worse than the Cubans or the Filipinos. Bismarck said they “had been put into the saddle before they learned to ride.” The situation was aggravated by the jealousy of the surrounding nations—Germany, Austria, Russia, Turkey and Greece—which were inclined to use Bulgaria as a football in their political games. Russia was disappointed and vindictive because the other Powers had not permitted her to enjoy the fruits of her victory over the Turks and was determined to recover control of Bulgaria by intrigue, which has been done.

The lack of educated natives in Bulgaria made it necessary to fill nearly all of the important military and civil offices with foreigners, and the Russians obtained the most influential places. Clever men were sent from St. Petersburg to cultivate public sentiment and by mercenary and other means to influence the elections. The parliament, or Sobranje, as it is called, consists of a single chamber, elected by the votes of all citizens who can read and write. The ministry are absolutely independent of the chamber, and no parliamentary action can upset them. They are responsible only to the ruling prince, who also has entire authority to appoint and dismiss the officers of the army and the civil service. The only way the Sobranje can control him is by withholding appropriations, and in case of a deadlock with the sovereign there is no one to decide.

Bulgaria, without the slightest experience or preparation, was suddenly transformed into an independent state, with the machinery of the government entirely in the hands of foreigners, who were not only jealous, but hostile towards each other.