NOTE II.
I think it right to state, that my views of abolitionism have been founded in part, perhaps chiefly, on the testimony of others. I have attended no abolition-meetings, and never heard an abolition-address. But the strong, and next to universal impression, in regard to the tendency of the operations of this party to inflame common minds, confirmed, as it is, by what I have seen of their newspapers, must be essentially true. The orator, who was chiefly employed in addressing their meetings and forming societies, was distinguished by his vehemence and passionate invectives. On one occasion, there is strong proof of his having given an opinion in favor of cruel vengeance on the part of the slaves. This seems to contradict what I have said of the steady inculcation of forbearance and non-resistance by the abolitionists. But this case, if correctly reported, was an exception, an ebullition of uncontrollable passion in an individual, for which the rest were not responsible. I have thought it my duty to state the kind of evidence on which my views of abolitionism are founded, that others may better judge what confidence is due to them. In times of great excitement, it is not easy to arrive at the precise truth.
NOTE III.
It was my purpose to address a chapter to the South, but the failure of strength compelled me to pause; and when I considered, that the circulation of my book in that part of the country might be a crime, I had no encouragement to proceed. I beg, however, to say, that nothing which I have written can have proceeded from unkind feeling towards the South; for in no other part of the country have my writings found a more gratifying reception; from no other part have I received stronger expressions of sympathy. To these I am certainly not insensible. My own feelings, had I consulted them, would have led me to stifle every expression, which could give pain to those from whom I have received nothing but good-will.
I wished to suggest to the slaveholders, that the excitement now prevalent among themselves, was incomparably more perilous, more fitted to stir up insurrection, than all the efforts of abolitionists, allowing these to be ever so corrupt. I also wished to remind the men of principle and influence in that part of the country, of the necessity of laying a check on lawless procedures, in regard to the citizens of the North. We have heard of large subscriptions at the South for the apprehension of some of the abolitionists in the free States, and for the transportation of them to parts of the country where they would meet the fate, which, it is said, they deserve. Undoubtedly the respectable portion of the slaveholding communities are not answerable for these measures. But does not policy, as well as principle, require such men steadily to discountenance them? At present, the free States have stronger sympathies with the South than ever before. But can it be supposed that they will suffer their citizens to be stolen, exposed to violence, and murdered, by other States? Would not such an outrage rouse them to feel and act as one man? Would it not identify the abolitionists with our most sacred rights? One kidnapped, murdered abolitionist would do more for the violent destruction of slavery than a thousand societies. His name would be sainted. The day of his death would be set apart for solemn heart-stirring commemoration. His blood would cry through the land with a thrilling voice, would pierce every dwelling, and find a response in every heart. Do men, under the light of the present day, need to be told, that enthusiasm is not a flame to be quenched with blood? On this point, good and wise men, and the friends of the country at the North and South, can hold but one opinion; and if the press, which, I grieve to say, has kept an ominous silence amidst the violations of law and rights, would but speak plainly and strongly, the danger would be past.
Since writing the preceding chapters, I have seen in a Newspaper some notice of a meeting of ministers in one of the Southern States, in which slavery was spoken of as sinful. If the account was correct, the liberty of speech is not every where denied to the degree which I had supposed.
I have only to add, that I alone am responsible for what I have now written. I represent no society, no body of men, no part of the country. I have written by no one's instigation, and with no one's encouragement, but solely from my own convictions. If offence is given, I alone ought to bear it.