Corea: The Hermit Nation

by William Elliot Griffis

On November 27th, at the Victoria Hotel in the city of New York, I had the pleasure of spending an agreeable evening with the three Corean gentlemen, Min Yong Ik, So Kuang Pom, and Pien Su, the two latter being able to talk Japanese.[2] [[461]]Though many of my questions were answered and a number of subjects discussed, nothing could be learned of Corean Christianity, or of the relics or reminders of Hendrik Hamel and his Dutchmen.[3] Before leaving, Min Yong Ik, like a true Corean gentleman, brought out a large package of choicest ginseng roots, without which no well-to-do native of the Land of Morning Calm would think of travelling abroad. He presented me with several choice specimens of the man-shaped drug, each wrapped up in its own “arms” and “legs.”

On the same evening in Seoul, November 27th, a banquet was spread in the English-language-school building to celebrate the signing on the day before of two treaties, one with Great Britain and the other with the German Empire, the negotiator of the English treaty being Sir Harry Parkes.[4] The music was furnished by the band of the German man-of-war Leipsic. Seoul now began to be the residence of foreigners from Christendom, nine of whom were already in the city.

New Year’s Day, January 20, 1884, dawned brightly. The little children who during the summer are “dressed in a hair ribbon,” made the streets brilliant with their bright clothes of many colors, and the sky was gay with kites. In the royal palace audience was given to the envoys of China, Japan, and the United States. On February 28th the electric submarine cable between Nagasaki and Fusan was completed and messages from the once hermit nation were sent into the outside world. Han Yong Sik was appointed postmaster with power to organize a national postal system, stamps for which were engraved in Tokio. From this Japanese base of supplies many novelties from the Western world poured in, and the body politic, long insulated from other nations, thrilled with new currents of life. Treaties were made with Russia and Italy, June 25th and 26th. Later on, telegraph lines connecting [[462]]Seoul with Peking and with Fusan were completed. The year following the arrival home of the first Coreans who had gone round the world was a year of progress, such as Corea had never known before or has known since.

Through the advice of Ensign Foulke, several reformatory measures, political and industrial, were promulgated. The most ardent member of the reform party, Pak Yong Hio, being made mayor of Seoul, immediately set to work at sanitary and municipal improvement. Some progress was made in dress improvement. A model farm, for which California live stock had been ordered, was sown by American seeds liberally given in Washington. Edison electric lights, American rifles and Gatling guns, a powder mill, a mint, a printing office for the dissemination of useful literature for the people, together with Japanese artisans to establish or improve properties, paper factories, and other industries, not excepting the fisheries and whale hunting, gave indications of the new path of national progress upon which Corea had entered. Altogether the early days of 1884 were as a morning of bright promise, for public opinion, so far as it existed, that is, among the nobles and gentry, seemed to be entirely in favor of progress. The most hopeful felt that the Corean Government, having begun lo relay the foundations of the kingdom, would persevere and possibly even excel Japan.

On the other hand, with the tide of Confucian bigotry rising and the Conservatives encouraged by Chinese reactionaries on the soil, how could there be any real advance? Yuan, the Chinese commissioner, living at the barracks in front of the palace, was ceaselessly active in the interests of his own Government, which meant active support of the Conservative party and opposition to reform. Over against enlightened liberalism, several incidents stood out in dark contrast, showing the inherent barbarism, the low state of Corean humanity, and the slight value set on human life. When the Chinese soldiery arrived, they seized ten of the rioters of 1882, court-martialled them, tied their limbs to bullocks, and tore them to pieces. Even after these men in office had returned from civilization they had eight more men, suspected of complicity with the Regent, executed by poison. Furthermore, the Kwang Wang temple was built, devoted to the interests of three thousand or more sorcerers and exorcists in Seoul, who enjoyed the [[463]]direct patronage of the Queen, and sucked the vitals of the nation, making respectable government impossible.

The innovations effected by the Progressives, who thought that they had the King and Queen in full sympathy with them, led them to hope that they would be able soon to reorganize the Government, to differentiate the Court from the Administration, and to make Corea a modern state. But according to the measure of their success, so also was the suspicion and hostility of the Conservatives. Min Yong Ik while abroad might be a Liberal, an individual with personal convictions and opinions, but once back in the bosom of his family and under pressure of his clan, he lost interest in reform. The Progressive leaders began to look upon him as a traitor to their cause. He took his stand with the Conservatives and it was soon evident that the Queen was withdrawing her sympathy and support from the Liberals, whose hopes seemed about to be dashed to the ground. These men therefore turned more and more to the Japanese and to their methods and spirit. They saw the revenues for the promised industries and enterprise diverted to warlike enterprises. It looked as if Corea, as tributary vassal, was to help China against France in the Tonkin complication. Added to the fears of the Liberals was the local irritation caused by the insolent behavior of the ill-disciplined native troops who had been recruited almost wholly from the peddlers and hucksters of the country fairs. The peddler’s guilds in Corea hold a truly feudal relation to the Government, often preparing the roads and escorting officials on their journeys, acting as detectives, and forming militia according to the occasion. Some astonishing proofs of their power and discipline, especially in mountain regions, were given by Min Yong Ik to Lieutenant Foulke. Instead of their being independent, as they had hoped for under the American treaty, it seemed to the progressive men that the Chinese were more than ever ruling their country, and that the Mins were their tools.

It was about October 25th that the Liberals, feeling that their heads were likely to remain on their shoulders only so long as it pleased their enemies to bring no charge against them, declared to their American friend that “for the sake of Corea, about ten of the prominent Conservatives would have to be killed.” They proposed to play the same old Asiatic game of first seizing the person [[464]]of the sovereign and then in his name proclaiming their own measures and reforms. The preliminaries would be a fire and a riot. Then, in the confusion, the man with a programme, knowing just what to do, would direct affairs. They believed that the Powers would condone and approve their action, make new and more favorable treaties, and loan money for national improvement. Though the Conservatives had at their call a rabble of rapacious militia eager to try their new tools of war upon their hereditary enemies, the Japanese, the Liberals knew full well the sterling qualities of the little body of Japanese infantry then in the capital, most of whom were from northern Japan and many of them deer hunters and dead shots with the rifle. There were fifteen hundred Chinese soldiers still in camp, under Yuan Shi Kai, then the lieutenant and later the successor of Li Hung Chang, but the Progressive plotters in their craft expected to secure the employment of the two hundred or more Japanese soldiers for their own purposes. The moment for action seemed to be propitious for early December. A Japanese man-of-war was expected to arrive in Chemulpo on the 5th or 6th of that month. China, pressed by France, had withdrawn half her troops. Japan with a view to strengthening her influence in Corea had, a few days before, remitted $400,000 of the indemnity exacted for the riot of 1882. The golden moment to strike off forever the chains of political slavery to China was approaching. The date was set for the 7th of December.

When, however, news arrived that the Japanese gunboat had broken down and was delayed and it was known that the Conservatives had got some intimation of what was coming, it was decided to start the fire, the riot, the coup d’état a few days earlier. On the night of the 4th of December, Han Yong Sik, the Postmaster-General, gave a dinner at the new post-office, situated in the very heart of the city. The guests were three Chinese, Yuan, Chin, and Wang, two Americans, General Foote and his secretary, Mr. Scudder, the British Consul-General, W. G. Aston, the German Foreign Adviser, Von Möllendorf, and a dozen or more Corean high officers, both Conservatives and Progressives, Han Yong Sik, Kim Ok Kiun, Min Yong Ik, Pak Yong Hio, and So Kwang Pom. Others also were present. The Japanese minister was absent on the plea of ill-health. [[465]]

It was noticed that Kim Ok Kiun rose and left the table several times, going out into the courtyard, but nothing was thought of this action. The guests sat down at six. At seven a fire broke out, a house just in front of the post-office being in flames. Min Yong Ik, who had charge of the city fire-brigade, rose from the table, and calling on his servants to follow him, passed out. As he did so, a man dressed in Japanese clothes leaped out of the shadow of the gateway and struck at him fiercely with a sword. Min Yong Ik fell heavily, but though wounded in head and body he recovered through the skilful surgery of Dr. Horace N. Allen. The assassin escaped, and the Corean guests, instead of leaving by the door, got away over the back wall. Hastening immediately to the old palace, the leaders of the conspiracy reached the royal presence, announced that the Chinese were coming to seize the King’s person and that he must hasten to a place of safety. Reaching the small gate leading into the Kiong-u Palace, Kim Ok Kiun requested the King to send to the Japanese minister for a body-guard, but his Majesty refused. Thereupon So Kwang Pom drew out a piece of foreign note-paper and a pencil and wrote in Chinese the words “Let the Japanese minister come and give me his help.”[5] This was despatched by a servant.

When the little company reached the Kiong-u Palace, the King was saluted by the Japanese minister and his interpreter, the twelve students who had been in Japan, and two hundred soldiers under Captain Murakami drawn up in line, who by some magic were all waiting there. Here then was the new Government, king, army, and counsellors. Word was sent to three of the Corean Liberals to come and receive office under the reconstructed authority. With amazing promptness they were present within half an hour. The programme had thus far been carried out with the precision of actors on a well-regulated theatrical stage. The “summoning tablet” was sent early in the morning by royal messenger to six of the Conservative leaders. Going to the palace in the expectation of losing their lives, they first sent word to the Chinese Yuan, warning him of the state of affairs and asking his [[466]]help. As soon as they had passed inside the palace gates their heads were chopped off. The royal eunuch was put to death in spite of the entreaties and remonstrances of the King himself. While the Japanese surrounded the gates of the palace, Kim Ok Kiun gave passes to those who were to be allowed to go in and out. In the reconstructed Government Yo Cha Wun and Han Yong Sik were prime ministers, Pak Yong Hio was made General-in-Chief, So Kwang Pom Minister of Foreign Affairs, Kim Ok Kiun Minister of Finance, and Su Ja Pil Lieutenant-General. The young men who had studied in Tokio were also given official positions. All these proceedings simply illustrate the Corean method of the Opposition’s moving a vote of censure of the Government.