For fifteen years after the conquest of the Vandals continual uprisings of the Moorish clans troubled the settlement of Africa, and a fitful warfare, sometimes furious, was waged between them and the Empire. Swarms of these nomads often appeared in the field, but their jealousy and distrust of each other was so inveterate that their forces could on no occasion be mustered to act in combination. Their internecine feuds were never allayed, and during most of their revolts great hosts of them elected to fight as allies of the Byzantines in order to suppress the efforts of their own kin. On each side more than one hundred thousand often appeared in arms simultaneously, but to the disciplined and mail-clad soldiers of the Empire their martial equipment always seemed contemptible. Notwithstanding their contiguity to the Romans for so many centuries, they had not profited by their observation and experience to imitate the methods of warfare which had invariably proved effectual against themselves. A burnous of white linen enveloped their head and body, leaving the legs and arms bare; a small leather shield formed their sole defensive armour; and their only weapons of attack were a short sword and a couple of javelins.[440] When at war all the members of a tribe, accompanied by their flocks and herds, marched in conjunction to the battle-field. To the women was entrusted the duty of tending the cattle, sharpening the weapons, building huts, and entrenching the camp. A great circle was enclosed by a living rampart consisting of the domestic animals. Externally ranks of camels, linked together twelve deep, formed the main defence; within were ranged the oxen, sheep, and goats. Women, children, and old men, in charge of whatever valuables they possessed, were congregrated in the central space.[441] At the approach of an enemy the Moorish infantry packed themselves in the interstices of the camels' limbs, whilst the cavalry took advantage of whatever cover was afforded by the adjacent woods and hills. On the arrival of the hostile troops javelins were hurled from the entrenchments, the warriors on horseback poured down on each side to assail the enemy's flanks, and the women flung stones, balls of lead, and lighted torches from the interior of the camp. Horses were repelled by the sight and scent of the camels, and refused to carry their riders forward to the attack. Under the circumstances the only expedient was to dismount the cavalry and assault the men and animals determinedly on foot. On one occasion Solomon, by the slaughter of about two hundred camels, cut his way into the camp, whereupon the Moors fled precipitately in all directions.[442] On another, the enemy had posted themselves in immense numbers on the level top of Mount Burgaon, but the Romans climbed the sides during the night, and at break of day suddenly appeared above the crest on both sides of the horde. A panic ensued, and a wild rush was made in the direction of a proximate summit. But the fugitives were intercepted by an unsuspected gulch, into which all dashed headlong, urged by the irresistible pressure from behind. Men and horses rolled down until the gap was filled to the level of the opposite side. The rest then saved themselves by passing over the bodies of those who had perished in this manner, to the number, it was estimated, of 50,000.[443] After such victories all the occupants, contents, and constituents of the camp became the prize of the conquerors; and the slave market for Moorish captives at Carthage was so overstocked that a youth could be purchased for the same price as a sheep.[444] The final pacification of Africa was due to John Troglita, the successor of Artabanes, who, in several campaigns extending over three years, inflicted many defeats on the Moors, and drove the most turbulent tribes beyond the Roman frontier.[445] His deeds of valour provoked so much admiration among the Africans, and were of such signal benefit to the country, that one of their number, Cresconius Corippus, was impelled to celebrate his career in an epic poem designed to place him in the same niche of glory as the heroes immortalized by Homer, Virgil, and Claudian.[446]
As a result of his conquest of Africa, Justinian came into collision with the Visigoths of Spain, an event which led to a permanent occupation of a portion of the south-east coast of that peninsula by the Byzantines. The castle of Septem, on the headland to the south of the Straits of Gades, was in the hands of these barbarians, wherefore a brigade was sent by Belisarius to capture it.[447] Shortly after they had succeeded in doing so, Theudias, King of the Visigoths, despatched a counter expedition against the Byzantines, but this force was soon destroyed through being attacked unexpectedly on a Sunday.[448] Nearly a score of years afterwards (554) a religious war broke out in Spain through the Arian King, Agila, wishing to coerce his Catholic subjects, whom he besieged in their principal stronghold of Cordova. The leader of the rebels was a noble[449] named Athanagild, and, as the Roman prestige was now supreme in the West, as well as because of the religious affinity, he applied to the Emperor for aid against the Arian persecutors.[450] Justinian responded, and sent Liberius,[451] a general who was then engaged in the reduction of Sicily,[452] with the result that Agila suffered a crushing defeat at Seville.[453] He fled to Merida, hoping to find a refuge among faithful subjects, but the fallen king had become an object of contempt and fell a victim to a plot which was speedily hatched for his assassination. The Visigoths then surrendered to the prestige of his rival and elected Athanagild as king,[454] whereupon a compact of tolerance was ratified between the two parties.[455] They now wished to dispense with the services of the Byzantines, whose proceedings struck them with alarm, as, instead of preparing to evacuate the country, they seemed to have settled themselves permanently in those fortresses to which they had gained admittance through their alliance with the Catholics. A summons to depart having been disregarded, a petty war ensued; and, although the King gained some battles, he was ultimately obliged to acquiesce in the Byzantine occupation of several notable cities[456] in the south-east, among which were Cordova, Carthagena, and Malaga.[457] Such are the facts, so far as they are known, relating to this campaign, which is sometimes dignified by the title of "Justinian's conquest of Spain."[458]
[375] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 10.
[376] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 10. The only authority for the Vandal war is Procopius, whom later chroniclers abridge and generally refer back to.
[377] See recent French works on Algeria by Vignon, Wahl, etc.
[378] Plutarch, Marius.
[379] Plutarch, Caius Gracchus. The name was changed to Junonia, lest its proper designation should be ill-omened.
[380] Appian, Hist. Rom., viii, 136; Solinus, 27, etc.
[381] Strabo, XVII, iii, 15; Herodian, vii, 6; Ausonius, De Clar. Urb., etc. Scarcely second to CP., according to the latter. Salvian (c. 450) calls it "the Rome of Africa"; De Gub. Dei, vii, 16.
[382] "A Consul in power and prestige," says Salvian (loc. cit.), "though only a Pro in name."