[502] Procopius, op. cit., iv, 9.

CHAPTER X
ROME IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: WAR WITH THE GOTHS IN ITALY

IN the third quarter of the fifth century, the Teutonic invaders of the Western Empire had established themselves firmly in all its provinces, and wielded a predominant power in the government. In the year 476 Odovacar was the head of the barbarians in Italy, whilst a youth named Romulus Augustulus was formally recognized as Emperor.[503] The potent barbarian abolished the Imperial throne and relegated its occupant to a decent exile in the castle of Lucullus in Campania.[504] At the same time he deprecated the anger of Zeno, the Eastern Emperor, and forwarded the Imperial regalia to Constantinople in token of his submission to him as a vassal.[505]

A few years later Theodoric, the young King of the East Goths, exercised an ascendancy in Thrace almost equal to that of Odovacar in Italy, and ravaged the country up to the gates of the capital. Zeno effected an accommodation with him, nominated him as Master of Soldiers at Court, and even honoured him with the Consulship (484).[506] Theodoric, however, was impatient of control; and he proposed to the Emperor that he should march against Odovacar with his countenance, and reign independently in Italy under his suzerainty should he succeed in conquering that country.[507] Zeno, glad to dispense with his formidable service, at once assented, and the Gothic King departed forthwith on his enterprise (488).[508] For two years Odovacar opposed the invader in battle, but the fortune of war declared for his adversary; and at last he found himself immured compulsorily within the walls of Ravenna. For three years he held this stronghold against the Gothic King, until the misery caused by the siege rendered him willing to treat. A compact was made that both kings should rule jointly, and Theodoric was allowed to establish himself in the city.[509] Shortly it was whispered that Odovacar was engaged in a plot, a danger which his colleague met by devising another. In this contest the Goth again became the victor. The associate King was invited to a banquet, his movements were hampered under the pretence of calling his attention to a written petition, and Theodoric dealt him a death stroke with his sword (493).[510]

The Goth now secured for himself the allegiance of all the barbarians in Italy, and sent an embassy to apprize Anastasius, who had been raised to the throne in the meantime, of the final success of his enterprise. The new Emperor replied with congratulations, and returned to Theodoric the Imperial insignia which had been sequestered at Constantinople.[511] The reign of the Gothic king lasted for thirty-three years, and was characterized by beneficence and religious toleration towards his Roman subjects. His court was upheld politically by the most eminent men of Latin race whom the West produced in his time. He retained, as his chief ministers, Boethius and Cassiodorus, men of literary attainments, whose works have come down to us and are still read for pleasure and instruction. But in his last days the alien king became distrustful of his officials of native lineage, and Boethius, with his father-in-law, Symmachus, fell a victim to his morbid suspicions.[512]

Theodoric was succeeded by his grandson Athalaric, the son of his daughter Amalasuntha, a boy only ten years of age. The mother, a beautiful and accomplished woman, became queen-regent; but she soon incurred the enmity of a powerful section of the Gothic nobles by educating her son according to the scholastic discipline usual among civilized nations.[513] They insisted that the use of arms was the only fit training for a Gothic youth, asserting that "the boy who had trembled beneath a rod would never endure the sight of a sword." As a result his tuition in letters was abandoned, and Athalaric was left free to follow his own devices. If he died in his eighteenth year, after a short career of dissipation and debauchery, we may feel assured that he was incapable of either arms or letters, and the issue need not be attributed to his emancipation from tutorial control.[514]

Having despaired of her popularity among the chief men of her nation, Amalasuntha began to nourish treacherous designs against the Goths. While her son was in apparent health she concerted a flight to Constantinople, with the interested connivance of Justinian, contingent on her failure to destroy a faction whom she believed to be seeking her own destruction. When his decease was in prospect she went further, and meditated the total surrender of her kingdom into the hands of the Eastern Emperor. Justinian listened, but the scheme was only remotely feasible, and the Gothic queen made an effort to repair her feminine disability by assuming her cousin Theodahad as her partner on the throne. She offered him the name of King, with the convention that in her alone should be resident the regal prerogative. He accepted, but in bad faith and with a private reservation as to his own prepotency.

Theodahad was a married man of middle age, and has the distinction of being the first recorded scholar of the great German nation whose work in literature and science has so much contributed to the progress of knowledge in modern times. He was a devoted student of Latin and Greek philosophy,[515] but he was also noted for his avarice; and, as the possessor of large estates in Tuscany, laboured to accumulate wealth by unflinching extortion. Previous to this time Amalasuntha had been forced to deal sternly with him in order to repress his unscrupulous exactions. Exasperated by her interposition, he also had contemplated the betrayal of his countrymen; and was at the moment in treaty for the delivery of his province to Justinian in return for a position of honour at the Byzantine Court, and a commensurate gift of money. As soon as he was associated to the throne he leagued with the enemies of Amalasuntha, and made away with some of her chief supporters. His next step was to seize the person of the queen, whom he incarcerated in an island castle of the Volsinian lake in Tuscany. At the same time he sent two legates, members of the Roman Senate, to explain the matter to the Emperor. They assured him that the prisoner would suffer no personal injury, and presented a letter, written under constraint by Amalasuntha, in which she spoke resignedly as to her captivity.

Immediately after the successful issue of the Vandal war Justinian became ambitious of adding the kingdom of Italy to his dominions; and it is probable that his wishes in this respect were more or less openly expressed. Hence the overtures insidiously made by Amalasuntha and Theodahad, who must have read clearly that any proposals of theirs, which conduced to his cherished design, would be welcomed by the Emperor. Justinian was, therefore, on the watch to find a case for war, even in occurrences of little moment, which would ordinarily be settled by a diplomatic conference. While Gelimer was still a fugitive, a force was sent to occupy Lilibaeum, a fortress at the western extremity of Sicily, on the grounds that it had been granted as a depôt to the Vandals, on the marriage of Theodoric's sister to one of their kings.[516] The lady, however, had been imprisoned and ultimately executed by Hilderic, and the Goths had resumed possession of the post.[517] Consequently the proposed Byzantine garrison was refused admittance.[518] Further, ten Hunnish deserters from the Imperial army had been received in asylum at Naples; and the Goths, while opposing an inroad of the Gepaeds at Sirmium, had inflicted some damage on a neighbouring town of the Empire. The queen-regent replied by pointing out the triviality of the complaints, and the shadowy nature of the claim to Lilibaeum; and concluded by maintaining that the Vandal expedition would have been a failure only for the liberal succour she had afforded to it as they lay off Sicily. These questions were agitated ostensibly with the view merely of fixing the attention of the Gothic nation; and when the Imperial legates repaired to the court of Ravenna their real mission was to discuss the possibility of annexing Italy to the Empire.[519] On their return to Constantinople the ambassadors had to communicate, not only the measures concerted with Amalasuntha, but also the proposals of Theodahad, by whom they had been secretly approached during their stay in the Gothic kingdom. Justinian was overjoyed at the receipt of their message, and began to hope for an early realization of his project. Without loss of time, therefore, he despatched another legation, more studiously constituted, at the head of whom was Peter Magister. Events, however, had been proceeding rapidly in Italy, and they started in ignorance of the death of Althalaric, the elevation of Theodahad, and the deposition of Amalasuntha. In Macedonia they were arrested by the Queen's emissaries, on the coast of Epirus by those of the King: they halted and referred back to the Emperor. A supplementary instruction was given them; they were to declare in no uncertain tone that Justinian would defend the interests of Amalasuntha.