Both sides now matured their dispositions for pressing on and sustaining the siege. Belisarius posted divisions of the garrison at each gate, drafting into the service all the available citizens, and walled up the aqueducts at their place of entry, lest the enemy should be tempted to imitate his own successful stratagem at Naples. At the same time he exhorted the townspeople, who were inclined to jeer at his temerity in defying such a huge army, to be of good cheer, as he had excellent reasons for predicting that he should be victorious over the Goths. On his side Vitigis disposed his forces in seven fortified camps on the north of Rome, one being across the river near St. Peter's by the Vatican. In each case he dug a foss and cast a rampart, the top of which was defended by a line of stakes. Every channel by which provisions could enter the city was blocked, and all the aqueducts were cut through in order to produce a water famine. A variety of machines for storming the fortifications were also constructed: battering-rams; wooden towers as high as the battlements, rolling on four wheels and drawn by oxen; ladders in great number; and bundles of sticks and reeds to fill up the moat and thus give access over level ground to the walls. To resist such attacks engines for throwing heavy stones and darts were placed on the top of the walls by the besieged; huge beams, provided with teeth and worked by ropes, were hinged to the gates so as to beat down the enemy if they attempted to force the portals; and the towers were brought to a standstill by killing the draught-oxen with arrows.
During the first few weeks of the siege many determined efforts to scale the walls were made by the Goths, who expected to overwhelm the small garrison by their superior numbers. The most notable of these attacks was that made on the Aurelian gate, which stood on the river bank and was connected by a bridge over the Tiber with the quadrangular base of the Mausoleum of Hadrian. Constantine, with a small detachment of the garrison, occupied the walls and the monument, from which a colonnade extended to the church of St. Peter. Under cover of the portico the Goths were able to advance to close quarters without fear of missiles shot by hand or from the engines. They emerged from beneath in great force, protecting themselves with large shields and carrying numerous ladders. Some strove to ascend the monument; others crossed the bridge to scale the city walls. As soon as they appeared in the open their attack was hotly contested by the Byzantines, who aimed at them with arrows and stones from the engines. By a sudden impulse, those who defended the Mausoleum seized on the statues with which it was decorated, broke them in pieces, and hurled the fragments with both hands on the heads of the assailants. Thus for some time the battle raged furiously, but at length the Goths were repulsed.
As the siege proceeded, weekly sallies from the gates were studiously organized by Belisarius; and in these encounters the Goths almost invariably suffered in extraordinary disproportion to what might be expected from the paucity of combatants arrayed against them. On one occasion, for example, in a battle at the Salarian gate, thirty thousand of them are stated to have been slain, while the wounded totalled a still larger amount. Having by such results proved his forecast that victory would incline to his side, Belisarius condescended to explain to his staff why he had expressed himself so confidently at the beginning of the siege. The Byzantine army, he pointed out, was composed almost entirely of skilful horse-archers, especially the Huns, whilst the Gothic cavalry were provided only with swords and spears, being, moreover, without protective armour. Hence, they were powerless except in a hand-to-hand fight; but in conflict with his mounted bowmen most of them were brought down before they could come to close quarters. Such was his demonstration, but nevertheless, as weeks rolled over, the Roman general found that his position was becoming precarious owing to the diminutive size of his army and the immense host which they had to resist. The Goths also, taught by experience, ceased to attack the walls in a densely packed throng, a proceeding which was the prime cause of their being repulsed with such huge slaughter, since every missile aimed at them told with deadly effect. He began to fear, therefore, that in the end his task might prove to be greater than he could cope with, and set about devising expedients to lighten the situation. In one way the besieged were not so hard pressed as might have been anticipated; owing to the extensive circuit of the walls, even the very numerous forces of the Goths were unable to maintain a strict blockade. Thus communication with the outside world, though not devoid of risk, was still facile. Belisarius now forwarded an earnest entreaty to Justinian, praying for reinforcements, and representing that the hardships endured by the Romans might induce a renewal of their allegiance to the Goths. He also determined to empty the city of all inhabitants who were useless for its defence; and this was done one night after the enemy had returned to their camp. An immense multitude—women, children, and slaves—were cast adrift, and some by boats down the Tiber, others on foot along the Appian Way, fled to the south, ultimately finding a refuge in Campania or Sicily. For a different reason Pope Silverius and several senators were dismissed, as suspicions were aroused that they had begun to treat clandestinely with the Goths.
After this departure, however, the horrors of the siege began to be felt more acutely on both sides. Vitigis, seeing that his efforts were being frustrated, stationed a body of troops at the mouth of the Tiber to prevent supplies reaching the city by water; and he also transformed some of the arches of each aqueduct into guard-houses so that they might intercept the import of provisions from the surrounding country. Inside Rome the agitation grew to an extreme, and, as famine and pestilence became rife, a recrudescence of Pagan superstition began to be manifested. In the night some eager hands essayed to open the temple of Janus in the Forum, but the brazen doors, long rusted upon their hinges, refused to turn; and a gaping at their junction was all that attracted notice next day to indicate the ineffectual attempt. At the same time, all who were fit to bear arms clamoured to be led out against the Goths. Soon, however, fresh forces began to arrive from Constantinople, and a regiment of fifteen hundred succeeded in entering the city. Later on, a fleet manned by three thousand Isaurians reached Ostia and hovered about the river mouth to convoy provision ships which were preparing to run the blockade. Procopius and Antonina had, in fact, been sent to Naples to organize relief measures, and they returned before long with copious stores. A number of small boats navigated the Tiber and revictualled Rome unopposed, although observed by the Goths, either because they had become apathetic, or because overtures for peace had already been made by their King.
The siege had commenced in March, and such was the progress of events during the succeeding nine months. When December had already been entered upon, Vitigis found that his position was becoming desperate, whilst the capture of Rome seemed more hopeless than ever. An almost endless succession of defeats, together with disease and deficiency of food in his camp, had been productive of enormous losses to the Gothic army; and it was now rumoured that both by land and sea a great increment of forces was on the way from Constantinople. He resolved, therefore, to make peace with the Empire, if any reasonable terms could be obtained from his adversaries. A conference in Rome between three Gothic delegates and the Master of Soldiers was the result of his decision. With the tone adopted by the Byzantine Court at the beginning of the war rankling in their mind, the representatives of Vitigis recapitulated the story of Odovacar, Theodoric, and the Emperor Zeno; and thence inferred the injustice of the present invasion of Italy. Founding his arguments on the most arrogant pretence or ignorance, Belisarius, in reply, asserted virtually that Theodoric had been merely a general employed by Zeno to restore Italy to his dominions, and charged him roundly with perfidy and ingratitude for setting himself up on an independent throne in that country. In the face of such insolent or ignorant assurance, expostulation was evidently futile, and the Goths could only proceed to mention hesitatingly their bid for peace. They would cede Sicily, Campania, and Naples, and would pay a yearly tribute to the Emperor. He thanked them ironically for their generosity; they would give away what was no longer theirs; Britain in return should be presented to the Goths; a much finer island than Sicily; it had once belonged to the Romans. "At least," they urged, "let us communicate with the Emperor, and let there be a truce for three months until we receive his answer." To this proposal he gave a careless acquiescence, and the deputation then withdrew.
Belisarius, however, had no intention of not pushing his advantage in arms. Reinforcements had been arriving in batches, whilst the enemy had relaxed their vigilance in the belief that hostilities had practically ceased. Finding himself, therefore, with a surplus of troops at Rome, he began to throw detachments into every town of the neighbourhood, which was not in a state of active defence. At the same time he ordered John, a nephew of Vitalian, to proceed northwards with two thousand horse, cautioning him in a tone of levity not to begin raiding the country at once, but to await instructions. Seeing that the attitude of the Roman general amounted to no more than a farcical observance of the truce, Vitigis, on his side, began to ponder over some insidious stratagem by which he might capture Rome. First, he attempted a nocturnal entry through a subterranean aqueduct; but after exploring its channel for some distance into the city, his men were brought up by the recent obstructions and had to retreat. Then he bribed some of the purveyors of wine to the garrison to ply the sentinels on the river wall, where they were fewest in number, with drugged liquor, but one of his intended agents betrayed the plot. He even tried to rush the walls at the Pincian gate by a sudden onset with ladders and fire during the dinner hour, but the approach of the surprise party was signalled, so that they were met and repulsed.
Through the Goths being seduced into these attempts by his own enterprises, Belisarius found the opportunity he was looking for, and paid no further heed to the factitious truce. He now, therefore, gave the expected cue to John, who at once began to devastate central Italy, in a chase from Auximum to Urbinum, and shortly arrived within sight of Ariminum on the Adriatic. Here was another traitress, ready to betray her nation for the sake of personal pique and vexation; and John soon received a message from Matasuentha, the unwilling wife of the Gothic king, proposing that the city should be surrendered to him with her collusion. This treachery was quickly consummated, and the lieutenant-general took possession of that important stronghold.[557]
Seat of JUSTINIAN'S WARS in the West
As had been foreseen, consternation spread through the Gothic camp before Rome the moment the news arrived that their families and homesteads to the north were being looted by the Byzantines; and Vitigis, himself in great concern at the malevolence of his wife, decided at once to raise the siege. With the least delay possible the barbarian host, having fired their encampment, put themselves in motion and marched northwards on their return to Ravenna. The unusual activity was soon observed by the Romans, whereupon Belisarius discharged all his available forces through the Pincian gate to assault the retreating enemy. A sharply contested battle ensued, but the Goths shortly took to flight and made all haste to cross the Milvian bridge. There the crush became excessive, with the result that numbers were drowned in their armour as they attempted the narrow passage, whilst those in the rear were falling under the weapons of their adversaries. Thus ended the siege, having lasted for one year and nine days, during which time sixty-nine battles were fought between the besieged and the besiegers.