AQUEDUCT AND CONVENT OF SAINT TERESA. RIO JANEIRO.
The present Emperor is in every respect admirably fitted for his high station. Born in the country, without the advantage of a knowledge of European life, and that finished tone of education it affords, but possessed of natural endowments of an exalted order, and having turned to the utmost advantage the opportunities of a studious and virtuous youth, he carries with him the full national sympathies of the native Brazilians, the respect of the old Portuguese party, and the esteem of the whole foreign diplomatic body, to whom he dispenses the honours and hospitality of a prudently managed court. As the sovereign of a constitutional country, content to abide within the strict limits imposed by his coronation oath, his reign has been prosperous and happy. In his private capacity he is kind and attentive to all around him, as well as a close observer of passing events. Possessed of a benevolent heart, and actuated by a noble singleness of purpose, he knows how to direct the reins of government, without undue interference or an injudicious exercise of his prerogative. It has often been emphatically said that the Emperor is not only the highest, but the best man in the country, both from his public conduct and his private virtues. The value of such a compliment is not enhanced, or probably we should say is not impaired, by any universal laxity and corruption around him, as in the case of another empire nearer home, wherein it is said that the principal personage is not only the most honest, but the only honest, man in his own dominions. Probity[48] and high-mindedness of every kind in public life are as general in Brazil as in any part of Europe, England itself certainly not excepted; consequently the standard the Emperor is measured by is one by no means conventional or equivocal, but is such as any sovereign in the western world might feel proud of having applied to himself. Certainly, in the matter of truthfulness, the rarest of all monarchic virtues, he has set an example to the royal brotherhood of kings that might be followed with infinite profit to the reputation of the regal race, and with corresponding advantage to their subjects in numerous instances. His Brazilian Majesty is admirably supported by an excellent and high-minded partner, who, like her husband, is beloved by all classes in the empire. The imperial couple frequently attend public balls, and mix in social parties with citizens and foreigners, taking also the warmest interest in all local improvements, or measures calculated to benefit the country, and to raise the character of their subjects. When the kind of life they are compelled to lead is fairly considered, and the extent of court intrigue necessarily prevailing where parties are so much divided and respectively so potent, too much merit cannot be ascribed to the Emperor and Empress for the manner in which they conduct themselves, and the controlling influence they exercise over others. Every one who has been in Rio well knows how exceedingly popular he is, and how strong is the conviction that that popularity is most just and most deserved, though he never goes out of his way to obtain it by any ad captandum arts, or any conduct whatever that is not the result of sound judgment guiding an estimable nature. M. Reybaud, a Frenchman, in a biographical memoir, which appeared also in English in one of our illustrated journals at the close of the year before last, says:
‘But the great work of Don Pedro the 2nd, a work at once of humanity and policy, and which will be his indelible title of glory in the eyes of Europe, is, that of having openly attacked the national prejudice of the necessity of black slaves, and having overcome it. Thanks to him, thanks to his Ministers and the Legislative Chambers of Rio, the traffic is henceforth definitively suppressed in Brazil, for the people have understood and accepted the Imperial policy, which has for its motto, “No more traffic in slaves; European colonization.” Such is at this moment the cry of all Brazil. The agriculturists themselves, until lately insensible to the anathemas of philanthropy, have opened their eyes, and joined the Government and the Chambers in demanding the deliverance of the country from the living leprosy of the slave traffic. It was imperative that it should. It was indispensable that the country should associate itself with the measures of the Government, for up to this time the laws that were made were not carried out, and the people who thought them prejudicial to their interests did not scruple to infringe them. The policy of the Emperor and the Brazilian Chambers was very simple and sensible. It was not sufficient to decree the suppression of the traffic, but it was necessary to open up to the agriculturists new ways and means by which they should, within a longer or shorter delay, dispense with black labourers. The Legislature, to provide for this necessity, took proper means to attract European colonization. Several attempts tried on this new basis have been attended with the happiest results. Little colonies have sprung up, especially in the south of the empire, and are in a flourishing condition. The planters and landed proprietors throughout the empire give a decided preference to free over slave labour, as experience teaches them that it is infinitely to their advantage.’
It is impossible too highly to eulogise the conduct of his Imperial Majesty in reference to the slave trade; but as one evidence, which may be useful by way of example in a certain portion of the world that regards itself as far more advanced than Brazil, I transcribe the following extract from a letter dated Rio, November 14th, 1853, and which appeared in some of the English papers in January last:—
‘The “Pernambucana,” one of the vessels of the Brazilian Steam Packet Company, was wrecked near St. Catherine’s, and upwards of 40 passengers drowned. This disaster afforded an opportunity for a display of heroism and bravery rarely equalled. A black sailor, belonging to the vessel, succeeded with many others in reaching the shore; numbers had perished in the attempt, and but few of the passengers remained upon the wreck. All of these, including a mother and six children, did Simon save. It is pleasing to add that the Brazilians were by no means slow in marking their appreciation of, and rewarding, this heroic action. A subscription was opened in the Praça do Commercio, and the amount subscribed in two days exceeded seven contos of reis, or about £800. The Emperor and Empress, whose hands are always open for the succour of the needy, or the reward of the meritorious, contributed 900 milreis, and the total amount already received approaches to £1,000. In addition to this, a statue of the black is to be placed in the exchange. An unfortunate circumstance, peculiarly annoying to our English community in Rio, may be noticed in connection with this affair. The promoters of the subscription, persons of great influence and respectability, brought the black to the Praça do Commercio, not merely to gratify the curiosity of those who were anxious to see one become so celebrated, but to afford any information which parties connected with the victims or survivors might require. The director of the month, who was unfortunately an Englishman, objected to the presence of a black in the sala, and in spite of the remonstrances of all present, insisted upon his immediate removal. This arbitrary proceeding has called forth some severe articles in the public papers, and it is provoking that one of us who pretend to so much philanthropy for the race should have shown so much prejudice against the colour. This heroic fellow, with whom the Emperor of the Brazils expressed himself proud to shake hands, was driven from the exchange because he was an African! And by an Englishman!’
I cannot learn that this conduct has called for any reprobation in England; that there have been any encomiums passed by our abolitionist press or declaimers on the monarch of that country wherein partiality for the slave trade was declared by the highest authority amongst us to be ineradicable, except by violent measures on the part of England. Nor, indeed, can I find that there has been the least desire to make the amende in any way to Brazil for all the calumnies so long heaped upon her; for even that portion of the Slave Trade Treaties Report quoted, which relates to Brazil (and which has been circulated throughout the Brazilian press), has been passed over with indifference by our purists and censors. Nay, more, within a very short period preceding the date of these remarks, a tale of horrors was tricked out for the regalement of our gobemouche public in this country by a pair of travelling philanthropic malevolents concerning a certain planter in Pernambuco inviting his brother planters of the province to a grand spectacle of boiling a slave alive; and the name of her Britannic Majesty’s consul was actually adduced as that of a witness to the act. The absurdity was, of course, scouted in Brazil as the conjuration of a diseased fancy; but the journals here that gave currency to the figment have evinced small alacrity in recording the contradiction elicited on the spot. So in the case of the imperial conduct towards Simon. Had the President of the United States acted as the Emperor did in this instance, or had a North American Uncle Tom performed any portion of what the Brazilian black achieved, dramas and novels by the score would have appeared, and, in fact, we should never have heard the last of it.[49]
Though she has made wonderful strides in the right direction—advances positively marvellous, considering the locality, and even as contrasted with what would have been the case in England at this present day, had a large section of otherwise enlightened men amongst us had had their way—still, commercially speaking, Brazil has yet much to do in the shape of reform. A great deal of the old leaven of Portuguese exclusiveness and exaction remain to this day, although it is not carried to such an absurd extent as at Lisbon, where is placed in the hands of every shipmaster visiting the port a document,[50] which, considering that its provisions are enforced by a civilised mercantile nation of Europe in the second half of the nineteenth century, and in a great port whence once sailed some of the mightiest maritime enterprises in history, deserves to be regarded as a curiosity of commercial literature, and is preserved as such in a note. No wonder the trade of Lisbon should dwindle down to a mere cypher, and the finances of the country be in so deplorable a state. Any nation issuing such a document as this places itself on a par with, if not on a lower footing than, China or Japan. In Brazilian ports you have the same ordeal of health visits, police, and custom-house searchers, before you can even leave the ship; and if a vessel arrives after dusk, no matter where from, coasting or otherwise, she must remain till morning for the visit, after which she is a kind of custom-house prey, watched and pounced upon in every possible manner, if all is not found to be strictly in accordance with the long string of regulations, numbered like a criminal code; and woe betide the unfortunate shipmaster or merchant, importing goods, who innocently falls into the trap laid for him. It is a case of heavy fines, damages, and often confiscation of ship or property; although it can be clearly and satisfactorily proved that no one is to blame in the matter, and that there has been no fraudulent intention whatever. The stipulations of the custom-house code are being continually infringed, and yet, like the laws of the Medes and Persians, it altereth not! All this is very sad, and unworthy of a country that looks to commerce for its intercourse with Europe, and as a main source of revenue and social progress. The only excuse lies in the force of habit, founded on inveterate prejudice, bequeathed by the old superannuated mother country.[51]
It is true that our own fiscal system twenty years ago contained much of the objectionable matter alluded to, although it was never distinguished by those absurd forms and regulations that are not only a check to personal liberty, but involve the loss of much valuable time. If some public-spirited minister, who took a right and far-seeing view of the true interests of Brazil, were to grapple fairly with this subject, and had the moral courage to bring forward liberal measures, I firmly believe that he would carry them. For instance, let him abolish the farce of visiting vessels, both inwards and outwards, for sanitary or other state purposes; and as regards customs’ revenue, once let the duties be reduced to a scale that would render smuggling unprofitable, and there would be no need of a commercial code or of fines and restrictions. All experience proves that where duties have to be levied for the absolute necessities of the state, the more moderate the scale the less chance there is for smuggling, and the greater the increase and encouragement to consumption of the articles imported, which can then be sold at cheaper rates. It is notorious that for many years after the trade with Brazil was opened, not half, probably not a quarter, of the duties entitled to be levied found their way into the public treasury; and although a good deal of this iniquity has been done away with by the firmness of a few public servants,[52] yet the temptation remains, and some parties still profit by illegal importation at the expense of legitimate traders. I repeat my strong conviction that Brazil might derive a much larger revenue under a moderate scale of duties, and she could then afford to wipe away all the existing restrictions on commerce and shipping. It is true that she has done something, both in reduction of her tariff as well as of her anchorage dues, a step in the right direction, which, for her own sake, it is devoutly to be hoped she will soon follow up vigorously.