[23] Yet the archbishop might find some countenance for his fanaticism in the most polite capital of Europe. The faculty of Theology in Paris, some few years later, declared "que c'en était fait de la religion, si on permettait l'etude du Grec et de l'Hebreu!" Villers, Essai sur l'Esprit et l'Influence de la Réformation de Luther, (Paris, 1820,) p. 64, note.
[24] Gibbon's argument, if it does not shake the foundations of the whole story of the Alexandrian conflagration, may at least raise a natural skepticism as to the pretended amount and value of the works destroyed.
[25] The learned Granadine, Leo Africanus, who emigrated to Fez after the fall of the capital, notices a single collection of 3000 manuscripts belonging to an individual, which he saw in Algiers, whither they had been secretly brought by the Moriscoes from Spain.—Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, prólogo.—Casiri, Bibliotheca Escurialensis, tom. i. p. 172.
[26] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 30.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, rey 30, cap. 10.
[27] Casiri, Bibliotheca Escurialensis, tom. ii. p. 281.—Pedraza, Antiguedad de Granada, lib. 3, cap. 10.
[28] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 31. There are some discrepancies, not important, however, between the narrative of Gomez and the other authorities. Gomez, considering his uncommon opportunities of information, is worth them all.
[29] Suma de la Vida de Cisneros, MS.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, lib. 2, fol. 31.—Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 26.
[30] Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 14.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 27, cap. 5.—Quintanilla, Archetype, p. 56.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 212.
[31] Mariana, Hist. de España, ubi supra.—Bleda, Corónica, lib. 5, cap. 23.—Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 11.
[32] Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 25.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 212.—Quintanilla, Archetype, p. 56.—Bleda, Corónica, ubi supra.