[17] See the narrative of these transactions in the Fifth and Sixth Chapters of Part I. of this History.
Most historians seem to take it for granted, that Louis XI. advanced a sum of money to the king of Aragon; and some state, that payment of the debt, for which the provinces were mortgaged, was subsequently tendered to the French king. (See, among others, Sismondi, Républiques Italiennes, tom. xii. p. 93.—Roscoe, Life and Pontificate of Leo X., (London, 1827,) vol. i. p. 147.) The first of these statements is a palpable error; and I find no evidence of the last in any Spanish authority, where, if true, it would naturally have been noticed. I must, indeed, except Bernaldez, who says, that Ferdinand having repaid the money, borrowed by his father from Louis XI., to Charles VIII., the latter monarch returned it to Isabella, in consideration of the great expenses incurred by the Moorish war. It is a pity that this romantic piece of gallantry does not rest on any better foundation than the Curate of Los Palacios, who shows a degree of ignorance in the first part of his statement, that entitles him to little credit in the last. Indeed, the worthy curate, although much to be relied on for what passed in his own province, may be found frequently tripping in the details of what passed out of it. Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 117.
[18] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, lib. 1, cap. 4, 7, 10.
[19] Fleury, Histoire Ecclésiastique, contin., tom. xxiv. pp. 533-555.— Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, lib. 1, cap. 14.—Daru, Hist. de Venise, tom. iii. pp. 51, 52.—Gaillard, Rivalité, tom. iv. p. 10.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 6.
Comines, alluding to the affair of Roussillon, says that Ferdinand and Isabella, whether from motives of economy or hypocrisy, always employed priests in their negotiations. "Car toutes leurs oeuvres ont fait mener et conduire par telles gens (religieux), ou par hypocrisie, ou afin de moins despendre." (Mémoires, p. 211.) The French king, however, made more use of the clergy in this very transaction than the Spanish. Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, lib. 1, cap. 10.
[20] Paolo Giovio, Historia sui Temporis, (Basiliae, 1578,) lib. 1, p. 16.—The treaty of Barcelona is given at length by Dumont. (Corps Diplomatique, tom. iii. pp. 297-300.) It is reported with sufficient inaccuracy by many historians, who make no hesitation in saying, that Ferdinand expressly bound himself, by one of the articles, not to interfere with Charles's meditated attempt on Naples. (Gaillard, Rivalité, tom. iv. p. 11.—Voltaire, Essai sur les Moeurs, chap. 107.—Comines, Mémoires, liv. 8, chap. 23.—Giovio, Hist. sui Temporis, lib. 1, p. 16.— Varillas, Politique d'Espagne, ou du Roi Ferdinand, (Amsterdam, 1688,) pp. 11, 12.—Roscoe, Life of Leo X., tom. i. chap. 3.) So far from this, there is no allusion whatever to the proposed expedition in the treaty, nor is the name of Naples once mentioned in it.
[21] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, lib. 1, cap. 18.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, ubi supra.
[22] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, lib. 1, cap. 28.—Bembo, Istoria Viniziana, (Milano, 1809,) tom. i. lib. 2, pp. 118, 119.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 3, dial. 43.
[23] Comines, Mémoires, liv. 7, introd.
[24] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, lib. 1, cap. 20.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 123.—Comines, Mémoires, liv. 7, chap. 3.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 26, cap. 6.—Zurita concludes the arguments which decided Ferdinand against assuming the enterprise, with one which may be considered the gist of the whole matter. "El Rey entendia bien que no era tan facil la causa que se proponia." Lib. 1, cap. 20.