In view of these letters—the intercepted despatch from Joseph Brant and others to the Oneidas, and Johnson's letter to the Committee—the latter body adopted a series of resolutions, renewing their expressions of sympathy for the sufferings of their brethren in Massachusetts and the other Colonies; declaring their approbation of the proceedings of the New England Colonies in the existing crisis; denouncing the conduct of Colonel Johnson in keeping an armed force constantly about him, and stopping travelers upon the King's highway, "as arbitrary, illegal, oppressive, and unwarrantable:" and declaring their determination "never to submit to any arbitrary acts of any power under heaven, or to any illegal and unwarrantable action of any man or set of men" whatever.
In addition to the before-mentioned intercepted letter, it was ascertained that already expresses had actually been sent to the upper tribes of the Six Nations, to invite them down to Guy Johnson's house. His own domestic army amounted to five hundred men, and he had now cut off all free communication between the upper Mohawk settlements and Albany. And although the districts of Palatine, Canajoharie, and the German Flats were sanctioning the proceedings of the Continental Congress with much unanimity, they were in a great measure unarmed and destitute of ammunition—not having more than fifty pounds of powder in the districts. Under these circumstances, the Committee wrote an urgent letter to Albany, representing their situation, and suggesting whether it might not be expedient to open the communication through the lower districts of the valley by force. They also advised the sending of two trusty messengers, well acquainted with the Indian language, to the upper nations, to dissuade them, if possible, from obeying the summons of Guy Johnson, and to enlighten them in respect of the true nature and causes of the quarrel with the King's government.
This letter was despatched by express, and the Albany Committee replied on the following day, advising their friends of the upper districts that they had no ammunition to spare, and dissuading them from any attempt to re-open the communication by force. That project was accordingly abandoned; but the Committee sent four of its members to Albany, to gain information as to the condition of the country generally, and with instructions to procure a quantity of powder and lead—the Committee holding itself responsible for the purchase money. Meantime they pushed their measures of internal organization with great energy and success, establishing sub-committees wherever it was expedient, and assuming the exercise of legislative, judicial, and executive powers. Secret articles for mutual succour and defence were prepared, and very generally signed by the Whigs; and threats having been uttered by Guy Johnson, that unless the Committees desisted from the course they were pursuing, he would seize and imprison certain of their number, they solemnly bound themselves to rescue any who might thus be arrested, by force, "unless such persons should be confined by legal process, issued upon a legal ground, and executed in a legal manner."
It is here worthy, not only of special note, but of all admiration, how completely and entirely these border-men held themselves amenable, in the most trying exigencies, to the just execution of the laws. Throughout all their proceedings, the history of the Tryon Committees will show that they were governed by the purest dictates of patriotism, and the highest regard to moral principle. Unlike the rude inhabitants of most frontier settlements, especially under circumstances when the magistracy are, from necessity, almost powerless, the frontier patriots of Tryon County were scrupulous in their devotion to the supremacy of the laws. Their leading men were likewise distinguished for their intelligence; and while North Carolina is disputing whether she did not in fact utter a declaration of independence before it was done by Congress, by recurring to the first declaration of the Palatine Committee, noted in its proper place, the example may almost be said to have proceeded from the Valley of the Mohawk.
Simultaneously with his letter to the magistracy of the upper districts, Guy Johnson had despatched another of the same purport, but entering more into detail, to the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty of the cities of Albany and Schenectady, of which the following is a copy. The date is wanting:—
"Gentlemen,
"As the peace and happiness of the country are objects which every good man should have at heart, I think it highly necessary to acquaint you that for a few days I have been put to the great trouble and expense of fortifying my house, and keeping a large body of men for the defence of my person, &c.; having received repeated accounts that either the New Englanders, or some persons in or about the city of Albany or town of Schenectady, are coming up, to a considerable number, to seize and imprison me on a ridiculous and malicious report that I intend to make the Indians destroy the inhabitants, or to that effect. The absurdity of this apprehension may easily be seen by men of sense; but as many credulous and ignorant persons may be led astray, and inclined to believe it, and as they have already sent down accounts, examinations, &c. from busy people here, that I can fully prove to be totally devoid of all foundation, it has become the duty of all those who have authority or influence, to disabuse the public, and prevent consequences which I foresee with very great concern, and most cordially wish may be timely prevented. Any difference in political ideas can never justify such extravagant opinions; and I little imagined that they should have gained belief amongst any order of people, who know my character, station, and the large property I have in the country, and the duties of my office, which are to preserve tranquility among the Indians, hear their grievances, &c. and prevent them from falling upon the trade and frontiers. These last were greatly threatened by the Indians, on account of the disturbances last year between the Virginians and the Shawanese, during which my endeavours prevented the Six Nations from taking a part that would have possibly affected the public; and I appointed last Fall that the Six Nations should come to me this month, in order to receive, amongst other things, final satisfaction concerning the lands said to be invaded by the Virginians, who have now sent me their answer. In the discharge of this duty, I likewise essentially served the public; but should I neglect myself and be tamely made prisoner, it is clear to all who know any thing of Indians, they will not sit still and see their council fire extinguished, and superintendent driven from his duty, but will come upon the frontiers in revenge, with a power sufficient to commit horrid devastation. It is, therefore, become as necessary to the public as to myself, that my person should be defended; but as the measures I am necessitated to take for that purpose may occasion the propagation of additional falsehoods, and may at last appear to the Indians in a light that is not for the benefit of the public, I should heartily wish, gentlemen, that you could take such measures for removing these apprehensions, as may enable me to discharge my duties, (which do not interfere with the public,) without the protection of armed men and the apprehension of insult; and as the public are much interested in this, I must beg to have your answer as soon as possible.
"I am, Gentlemen, Your most humble Servant, G. Johnson. [FN] "To the Magistrates and Committee of Schenectady, and to the Mayor, Corporation, &c. of Albany. To be forwarded by the former."
[FN] This letter has been copied from the original, found by the author among the old papers in the office of the Secretary of State, Albany.