To return again to the table. In 1827 and 1828 the accounts show a much more healthy state of things, and it is clear that the deposits are steadily gaining their natural ascendancy over the withdrawals, when there is another rebound, of a greater magnitude than ever; the withdrawals not only exceeded the deposits of 1829, but the deposits of 1830 added thereto. There can be no question that, primarily, the Savings Bank Act of 1828, which came into operation on the November of that year, and under which the amount of interest allowed on deposits was reduced by 14s. per cent., was the cause of this exceptional and most important change. Like all misfortunes of this nature, it had its bright side, and was far from being an unmixed evil. As we have already endeavoured to show, a large number of depositors up to this period belonged to classes much above the artisan class; and as the former looked more to the interest given, while the industrious classes thought most of the security offered, it is no wonder and no calamity that the connexion which the higher classes had formed with Savings Banks was now dissolved. Henceforth, the returns may be looked upon as more than ever the result of habits of economy and thrift, and as representing the surplus money of the artisan and the lower portions of the middle classes.
The year 1830 shows that confidence was slowly returning, when again there is a period of great depression. Two millions of capital is withdrawn in 1831-2, over and above the deposits of those years, to meet demands on the banks. The political agitation of those years sufficiently accounts for this state of things. It will require little to be said in order to show that a time like that was likely to tell largely against such institutions as those under consideration. The time was one of great anxiety among all classes, and amidst the uncertainties and anticipations which followed in rapid succession, it would be only bold people, and those of more than average intelligence and power of mind, that could confide, without the smallest degree of wavering, in the stability of the country. We had a turbulent population at home, and amidst much agitation for their undoubted political rights, there were many clamouring for bread, many clamouring for work, and thousands for they knew not what: and France offered an illustration of what might possibly happen. With such manifest agitation everywhere, with funds falling, and the entire political sky lowering, there cannot be much wonder that many waited patiently for some issue before they trusted to resources other than their own. Not only were actual hardships endured during this great crisis in our history, but the working classes brought hardships upon themselves. Led by intemperate and impracticable men, many thousands of the more ignorant beguiled themselves into believing that the Reform Bill would do everything for them, and they would need to do nothing; that every man would be forced into independence and competence whether he would or no; that taxes would be repealed; and that in this new state of society there would no longer be any need of that spirit of striving which is at the bottom of all true schemes of social progress and advancement. This period over, many illusions were dispelled, many useful lessons learnt. Under somewhat fairer and happier auspices, society settled down into its old ruts again, only too thankful in many cases that the old ways were still open. After the year 1832, the progress of Savings Banks continued to be eminently satisfactory. There was a transitory cloud in 1837, and another in 1839, caused by exceptionally hard times, such as a bad harvest and scarcity of food, and distress in the manufacturing districts caused by unusual reverses in trade, when again the funds laid by came opportunely in aid; but, with these exceptions, the Returns furnish no further grounds for remark. We will therefore proceed to give a small table, which, without giving the details of each year, shows in a clear light the progress made by the banks at the expiration of three quinquennial periods.
TABLE 2.
From 1825 to 1840.
| Year ended | Number of Depositors. | Total Amount of Deposits from 1817. | Increase. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| £ | Depositors. | Deposits. | ||
| 20 Nov. 1825 | 358,160 | 13,769,988 | — | — |
| 20 Nov. 1830 | 430,166 | 15,739,907 | 72,096 | 1,969,919 |
| 20 Nov. 1835 | 587,488 | 17,705,228 | 157,322 | 1,965,321 |
| 20 Nov. 1840 | 824,162 | 22,915,940 | 236,674 | 5,200,712 |
Taking the year 1841, on account of the facilities for calculation afforded by the census of that year, we find that up to the 20th of November, 1841, the total number of Savings Banks in the United Kingdom was 555, of which 428 were in England, 23 in Wales, 76 in Ireland, and 28 in Scotland. The smallness of the number of Scotch banks is accounted for by the popular character of the private banks, and the fact that until within six years of the period we have reached, or 1835, none of the acts relating to Savings Banks had any reference to Scotland. The average amount of each deposit in 1841 was—in England about 30l.; in Ireland 29l.; and in Scotland 12l. The total number of depositors in England as compared with the population of 1841, was one to every 22 inhabitants, in Wales 1 in 58, in Scotland 1 in 52, and in Ireland 1 in 103.
One of the most positive proofs of the increase in the provident habits of the people between 1828 and 1844 is to be found in the increase of the number of small depositors. In 1828 the number of depositors in Savings Banks who had not subscribed more than 20l. was 203,604. In 1844 they had increased to 564,642, or nearly three times the number.[54] The amount of the deposits in the first instance was 1,473,389l.; in 1844 it reached 3,654,799l. One writer, overlooking the fact that the increase here spoken of was a gradual one year by year, has endeavoured to trace the effect of the decrease in the amount of large deposits and the increase of the number of small ones to the operations of the Act for the Amendment of the Poor Law in 1834. There can be no question that this act supplied motives for economy, and operated in increasing the number of provident people; but in view of the fact that the increase in the number of depositors between 1833 and 1834 was exactly in proportion to the increase between 1834 and 1835 or 1835 and 1836, it is quite as proper, and we submit more so, to speak of Savings Banks operating beneficially upon the Poor Law, as that the Poor Law Amendment Act increased in this way the efficiency of Savings Banks.[55]
What assistance these Savings Banks must have rendered during the crises through which the people passed between 1817 and 1841 may be judged by the use made of them. But we think we see more in Savings Banks than that they enabled many in times of hardship by a wise foresight to escape much that others suffered. We see in the progress of these banks undoubted evidence of the increasing prosperity of the country, in relation at any rate to the poorer classes; and they were among the direct agents in creating that prosperity. Savings Banks created and then fostered habits of economy and frugality, and every man won over to the pursuit and practice of these habits increased the sum of the prosperity manifest during the period we are considering. Perhaps we can make the position we here take up more clear from the following table,[56] carefully compiled from the best sources of information on such subjects, and which we think is calculated to show the good influence of Savings Banks in a somewhat new and striking light.
TABLE 3.