These are patriotic and statesmanlike views, which give ample testimony to the truth of Ijurra's estimate of the character of this wise minister, contained in a recent letter to me. He says:
"The minister Tirado is the man for the age in Peru. In nothing does he resemble his predecessors or his cotemporaries. His travels in the United States, and in some parts of Europe, have not been barren of results. Endowed with an intellect that comprehends all at a glance, and full of knowledge, he is entirely worthy of the appellation of a true statesman. At the same time, possessed of a heart which is full of enthusiasm and patriotism, he desires to introduce into my unhappy country the institutions, laws, and manners, which have rendered happy other countries that I have known, and which, doubtless, will be adaptable to the necessities of our people, and conducive to the rapid progress of the republic.
"He will commence by calling over industrious men of all professions and creeds, of all ages, nations, and conditions, with the sole condition that they shall be moral and laborious; he will endow them with those fertile lands, with which you are familiar, to the eastward of the Andes; he will supply them with tools, seeds, and domestic animals, and will give them the necessary guarantees that they may live together like brothers, with absolute liberty of action and of conscience."
All this, and more, has Tirado accomplished in the recent decree of the Peruvian government. I think that I can also trace Ijurra's hand in this action of the government, and fancy that it is the result of many conversations we had on this subject during our long voyage. He is now in high favor with the government, and has been sent to Loreto in quality of sub prefect and military commandant, (second in authority in the new province.) He writes me that he shall establish himself at Caballo cocha, where he will labor with zeal and vigor in the great cause, till death overtakes him. Long and late may it be in coming to my faithful companion.
Fortunately for her own interests, the advancement of commerce, and the progress of civilization, Bolivia refused to listen to the Brazilian envoy; she knew that, even with the assistance of Brazil, she was not able to undertake, with any prospect of success, the navigation of the rivers, and the development of the resources of her great territory. She preferred to entrust this enterprise to the energy and competition of the great commercial nations of the world, rather than take it on her own shoulders by a useless exclusiveness; and she therefore issued a decree on the 27th of January, 1853, declaring several ports on each and all of her rivers which communicate with the Atlantic, whether by the La Plata or the Amazon, free and open to the commerce of the world.
This was a very important document; it put the Northern republics on their guard, and excited a spirit of emulation in their governments. I have heard nothing of the result of Lisboa's mission; but I know that some of the most distinguished citizens of those republics have declared themselves favorable to the project of opening their rivers and ports to foreign trade, and are disposed to urge their respective governments, if necessary, to demand of Brazil the right of way to the ocean.
Independently of the action of the Spanish American republics concerning the free navigation of their tributaries of the Amazon, we have a special treaty with Peru, negotiated by J. Randolph Clay, our present minister, in July, 1851, which entitles us, under the present circumstances, to the navigation of the Peruvian Amazon. The second article of that treaty declares that, "The two high-contracting parties hereby bind and engage themselves not to grant any favor, privilege, or immunity whatever, in matters of commerce and navigation, to other nations, which shall not be also immediately extended to the citizens of the other contracting party, who shall enjoy the same gratuitously, or on giving a compensation as nearly as possible of proportionate value and effect, to be adjusted by mutual agreement, if the concession shall have been conditional."
The concession to Brazil is conditional, but we shall find no difficulty in "giving a compensation as nearly as possible of proportionate value and effect;" that is a matter for Peru to decide, and there is little doubt but that she will consider the presence of our people and our vessels in her country, and upon her streams, as being of proportionate value.
It will be thus seen that our citizens have a legal right, by express grant and decree, to trade upon the interior waters of Peru and Bolivia, and it is presumed that Brazil will not attempt to dispute the now well-settled doctrine, that no nation holding the mouth of a river has a right to bar the way to market of a nation holding higher up, or to prevent that nation's trade and intercourse with whom she will, by a great highway common to both.
But Brazil has effectually closed the Amazon by her De Souza contract; she gives him the exclusive privilege for thirty years, with a bonus of $80,000 per annum, besides guaranteeing to him the $20,000 of Peru. This of course defies competition, though I very much doubt if the contract will endure; the Brazilians are so little acquainted with river steam navigation that De Souza will run his boats at great cost; the conditions of the contract are also stringent and oppressive; and under such circumstances, even with the bonus of $100,000, I doubt if the trade of the river for several years to come will support the six steamers that he contracts to keep on the line.