At the period we are now reviewing, a roasted swan seems to have been in great request at our Lynn entertainments: hence we read under the date of Sept. 24. 1649—“Granted to John Bird, a lease for seven years of three ferry rights, at 10l. per annum, and a brace of swans well fatted to the mayor.” But the ferryman, probably, found it difficult sometimes to get, or to fatten those large birds; in which case the mayor might be expected to condescend to accept of an equivalent. Something like this accordingly occurs under the date of March 15. 1657, “Ordered that the chamberlain pay to the mayor for the time being 40s. on the 1st of January yearly, in liew of a brace of fatted Swanns usually delivered to the mayor by the person who hired the Ferry rights.”—The taste of our countrymen has undergone a great change since; and the Swan no longer appears upon our tables.
At the beginning of this period there were here no more than six corn-meters, but on the 14th. November 1653 they were increased to ten, which seems to indicate our trade, and particularly the corn trade, as well as the agriculture of the country to have been then in a state of progression.—The town seems also to have had then a greater intercourse with the country on its eastern than on its southern side; which we may infer from the following article in the corporation books, dated April 4. 1653: “Ordered that Henry Bloye, the Southgate porter, shall have the Tolls of that Gate at 1l. 5s. a year; and James Browne, the porter at the East-gate, shall pay for the Tolls of that Gate 1l. 15s. a year, during the pleasure of this House.”—The East gate is supposed still to retain a similar superiority.—It is somewhat remarkable that in those days the town-clerks of Lynn, as well as the recorders, were regular barristers: accordingly we find it noted in the corporation records, “December 6. 1652—This day Thomas Ulber Esq. councellor at Law is chosen Town-clerk, in the room of John Williamson Esq. councellor at Law, discharged.”—Our corporation must have been then well furnished with legal knowledge. In later times all our town-clerks were below the degree of barristers. [787]
On the 3rd of July 1657 the tolls of the East and South Gates, (as appears from the town-books,) were let for 15l. a year, which seems to shew that they were now much more productive than in 1653, when they were let for only 3l. a year. It is very natural to infer from this, that the trade of the town, or its intercourse with the country had much increased during those years.—On the 18th of July in the next year, (1658, as we learn from the same source) St. James’ church yard was ordered to be a burying place for the parish of St. Margaret’s, for one year, “there not being room in St. Margaret’s church-yard:”—but it seems rather unaccountable how making St. James’ church yard the parish burying-place for one year could materially alter the case as to the want of room in St. Margaret’s church-yard, or furnish more room there for burying at the end of that term than there was at the beginning of it. It might however be here suggested by way of query, if it would not have been quite as well, on a recent occasion, and far better in point of expense, to have made use again of St. James’ church yard (including the south side) instead of forming the new burying ground?—at least, till the times proved more favourable; which, it is to be hoped, will be the case in the next reign, if not sooner.
The period we are now reviewing, and the review of which we are now about to conclude, was perhaps the most remarkable of any in the history of this town, as well as that of England and of Britain. Nor does it seem to have been more remarkable for any thing than for the exertions then made to reform the morals and manners of the great mass of the people. But those exertions were generally too rough and violent, and therefore more calculated to make hypocrites than sincere converts, as must always be the case when such works are carried on by coercive means, rather than by rational persuasion, or upon right christian principles. Accordingly our reforming magistrates, by way of reclaiming their townsmen from their tippling propensities, and bringing them from drunkenness to sobriety, had recourse to fines and imprisonment, which as was before observed, fell sometimes very heavy upon the publicans, no less than six and thirty of whom were imprisoned in the course of one year, as we learn from one of our old MS. accounts. These measures excited a violent prejudice against our reformers, and against the reformation itself. Fining was called plundering, and imprisonment, passed for persecution and tyranny. But the restoration brought things back into the old channel, and relieved our publicans and tipplers from these hardships.
CHAP. V.
History of Lynn from the Restoration to the Revolution.
Between the period which we have been last reviewing and that which we are now entering upon there was confessedly a very wide and glaring dissimilarity: no two periods could well exhibit a more obvious and striking contrast. The spirit of puritanism predominated in the former, and that of libertinism, or, in other words, of licentiousness and profligacy in the latter. The rulers of the nation, in the former period, were men of sobriety and gravity, in the latter they were dissipated and dissolute. The former appeared to have for their aim the amendment or improvement of the national manners and morals, the latter the very reverse, for they were actually the promoters and patrons of all manner of depravity, of every thing that was vile, profligate, or flagitious. The two brothers, Charles and James, and their ministers, were certainly some of the vilest wretches that providence ever sent to punish and plague and curse a sinful nation.
As to Cromwell, it is pretty much the fashion to decry and vilify him, as a dissembling villain, a base hypocritical knave and usurper: but no one need to envy the discernment, penetration, or sagacity of those men who cannot perceive that his moral character was not below that of either the first or second Charles, and that his character as a statesman, and his talents for government, were infinitely superior to those of either of them, or of any of their kindred. No proof has ever been produced that he was a greater dissembler, or a more unprincipled wretch than those two princes; and it might perhaps without much difficulty be shewn, that, in comparison with either of them, he was really an honest, virtuous, great and good man.—As to what is deemed his greatest crime, that of compassing the king’s death, the great law of self-preservation will certainly plead much in extenuation of that act; for it is now very well known that Cromwell was previously in possession of good and absolute proof that it was the king’s intention to sacrifice him, in case he could bring the treaty then on foot between him and the parliament to a successful termination. The intercepted Letter to the queen convinced Oliver that he had no chance for his life, if the king reascended the throne. He therefore resolved to prevent that, and save his own life by sacrificing that of the king. [790] This was very natural, and few men would have done otherwise.