In the latter part of the autumn and the winter of 1788, the good people of Lynn shared with the rest of their fellow subjects in the general solicitude, perplexity, and dismay occasioned by the sovereign’s alarming illness. His majesty’s health had been for sometime gradually declining; which was then ascribed to overmuch exercise, too severe a regimen, too rigid abstemiousness, and too short intervals of rest, rather than to the freedom of indulgence and the softness of luxury. As a remedy for the symptoms that discovered themselves, the king determined to visit the medical waters of Cheltenham, and accordingly set out for that place immediately after the prorogation of parliament, where he arrived in the afternoon of the 13th. of July, being the next day after he had left Windsor. He was accompanied by the queen, the princess royal, princess Augusta, and princess Elizabeth: and in every town through which he passed, he was received by vast crowds of people, with every demonstration of affection and loyalty. While at Cheltenham, he resided at lord Fauconberg’s lodge, on an eminence, a quarter of a mile from the town, and about 300 yards from the Spa. [966]
His majesty’s stay at Cheltenham was about five weeks. He returned to the metropolis on the 18th of August. But no benefit answerable to the expectations that had been formed, resulted from this excursion. His health was still in a precarious state, and on the 22nd of October, symptoms [967] were observed by one of the royal physicians, of that alienation of mind which was afterwards the occasion of so many important and interesting transactions. For some time it was thought proper to observe as much secrecy as possible respecting the nature of the king’s indisposition. His retreat at Windsor was favourable to this purpose; and for several days an opinion was entertained by the people in general, that his indisposition was a fever, and that it had risen to so alarming a height as to threaten a speedy dissolution. The real nature of the case however could not long be suppressed. By the structure and practice of the English constitution, almost every species of public business is in some manner implicated with the royal prerogatives. The administration of political government was by the present event virtually suspended from its functions; and, notwithstanding the critical situation of Europe, and the very active share we had lately taken in its concerns, it was now deemed impracticable to return any sort of answer to the dispatches of foreign courts, or of our own ambassadors. In this situation the most natural expedient was to suffer the two houses of parliament, which stood prorogued to the 20th of November, to meet at that time, and either adjourn for a short interval, or immediately proceed to discuss the measures it would be proper to adopt at the present crisis. Circular letters were accordingly addressed to the members of the legislature on the 14th, signifying to them, that the indisposition of the sovereign rendered it doubtful whether there would be a possibility of receiving his commands for the further prorogation of parliament. In that case the two houses must of necessity assemble, and the attendance of the different members was earnestly requested. [968a]
Such was the outset of that memorable affair, which caused so much anxiety and agitation, at that time, in this town and throughout the kingdom. The right of the heir apparent to assume the executive power, during the incapacity of the sovereign, was denied by the minister, [968b] and by a large majority of both houses of the English parliament. Nevertheless they appointed him to exercise that power, under such restrictions as would secure to the ministers the possession of their places. The prince reluctantly acceded to the appointment, and consented to act under those restrictions. Ireland being then a separate kingdom, its parliament took a very different course, admitting the prince’s right, and resolving to offer him the regency without restrictions. Having so done, a deputation was appointed to wait on the prince, and give their resolutions their full effect. This deputation actually arrived in London; but before they had accomplished the end of their mission, symptoms began to appear indicative of the sovereign’s speedy recovery; and on the 12th of February 1789 he was declared by his physicians to be in a state of progressive amendment.
This put an end, of course, to all further proceeding in the regency business, on the part of either the English or Irish parliament, and filled all ranks of people with the utmost joy and exultation. Nothing could exceed the gladness which was then every where expressed; and Norfolk came not a whit behind its most distinguished sister counties in the demonstration of its joy, and display of its loyalty. Nor was there any place in the county where this was more manifest than at Lynn. The 18th of March, if we are not mistaken, was the time when this was most strikingly and splendidly demonstrated. We had then here a general illumination, and other public rejoicings, with such other corresponding exhibitions and grand doings as exceeded every thing that had been known among us within the memory of the oldest inhabitant. In short we had, in miniature at least, something of almost every thing that the greatest cities, or even the metropolis itself could then boast of.
Had the regency then taken place it is impossible to ascertain whether it would have proved a blessing to the nation, or otherwise. The people seemed much in fear of the intended regent, on the score of expensiveness and running in debt; but there is no reason to suppose that his government would have been more expensive, or more productive of additional taxes than that which has existed in this country ever since. On the contrary it is highly probable that it would have been much less so, as it may be presumed that the prince would not have been quite so fond of war as the ministers and party that have been predominant for the last twenty years. As the 18th of March was observed here as a day of rejoicing for the king’s recovery, so was the 23rd. of April observed as a day of thanksgiving on the same occasion, both here and throughout the kingdom. Many years have been since added to the sovereign’s life, and his reign has proved far longer than that of any one of his predecessors, who was not an infant or minor at the time of his accession. He has also lived to witness greater changes in the state of Europe than had taken place within the last thousand years:—and changes too which the measures of the British cabinet had a principal share in producing. But we will now dismiss these subjects.
From the time of the king’s recovery to the commencement of the memorable coalition and grand crusade against revolutionary France, nothing very remarkable occurred here, except the dispute between this corporation and that of London, about the right of those who are free of the latter to an exemption from the payment of tolls in this port; which terminated in the full establishment of that right, and the disannulment of the objections which this corporation had set up against it. The persons on whose account this dispute originated, were the Dentons, two of our merchants of that period, who obtained the freedom of London, after having long solicited that of Lynn in vain, and offered any sum for it which our gentlemen would choose to demand. Being still required to pay toll, as before, they made their complaint to the corporation of London, which brought on a lawsuit between the two corporations. The cause was first tried in the court of common pleas, where it was given against Lynn, and if we mistake not, with considerable damages; to escape which it was afterwards removed by writ of error to the court of king’s bench: of the result the following account is given in one of the periodical publications of that time.—
“Jan. 28. 1791, The case of the city of London against the corporation of Lynn, came on to be argued in the court of king’s bench. It was a writ of error from the court of common pleas where a trial at bar was had on a de essendo quietum de theolonio (of being quit of toll) brought by the city of London, to assert the right of their citizens being exempted from a toll on corn, demanded by the corporation of Lynn. A verdict had been given for the city, and the errors were assigned on the informality of the declaration. After much argument by serjeant Le Blanc, for Lynn, and sergeant Adair, for London, the court reversed the judgment, on the ground that the declaration did not state that the city of London had received such an injury on which an action could be maintained, the corporation of Lynn having demanded, but not having received, or distrained for the tolls in question.” [972]
Though our corporation, by this last decision, seem to have been relieved from the payment of the heavy damages that would have resulted from the first verdict, yet the whole affair must have been attended with no light expence, which certain plans of economy subsequently adopted, and other attendant appearances pretty clearly evinced. How much wiser had it been to grant those two gentlemen their freedom at once, to which they were so clearly entitled by the great benefit which the town derived from their extensive mercantile exertions. Indeed the refusal of it was a piece of flagrant injustice, as persons who contributed so much as they did to the increase of our trade ought to have received in the town every possible encouragement. The treatment they met with here, proves the defectiveness of our corporation laws and borough charters, and how ill adapted they are to the present state of society in this country. Sheffield, Manchester, and Birmingham, where things are on a different footing, sufficiently evince the inutility and folly of our borough laws and establishments, and that they are, in fact, grievances and nuisances rather than national benefits. Their abolition seems therefore an object or event to be wished rather than deprecated.
The year 1792 has been rendered memorable by the royal proclamation, issued on the 21st. of May, “for preventing of tumultuous meetings and seditious writings;” and by the formation of Reeve’s Association, on the 20th. of November, at the Crown and Anchor, “for preserving Liberty and Property, against Republicans and Levellers.” These sapient measures had the desired effect, and operated mightily every where, as well as in this town. Treasury or ministerial agents were appointed in every town and district, and Lynn was not forgotten. Those agents were to observe what publications were in circulation, and to apprize the Treasury board of such as they were pleased to deem of dangerous tendency. Not only the drift or scope of political publications were objects of their observation and watchfulness, but also the carriage, or conduct and conversation, and even the social and convivial intercourse of all such individuals as happened to disapprove of the politics of the court, or of the accession of this country to the grand confederacy and crusade against France.
A system of espionage was artfully formed and established, and the whole country being filled with spies and informers, exhibited a miserable scene of hypocrisy and dissimulation, instead of the blunt sincerity, and the boasted uprightness and downrightness of other and better times. This new order of things was admirably calculated to bear down and overwhelm the minister’s opponents. Some of the most eminent and respectable men in the nation were accordingly marked out as disaffected or suspicious characters, merely because they entertained different views from the minister and his associates, and endeavoured to prevent this country from joining the continental crusade, and even wished to see the blessings of liberty extend all over the world.