The life of Poggio Bracciolini

by William Shepherd

Whilst Eugenius was thus employed in subduing the heresy of the east, he laboured under the high displeasure of the synod of Basil. After a repetition of the various processes which had been issued against him when he first refused to acknowledge their authority, the rebellious fathers proceeded on the twenty-fifth of June, 1439, to depose him from his pontifical honours. In the act of deposition which they passed against him, they impeached him of contumacy and disobedience to the commands of the church—they declared that he was a violator of the canons, a disturber of unity, guilty of simony and perjury. They furthermore denounced him as an incorrigible schismatic and heretic, and a destroyer of the rights and possessions of the church.[310] On the fifth of November, 1439, they filled up the measure of their offences by electing Amedeus, duke of Savoy, to the pontifical chair.[311] Amedeus, wearied by the cares of government, had lately resigned the ducal sceptre to his eldest son, and had withdrawn to the hermitage of Ripaille, a tranquil spot delightfully situated on the southern side of the lake of Geneva, where he proposed to dedicate the remainder of his days to devout meditation and prayer. When the intelligence of his election to the pontificate was announced to him, he lamented the severity of his destiny, which summoned him again to mingle in the cares and temptations of a wicked world: but either seduced by the charms of pontifical authority, or regarding the voice of the representatives of the Christian community as the voice of God, he repaired to Basil, where the ceremony of his coronation was performed with studied magnificence, on the twenty-fourth of July, 1440.[312]

In the course of this contest between the councils of Ferrara and of Basil, Eugenius derived considerable assistance from the advice and support of Cardinal Julian, who, being at length convinced by experience of the numerous evils arising from the precipitancy of the German synod, of the probable occurrence of which he had been forewarned by Poggio, had withdrawn from Basil, and by timely submission had easily made his peace with his offended master.[313] The conversion of Julian was promoted by the assiduous endeavours of Ambrogio Traversari. Before his accession to the pontifical throne, Eugenius had honourably distinguished this learned ecclesiastic by his friendship, and he did not forget him in the hour of his exaltation. The general of the order of Camaldoli, who was impeached of various evil practices, having resigned his office, Ambrogio was, by the influence of the pontiff, appointed to succeed him on the 26th day of October, 1431.[314] Inspired with gratitude for this act of friendship, he readily undertook the office of watching over the interests of his benefactor at the council of Basil, which he was deputed to attend, as the representative of the city of Florence.[315] In combating the enemies of the pontiff in that seditious, but enlightened assembly, he manifested a high degree both of spirit and ability. His residence at Basil was however but of short duration. Before the expiration of three months after his arrival in that city, he was despatched by Eugenius into Germany, with instructions to use his utmost endeavours to detach the emperor Sigismund from the interests of the council. Having executed this important commission with more fidelity than success, in the spring of the year 1436 he returned to Florence, where he strove to forget the intrigues of courts and synods in the discharge of the duties of his office, and in the resumption of his studies. In the year 1438, he was again summoned from retirement, to engage in the violence of theological disputation. The pontiff having had sufficient experience of his skill in conducting affairs of the greatest moment, delegated to him the important office of opening the council of Ferrara.[316] In the minute and delicate discussions of doctrinal points which took place in this assembly he bore a distinguished part. On this occasion he signalized his knowledge of the Greek language, by frequently acting as interpreter between the respective representatives of the eastern and western churches;[317] and it has been asserted, that his skill in intrigue was not less conducive than his acuteness in disputation to the settlement of the doctrine of the double procession.[318] Ambrogio did not long survive the accomplishment of this pious work. When the reconciliation of the Greek and Latin churches had been effected, he once more retired to the tranquillity of his monastery, where he died on the 20th of November, 1439. His remains were first deposited in the abbey of St. Salvadore in Camaldoli, and were afterwards transferred to a religious retreat belonging to his order, situated in the district of Casentino. The writings of more than one of his contemporaries make mention of a common report, that lilies grew upon his grave in the depth of winter, and that when these miraculous flowers were with pious wonder gathered by his surviving brethren, their place was immediately supplied by the production of successive harvests.[319] Though the testimony of these witnesses may, in an age of scepticism, be deemed insufficient to establish the belief of this marvellous tale, the circulation of such a report evinces the celebrity of Ambrogio’s fame, and the opinion which was generally entertained of the extraordinary sanctity of his life.

Ambrogio Traversari is justly regarded as one of the literary luminaries of his age. His knowledge was various and profound. He was well versed in the Hebrew scriptures. It has been before observed, that the conferences which took place between the deputies of the Latin and Greek churches in the council of Ferrara, gave him an opportunity of displaying the uncommon proficiency which he had made in the Grecian language. Rendering his literary acquirements subservient to the duties of his profession, he dedicated a considerable portion of his time to the translation of the Greek fathers. Diogenes Laertius is the only profane author whose works he illustrated by a Latin version. His style is flowing, but so unpolished, that he seems to have fallen into the erroneous opinion, that an attention to the elegancies of composition is unbecoming those who are dedicated to sacred offices. His manners appear to have been simple, and his dispositions benevolent. With his learned contemporaries he maintained an extensive correspondence. A large collection of his letters was published by P. Martene in the third volume of his Ancient Monuments. This collection was afterwards republished, with several additions, by P. Canetti; and lastly, the Abate Mehus, in two splendid folio volumes, printed at Florence in the year 1759, has favoured the public with a very correct impression of Ambrogio’s epistles and orations, to which he has prefixed a most elaborate history of his life, and of the revival of literature in Florence. These epistles, and the Hodœporicon, or journal kept by Traversari of the observations which he made in the course of several journeys which he took to various parts of Italy, after his elevation to the generalship of his order, afford much curious information concerning the manners and customs of the times in which he lived.

With Poggio, Ambrogio maintained the most familiar intimacy. The friendship of these industrious revivers of literature originated in the community of their studies, and was confirmed by mutual acts of good will. But the jealousy with which Poggio regarded the whole body of monks led him to suspect, that Ambrogio, after his advancement to the generalship of his order, divested himself of that simplicity and singleness of heart which may be reasonably expected from those who make a profession of extraordinary sanctity, and that he disguised the selfishness of ambition in the garb of pretended humility.[320] This suspicion, however, he advanced with becoming doubt; and perhaps justice to Ambrogio might trace its origin to that superior gravity which he might think it incumbent upon himself to assume, when he was called to fill offices of high dignity, and which might sometimes restrain that familiarity with which he was accustomed to converse with Poggio and his other friends, when he dwelt, in cloistered seclusion, a simple monk of Camaldoli.

Whilst Ambrogio was employed at Ferrara in the correction of creeds, and the conversion of heretics, Poggio was occupied by domestic cares in the retirement of his Tuscan villa. In the year 1438 his wife presented him with a son, to whom he gave the name of Pietro Paulo. Amongst the number of his friends who congratulated him on this event was Cincio, one of the apostolic secretaries, a descendant of the noble Roman family of Rustica.[321] Monsieur L’Enfant has published the letter which Cincio wrote on this occasion, wherein he intimates to Poggio his firm persuasion, that this child, being the offspring of a man of consummate learning, and of a mother descended from an honourable family, will be naturally inclined to every thing excellent and praise-worthy. In the prospect of his being educated at Florence, also, he finds a presage of his future attainments in knowledge and in virtue. Anxious for the welfare of an infant born under such happy auspices, he admonishes his friend, that should any consideration induce him to prohibit Vaggia from performing the first duty of a mother, it would be incumbent upon him to be fastidiously careful in the choice of a nurse. “Let her be,” says he, “a woman of a robust constitution, of good complexion, as well as of a good disposition, and also of ingenuous manners; for nurses have a wonderful influence in forming the habits of children.” He then exhorts Poggio assiduously to watch over the progress of his son’s understanding, and to inculcate upon him lessons of the strictest temperance. After having enlarged upon these topics, he concludes in the following terms:—“Lastly, I must inform you, that your presence is very earnestly desired in the Roman court. Come, then, and we will celebrate the birth of your son in a friendly festival. You shall be the master of the feast, and you shall have the honour of entertaining as your guests a number of Latin and Greek philosophers. We will converse upon a variety of topics, particularly upon the nature of pleasure. The exquisiteness of the dishes, and the excellence of the wine, will ensure the alluring goddess abundance of advocates. Even I, who have just been vilifying her, as not to be tolerated in human society, may possibly on this occasion once more enter into her good graces.”[322] In reply to this friendly epistle, Poggio assured Cincio that in the choice of a nurse for his infant son, he had paid due regard to the qualities enumerated by him, and that he would spare no pains in his education; but at the same time, in opposition to the opinion of his correspondent, he maintained by many arguments, and by examples of great weight, that education is of little avail in the formation of character, independently of a naturally good disposition of mind.[323]

During the time when the domestic concerns of Poggio caused him to be absent from the pontifical court, the list of his correspondents was enlarged by the name of a sovereign prince, who occupied the foremost rank amongst the potentates of Italy, namely Filippo Maria, duke of Milan. This restless chieftain had in the year 1436 renewed hostilities against the Florentines, in contempt of the pacification which had been concluded at Ferrara, only three years before that period. This war was not, however, of long duration. The Florentines, being dissatisfied with the conduct of the Venetians, their allies, concluded a separate peace with the duke on very advantageous terms, in the year 1438.

The alliance between the Florentines and the Venetians had always been a most formidable obstacle to the ambitious projects of Filippo, and he had nothing more at heart than to create a jealousy between those two republics. It was probably with a view of engaging the party of the Medici in his interest, that soon after the conclusion of the above-mentioned peace, he addressed to Poggio a long epistle, in which he artfully attempted to gratify his well known enthusiastic love of his native country, by a studied eulogium on the Florentine state, and also endeavoured to conciliate his favour, by assuring him that he had always entertained the highest respect for his personal qualities and his literary attainments. It appears from the commencement of Filippo’s letter, that some persons having stigmatized the Florentines as a short-sighted people, Poggio had remarked that the duke of Milan was well qualified to prove the contrary.[324] The duke, affecting not to be sensible of the sarcasm couched in this observation, professed to be greatly flattered by the high opinion which Poggio appeared to entertain of his talents; and commending the zeal which he manifested in defending the reputation of his country, declared, that so far from finding the Florentines short-sighted, he had always witnessed their skill, their prudence, and their sagacity. The valour of the Tuscans, he observed, his ancestors had experienced to their cost. Nor was he himself insensible of the power of their arms, or of the wisdom of their councils. In the late war they had so skilfully and courageously frustrated his hostile attempts, that they had proved themselves truly worthy of the blessings of freedom. Nor were the Florentines less accomplished in the arts of peace than in those of war. Their moderation was universally acknowledged. By their patronage of the liberal sciences they had acquired an honourable distinction amongst the states of Italy. A people of this character, Filippo observed, he could not but esteem and love; and he protested that he would henceforth be as assiduous in cultivating their friendship, as he had lately been active in troubling their repose. He advised Poggio to treat the malevolent speeches of calumniators with contempt; and at the close of his epistle, he assured him that he would always be ready to exert his power and abilities to promote the welfare of the Tuscan republic.

In his answer to this extraordinary letter, Poggio expressed the grateful sense which he entertained of the polite condescension manifested by the duke, in thus honouring a private and obscure individual with his unsolicited correspondence. He assured Filippo that he was highly gratified by the flattering terms in which he had complimented him on his literary attainments, but yet more by the eulogium which he had pronounced upon the city of Florence, and by the pledge which he had given of his friendship for the Tuscan state. He then expressed his hope, and indeed his confidence, that the pacific professions of the duke would not be found fallacious, but that his actions would prove the sincerity of his declarations. Proceeding to remind him of different conjunctures in which the Florentines had testified their good will towards him, he observed to his illustrious correspondent, that whenever the administrators of the Tuscan republic had engaged in hostilities against him, they had not been prompted to take up arms by the ambitious hope of extending their territories, but by a determination to defend their liberties. “And if,” said he, “liberty ought to be dear to any people, it ought to be dear to the Florentines; for freedom is the very essence of our constitution. We are not ruled by the arbitrary will of an individual, nor by a faction of nobles. The mass of the people enjoy an equality of rights, and the way to civic honours is open to all. Hence it happens, that the high and the low, the noble and the ignoble, the rich and the poor, unite in the defence of their common freedom, and that in so glorious a cause they spare no expense, shrink from no labour, and dread no danger.” Poggio then proceeded to express his persuasion, that in the wars in which the duke had engaged against the Florentine state, he had imagined that he was fighting in defence of his honour and glory; for it was not to be supposed, that so generous a prince could for a moment entertain the unworthy desire to oppress a republic, whose power and splendour, the consequences of its free constitution, were the pride of Italy. Nothing, he assured the duke, could be more grateful to his feelings, than the friendly dispositions towards his countrymen announced in his letter, which he fondly regarded as the herald of a lasting peace. “Peace,” said he, “I must always regard as preferable to war—provided it be not the cloak of insidious stratagem. You see,” continued Poggio, “that your condescension encourages me to express my sentiments with the utmost freedom. At the same time do not imagine that I mean to insinuate any doubt of your sincerity. I am confident that your well known wisdom will prompt you to lay the foundations of a firm and lasting friendship, which will be mutually advantageous to yourself and to the Florentine state. Let this be your conduct, and you will find me a joyful herald of your praise; and inconsiderable as my talents may be, my efforts will be the means of exciting others, whose abilities will do ample justice to your merits.”[325]

If it was the intention of the duke of Milan, by thus honouring Poggio with the offer of his friendship, to make an experiment upon his vanity, the tenor of the foregoing answer to his condescending epistle must have convinced him that his experiment had entirely failed. Divesting himself of the humility of the papal secretary, Poggio addressed his illustrious correspondent with the firm ingenuousness of a citizen of a free state. He pleaded the cause of his country with all the energy of liberty; and though he prudently smoothed the harshness of distrust by the polish of urbanity, the penetration of Filippo would easily discern, that he was far from giving implicit credit to his professions of friendship for the Florentine republic.