Silent to acquaintances about the progress of his work, he was communicative to his few intimates, though never reading aloud extracts or allowing them to be seen. In 1872 he would speak pathetically of his “Crimean muddle,” perplexed, as he well might be, by the intricacies of Inkerman. Asked if he will not introduce a Te Deum on the fall of Louis Napoleon, he answered that to write without the stimulus of combat would be a task beyond his energy; “when I took the trouble to compose that fourteenth chapter, the wretched Emperor and his gang were at the height of their power in Europe and the world; but now!” He was insatiate as to fresh facts: utilized his acquaintance with Todleben, whom he had first met on his visit to England in 1864; sought out Prince Ourusoff at a later time, and inserted particulars gleaned from him in Vol. IX., Chapter V.
In 1875 he told Madame Novikoff that his task was done so far as Inkerman was concerned, and was proud to think that he had rescued from oblivion the heroism of the Russian troops in what he calls the “Third Period” of the great fight, ignored as it was by all Russian historians of the war. He made fruitless inquiries after a paper said to have been left behind him by Skobeleff, explaining that “India is a cherry to be eaten by Russia, but in two bites”; it was contrary to the general’s recorded utterances and probably apocryphal. Russophobe as regarded Turkey, he sneered at England’s sentimental support of nationalities as “Platonic”: a capital epithet he called it, and envied the Frenchman who applied it to us, declaring that it had turned all the women against us. He was moved by receiving Korniloff’s portrait with a kind message from the dead hero’s family, seeing in the features a confirmation of the ideal which he had formed in his own mind and had tried to convey to others. Readers of his book will recall the fine tribute to Korniloff’s powers, and the description of his death, in Chapters VI. and XIII. of Vol. IV. (Cabinet Edition).
Many of his comments on current events are preserved in the notes or in the memories of his friends. Sometimes these were characteristically cynical. He ridiculed the newspaper parade of national sympathy with the Prince of Wales’s illness: “We are represented as all members of the royal family, and all in family hysterics.” Dizzy’s orientalization of Queen Victoria into an Empress angered him, as it angered many more. The last Empress Regnant, he said, was Catherine II. and it seems to be thought that by advising the Queen to take that great monarch’s title, we shall exercise a wholesome influence on the morals of our women. He would quote Byron’s
“Russia’s mighty Empress
Behaved no better than a common sempstress;”
“there was an old-fashioned sacredness, which, however foolish intrinsically, was still useful, in our title of ‘The Queen’; nor do we see the policy of adding a Suprême de Volaille to the bread and wine of our Sacrament.”
He chuckled over the indignation of the haute volée, when on the visit to England of President Grant’s daughter in 1872, Americans in London sent out cards of invitation headed “To meet Miss Grant,” as at a profane imitation of a practice hitherto confined to royalties; laughing not at the legitimate American mimicry of European consequence, but at the silly formalists in Society who fumed over the imagined presumption. Consulted by an invalid as to the charm of Ostend for a seaside residence, he limited it to persons of gregarious habits; “the people are all driven down to the beach like a flock of sheep in the morning, and in the evening they are all driven back to their folds.” He reported a feeble drama written by his ancient idol, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe; “it is a painful thing to see a man of his quality and of his age unduly detained in the world; when the Emperor Nicholas died, the Eltchi lost his raison d’être.” He disparaged the wild fit of morality undergone by the “Pall Mall Gazette” during the scandalous “Maiden Tribute” revelation, pronouncing its protegées to be “clever little devils.” He was greatly startled by Gortschakoff’s famous circular, annulling the Black Sea clause in the Treaty of Paris, and much relieved by Bismarck’s dexterous interposition, which saved the susceptibility of Europe, and especially of England, by yielding as a favour to the demand of Russia what no one was in a position to refuse; but he maintained, and Lord Stratford agreed with him, that Gortschakoff’s precipitate act was governed by circumstances never revealed to mankind. He learned, too, that it caused the Chancellor to be déconsideré in high Russian circles; he was called “un Narcisse qui se mire dans son encrier.” Kinglake used to say that in conceding the right of the Sultan to exclude any war-flag from the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles, Russia was treating Turkey as a bag-fox, to be gently hunted occasionally, but not mangled or killed; and he felt keenly the ridicule resting on the allies, who were compelled to surrender the neutralization purchased at the cost of so much blood and treasure. He watched with much amusement the restoration of Turkish self-confidence. “Turkey believes that he is no longer a sick man, and is turning all his doctors out of the house, to the immense astonishment of the English doctor, so conscious of his own rectitude that he cannot understand being sent off with the quacks. You know in our beautiful Liturgy we have a prayer for the Turks; it looks as if our supplications had become successful.” His interest in Turkey never flagged. “I am in a great fright,” he said in 1877, “about my dear Turks, because Russia gives virtual command of the army before Plevna to Todleben, a really great homme de guerre.”
Russophobia was at that time so strong in London that Madame Novikoff hesitated to visit England, and he himself feared that she might find it uncomfortable. Her alarm, however, was ridiculed by Hayward, “most faithful of the Russianisers, ready to do battle for Russia at any moment, declaring her to be quite virtuous, with no fault but that of being incomprise.” But he groaned over the humiliation of England under Russia’s bold stroke, noting frequently a decay of English character which he ascribed to chronic causes. The Englishman taken separately, he said, seems much the same as he used to be; but there is a softening of the aggregate brain which affects Englishmen when acting together. He hailed the great Liberal victory of 1880, and watched with interest, as one behind the scenes, the negotiations which led to Lord Hartington’s withdrawal and Mr. Gladstone’s resumption of power; for in these his friend Hayward was an active go-between, removing by his tact and frankness “hitches” which might otherwise have been disastrous. He thought W. E. Forster’s attack on Mr. Gladstone’s Irish policy in 1882 ill-managed for his own position, his famous speech not sufficiently “clenching.” Had he separated from his chief on broader grounds, refusing complicity with a Minister who consented to parley with the imprisoned Irishmen, he would, Kinglake thought, have occupied a highly commanding position. At present his difference from his colleagues was one only of degree.
He was once beguiled, amongst friends very intimate, into telling a dream. He dreamed that he was attending an anatomical lecture—which, as a fact, he had never done—and that his own body, from which he found himself entirely separated, was the dissected subject on which the lecturer discoursed. The body lay on a table beside the lecturer, but he himself, his entity, was at the other end of the room, on the furthest or highest of a set of benches raised one above the other as at a theatre. He imagined himself in a vague way to be disagreeing with the lecturer; but the strongest impression on his mind was annoyance at being so badly placed, so far from the professor and from his own body that he could not see or hear without an effort. The dream, he pointed out, showed this curious fact, that without any conscious design or effort of the will a man may conceive himself to be in perfect possession of his identity, whilst separated from his own body by a distance of several feet. “The highest concept,” said Jowett, “which man forms of himself is as detached from the body.” (“Life,” ii. 241.) The lecture-room which he imagined was one of the lower school-rooms at Eton, with which he had been familiar in early days.
After Hayward’s death in 1884, his own habits began to change. He still dined at the Athenæum “corner,” but increasing deafness began to make society irksome, and, his solitary meal ended, he spent his evenings reading in the Library. By-and-by that too became impossible. His voice grew weak, throat and tongue were threatened with disease. In 1888 he went to Brighton with a nurse, returned to rooms on Richmond Hill, then to Bayswater Terrace. An operation was performed and he seemed to recover, but relapsed. Old friends tended him: Madame Novikoff, Mr. Froude and Mr. Lecky, Madame de Quaire and Mrs. Brookfield, Lord Mexborough his ancient fellow-traveller, Mrs. Craven, Sir William and Lady Gregory, with a few more, cheered him by their visits so long as he was able to bear them; and his brother and sister, Dr. and Mrs. Hamilton Kinglake, were with him at the end. Patient to the last, kind and gentle to all about him, he passed away quietly on New Year’s Day, 1891:
“being merry-hearted,
Shook hands with flesh and blood, and so departed.”