The Republican party was so completely in the ascendant in the seventies in Minnesota that the only political events of importance were those which occurred in its ranks. United States Senator Daniel S. Norton died July 13, 1870, and it fell to the legislature assembling in the January following to elect his successor. It took but a single ballot in the Republican caucus to decide who should be Senator Ramsey’s colleague. William Windom had given such satisfaction by his five consecutive terms as representative in Congress from the first district that, Mr. Donnelly being out of the road, there was none to dispute his claim to the promotion. Mr. Windom’s large acquaintance, his long legislative experience, his sound common sense and Quaker simplicity of manner at once gave him a standing at the other end of the capitol not easily accorded to new senators.
President Grant in his message of 1872 advised the Congress to authorize a committee to investigate the various enterprises for the more direct and cheaper transportation of the products of the West and South to the seaboard. The Senate responded by the appointment of a select committee on transportation routes to the seaboard, with ample powers for investigation. Senator Windom, as chairman of this committee, devoted many months to the analysis and interpretation of the great mass of information and counsel submitted, and to the preparation of the report in two octavo volumes, printed in the spring of 1874. Among the novel conclusions of this committee (and some of them are after the lapse of a generation not familiar to all) were: (1) that the power of Congress to regulate commerce among the several states includes the power to aid and facilitate it by the improvement or creation of channels and ways of transportation; Congress has the same right to build railroads as canals: hence, (2) the ownership or control of one or more double-track freight railways; (3) the improvement of our great natural water ways and their connection by canals; (4) particularly the improvement of four great channels at national expense. These were the Mississippi River itself, a route from the upper Mississippi by way of the great lakes, a route from the same river by way of the Ohio and Kanawha, and, last, a route from the Mississippi via the Tennessee; all to be pieced out either by canals or freight roads. At the present writing Congress is just warming up to attack the first of these four great enterprises.
As might be supposed, the committee incidentally suggested complete publicity of all interstate railroad classifications and rates, the prohibition of combinations with parallel or competing lines, the receipt for and delivery of grain by quantity, the making it unlawful for railroad officers to be interested in car or freight line companies, and the absolute cessation of stock watering. The proposition of a bureau of commerce to supervise all interstate railroad operations bore fruit twelve years later in the interstate commerce commission. Senator Hoar declared this report to be “the most valuable state paper of modern times.”
The Minnesota Republicans from the beginning had been divided. Opposed to the old “Ramsey dynasty,” which had controlled the distribution of government appointments, there was at all times an array of patriotic gentlemen quite willing to enter the public service, believing themselves as deserving of party rewards as those on whom Fortune had smiled. The Civil War liberated from military service many ardent young Republicans desirous and capable of sharing in public affairs. Among these was a St. Paul attorney, Cushman Kellogg Davis, a native of Wisconsin, who had been graduated from the University of Michigan. He had done good service as a line officer in a Wisconsin regiment and as a staff officer under General Gorman. His ability and diligence as a lawyer soon gained him prominence at the bar, and his personal qualities attached to him a circle of influential friends. He was not greedy for minor offices, but served in the legislature in 1867 and was appointed, a year after, United States district attorney, at the instance of Senator Ramsey. A lecture on “Modern Feudalism” first delivered in 1870, in which he portrayed the growing dominance of corporations, gave proof of powers of insight and analysis above the ordinary. When the Republican state convention met in St. Paul on July 16, 1873, the old dynasty had no other expectation than that the nomination for governor would fall on its worthy favorite, the Hon. William D. Washburn. Few expected that Mr. Davis, whose loudest support had come from an independent St. Paul newspaper, would receive more than a complimentary vote. On the informal ballot he did not, nor on the first formal ballot. Three more ballots followed, on the last of which the favorite of the “young Republicans” was nominated by a vote of 155 to 152, 154 being necessary to a choice. As Mr. Davis’s nomination came by a slender majority, so also was his election secured by a majority of about one fourth of the nominal Republican strength. His friends had made no secret that the governorship was desired by them merely as a stepping-stone to a national senatorship. The old dynasty evidently did not expend much money or labor on that election.
Mr. Davis’s governorship during the years 1874-75, a period of depression and discouragement, was not marked by notable events. His messages were admirable for literary style, and, while counseling economy in expenditure, advised liberality towards the schools and the university. His radical suggestion as to the unfinished St. Paul and Pacific Railroad was that the bondholders in control should presently put up the money to complete the lines, or the state should have them turned over to responsible parties who would do so.
Senator Ramsey’s second term was expiring in March, 1875, and it was no secret that he desired and expected a reëlection. Mr. Davis was an avowed aspirant, but there were other gentlemen who did not intend that the choice should fall to him in case of Mr. Ramsey’s rejection. The Republican caucus met on January 14, 1875. Mr. Ramsey’s friends were far in the lead, and on the last vote of the session lacked but two votes to nominate. Confident of success, they consented to an adjournment demanded by the “field.” The field had but one desire in common, to get Senator Ramsey out of their daylight. On reassembling the following night one third of the members were absent or did not vote. The two votes lacking to Mr. Ramsey on the previous evening appeared, and he was formally nominated. But the vote did not compel the unanimous support of the Republican members. On the separate voting in the two houses on January 19, Mr. Ramsey had 60 votes, 74 being necessary to elect. On the 20th the houses met in joint convention and proceeded to ballot. Mr. Ramsey received 61 votes, his maximum. Davis received 24, and at no time any greater number. Mr. Donnelly, the nominee of the Democrats and “Greeleyized Republicans,” had 51 votes. The balloting now proceeded from day to day, on most days but one being had. On the 27th Mr. Donnelly withdrew, alleging that Democratic members failed to give him the support he was entitled to as a regular nominee. Hon. William Lochren, a Civil War veteran highly respected for personal character and legal ability, was put in his place and commanded the full strength of the opposition, sixty-four votes. On February 13, after seventeen ballots, Ramsey and Davis were withdrawn, but it was not till the 19th that the eighty-two Republican votes could be concentrated on the Hon. S. J. R. McMillan of St. Paul, a highly respected citizen and a judge of the supreme court. His career in the national Senate, by no means brilliant, was characterized by such diligence, good sense, and party fidelity that there was no notable opposition to his reëlection six years later. Mr. Davis did not seek reëlection as governor, but resumed his law practice, and not long after published an ingenious essay on “The Law in Shakespeare.”
The ambition of certain young men, who could well afford to wait, and who did wait for promotion, lost to the state and nation the services of a wise and experienced legislator. President Hayes called Mr. Ramsey into his cabinet as secretary of war, and temporarily devolved on him the duties of secretary of the navy. Retiring from public life, he continued for nearly a quarter of a century to enjoy the esteem and gratitude of citizens of all parties and persuasions. For many years he presided over the Minnesota Historical Society and its executive council. He died April 22, 1902.
The legislature of 1860 in a spasm of retrenchment fixed the salary of the state treasurer at $1000 a year, and it remained at that figure for a quarter of a century. The business and responsibility increased from year to year, but no addition was made to compensation. In the absence of express prohibitory legislation a custom grew up of depositing the state’s money in banks which paid an interest to the treasurer, the bank proprietors becoming his sureties. No mischief resulted from this arrangement. But in one case, at least, that of Emil Munch, a treasurer did not content himself with merely depositing in banks, but in private enterprises employed the state’s money to a large amount. By contrivance or good fortune his brother-in-law, William Seeger, succeeded him in office, rather than some stranger. This relative obligingly took the promissory notes of his predecessor and other “paper” and receipted for them as cash.
The treasurer’s report for 1872 showed a balance of cash in the treasury of $243,000. A newspaper editor in St. Paul, with no other motive than, in his own phrase, “to raise hell and sell papers,” gave expression to the open secret that much of this money was not in fact in the treasury, as reported, and challenged the Republican legislature of 1873 to investigate the Republican treasurer. Nothing less could in decency be done, and the investigation revealed a shortage of $180,000. The house of representatives passed a resolution of censure and awaited the resignation of the unlucky official. No resignation appearing, the same body on March 4 made an “imperative demand” for one. Mr. Seeger replied in writing, admitting that he had found a deficit on taking office, but declaring that every dollar had been made good and the state would suffer no loss. His bondsmen had raised and paid in the money. The house, however, could not content itself with restitution alone, and submitted articles of impeachment to the senate. After the trial had begun, Mr. Seeger offered his resignation, which was accepted by Governor Austin. The impeachment proceedings, however, went on and resulted in a conviction. The legislature took the obvious lesson to heart, and raised the salary of the state treasurer to $4000.