Such was the feeling in a large part of the South, with regard to the enslavement of the negro.


CHAPTER XV.

The success of the slave-holders in controlling the affairs of the National Government for a long series of years, furnishing a large majority of the Presidents, Speakers of the House of Representatives, Foreign Ministers, and moulding the entire policy of the nation in favor of slave-holding, and the admitted fact that none could secure an office in the national Government who were known to be opposed to the peculiar institution, made the Southerners feel themselves superior to the people of the free States. This feeling was often manifested by an outburst of intemperate language, which frequently showed itself in the pulpit, on the rostrum, and in the drawing-room. On all such occasions the placing of the institution of slavery above liberty, seemed to be the aim of its advocates.

“The principle of slavery is in itself right, and does not depend on difference of complexion,”—said the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer.

A distinguished Southern statesman exclaimed,—

“Make the laboring man the slave of one man, instead of the slave of society, and he would be far better off.” “Slavery, black or white, is right and necessary.” “Nature has made the weak in mind or body for slaves.

Another said:—

Free society! We sicken of the name. What is it but a conglomeration of greasy mechanics, filthy operators, small-fisted farmers, and moonstruck theorists? All the Northern States, and especially the New England States, are devoid of society fitted for well-bred gentlemen. The prevailing class one meets with is that of mechanics struggling to be genteel, and small farmers, who do their own drudgery; and yet who are hardly fit for association with a gentleman’s body servant [slave]. This is your free society.”

The insults offered to John P. Hale and Charles Sumner in the United States Senate, and to Joshua R. Giddings and Owen Lovejoy in the House of Representatives, were such as no legislative body in the world would have allowed, except one controlled by slave-drivers. I give the following, which may be taken as a fair specimen of the bulldozing of those days.