Printed by Luke Hansard & Sons,

FOR T. CADELL AND W. DAVIES, STRAND; And,

J. HATCHARD, PICCADILLY.

1807.


CONTENTS.

Page
INTRODUCTION[1]
Sources of Information[11]
Methods by which the Slaves are supplied in Africa[18]
Slave Trade’s Effects in the Interior and on the Coast[30]
Proof of Abolitionists’ Facts decisive, and contrary Allegations groundless[47]
Pleas against Abolition, that Negroes are an inferior Race[53–4]
Opponents’ description of Negro Character contrasted with other Accounts[57]
Argument from Africa’s never having been civilized, considered[71]
New Phœnomenon—Interior of Africa more civilized than Coast[86]
Plea of Opponents, that Slaves State in Africa extremely miserable[89]
Plea from Cruelty of African Despots[92]
Ditto, that refused Slaves would be massacred in case of Abolition[95]
Middle Passage[96]
Opponents’ grand Objection—that Stock of Slaves cannot be kept up in West Indies without Importations[103]
Presumptive Arguments against the above Allegation, from universal Experience[104]
Positive Proof that the Stock of Slaves might be kept up without Importations—Argument stated[109]
I.—Abuses sufficient to account for great Decrease.
The Increase a subordinate Object of Attention[116]
Insufficient Feeding[119]
Defective Clothing and Lodging, and overworking[122]
Moral Vices of the System[123]
Especially Degradation of the Negro Race, and its important Effects[127]
Proofs of Degradation—a Negroe-Sale[133]
Sale of Negroes for Owners Debts[136]
Working under the Whip[140]
Cruel and indecent Public Punishments[144]
Inadequate legal Protection[147]
Ditto, considered in its Effect of degrading, and late Barbadoes Incidents[153]
Three other Vices of the System—Absenteeship[177]
Pressure of the Times[186]
West Indian Speculations[190]
Admirals and Governors contrary Evidence and Remarks[192]
Decisive Proof that Slaves’ State is miserable[205]
II.—Yet, though Abuses so great, the Decrease quite inconsiderable[211]
III.—Hence, Abuses being corrected, Slaves would rapidly increase[215]
West Indians most plausible Objections, and remaining Pleas against Abolition[216]
Grand Plea, that Co-operation of Colonial Legislatures necessary[219]
Disproved, both by Reason[222]
And Experience[225]
Mr. Burke’s supposed Plan[238]
Efficacy and beneficial Consequences of Abolition[241]
Immediate, preferable to gradual, Abolition[254]
Abolitionists vindicated for not emancipating[256]
Abolition’s Effects on Commerce and Manufactures[261]
Present West Indian System ruinous[266]
West Indian Opposition to Abolition accounted for,[274]
Strong Party Spirit Proofs[282]
No Hopes of West Indian Opposition ceasing[288]
Appeal to gradual Abolitionists[288]
Objection to Abolition on the ground of Slave Trade’s Effects on our Marine[302]
Objection, that Foreign Nations would carry on Slave Trade if we relinquished it[305]
Objection to Abolition on grounds of Justice[312]
Objection on grounds of Religion[318]
Abolitionists’ further Plea against Slave Trade—Insurrection, extreme danger of[321]
Our Population drained to defend the West Indies[330]
Summary View of the Miseries produced by the Slave Trade[333]
Instance of Individual Misery[340]
Conclusion[345]
APPENDIX.—A few Specimens in Proof of Effects of the Slave Trade in Africa, and of the natural Dispositions and Commercial Aptitudes[353] to 394
English Slave Trade as carried on so late as Henry 2d’s Time.

INTRODUCTION.

For many years I have ardently wished that it had been possible for me to plead, in your presence, the great cause of the Abolition of the Slave Trade. Conscious that I was accountable to you for the discharge of the important trust which your kindness had committed to me, I have longed for such an opportunity of convincing you, that it was not without reason that this question had occupied so large a share of my parliamentary life. I wished you to know, that the cause of my complaint was no minute grievance, which, from my eyes having been continually fixed on it, had swelled by degrees into a false shew of magnitude; no ordinary question, on which my mind, warming in the pursuit of its object, and animated by repeated contentions, had at length felt emotions altogether disproportionate to their subject. Had I however erred, unintentionally, I have too long experienced your candour not to have hoped for your ready forgiveness. On the contrary, if the Slave Trade be indeed the foulest blot that ever stained our National character, you will not deem your Representative to have been unworthily employed, in having been among the foremost in wiping it away.

Besides the desire of justifying myself in the judgment of my Constituents, various other motives prompt me to the present address. Fourteen long years have now elapsed since the period when the question was fully argued in Parliament; and the large share of national attention which it then engaged, has since been occupied successively by the various public topics of the day. During the intervening period, also, such strange and interesting spectacles have been exhibited at our very doors, as to banish from the minds of most men all recollection of distant wrongs and sufferings. Thus it is not only by the ordinary effects of the lapse of time, that the impression, first produced by laying open the horrors of the Slave Trade, has been considerably effaced, but by the prodigious events of that fearful interval.