But let it be remembered, that this kind of inquisition would be still less endured in the West Indies than it would be here. For, it has been often observed, and it is undeniably true, “that wherever slavery is established, they who are free are peculiarly proud and jealous of their freedom.” Mr. Edwards has more than once declared this to be true with respect to the inhabitants of our West Indian Colonies, and this principle would assuredly cause them to regard with jealousy, and resent with indignation, any interference of the officers of government in the management of their private concerns and family affairs, among which their treatment of their own Slaves must fairly be included.
But in truth all such general regulations of the kind here supposed, entering into all the detail of domestic economy, and prescribing the precise quantum of food, clothing, labour, punishment, and medical care, must be, in their own nature, inherently defective. The quantity of food which they should direct, might in some cases be greater, in others less, than would be necessary; accordingly as the land which the Negroes had for growing their own provisions was more or less in quantity, more or less productive. Again, the medical care, the labour, the instruction, the discipline, the correction which might be called for on some estates, would not be required on others. And then all these provisions, so vexatious and invidious in their nature, were to be observed, not merely gratuitously, but it was to be expected that people would submit to them, would lend themselves to the enforcing of them, for the purpose of accelerating the period of abolition; an event which they had frankly declared they conceived would be in the highest degree injurious to their interests. Surely no credulity could be sufficient to make any one believe that laws of such a kind, and for such a purpose, and with such a premium on obeying them, could ever be carried into execution.
Proofs subsequently furnished, that no hope from Colonial Legislatures.
But if these and other arguments rendered it abundantly clear, when the question was first discussed, that the colonial legislatures neither could nor would apply any adequate reform to the existing abides, so as effectually to cooperate in measures for the abolition of the Slave Trade, there is now at least no ground for doubt on that head. The question has been since brought to the test of experiment. For, an endeavour to obtain the concurrence of the colonial legislatures has since been made under the most favourable circumstances of which the nature of the case could possibly admit; and yet it is not saying too much to declare, that the endeavour has utterly failed.
On this as on other occasions, different motives would operate on different men, in prompting them to concur in the measure. For my own part, I sincerely declare, that to the respectable gentlemen who took the lead on that occasion, I give the fullest and most unreserved credit for having been actuated by an earnest desire of reforming the West Indian system. But it must be acknowledged that the transaction in some of its parts, especially since we have had new light reflected back on it from recent West Indian communications, exhibits an appearance of having been befriended by some of its promoters with a view rather to defeat, than to promote, the abolition of the Slave Trade. Be this however as it may, in the year 1796 a Committee, consisting of the most respectable West Indian proprietors, having been appointed to take into consideration what steps should be taken respecting the Slave Trade, resolved among other things, “That, for the joint purposes of opposing the plan of Mr. Wilberforce, and establishing the character of the West Indian Planters, it is essential that they should manifest their willingness to promote actively the cause of the Negroes, by such steps as shall be consistent with safety to the property of individuals, and the general interest of the colonies;” and they requested a most justly respected member of the House of Commons to move in Parliament, “That an address be presented to His Majesty, requesting him to recommend to the colonies the adoption of such measures, as may promote the increase of the Negroes, gradually diminish the necessity of the Slave Trade, and ultimately lead to its complete termination; and also as may conduce to their moral and religious improvement, and secure to them the certain, immediate, and active protection of the law.” This address was moved and carried with the warm support of all the West Indian party in Parliament; |Applications to the Colonies| and was transmitted, to the Governors of all the islands by the Duke of Portland, accompanied by letters urging the colonial legislatures to second the wishes of the House of Commons; private and confidential letters being written to explain to the Councils in the different islands, the amicable purpose with which this otherwise perhaps questionable measure had been proposed, and assuring them, “that the adoption of some legislative provisions relative to the Negroes was indispensably necessary, not only to stop for the present, but gradually to supersede the very pretensions at a future period, to a measure of direct abolition of the Slave Trade by the mother country.”
Thus the concurrence of the West Indian legislatures was requested by their own tried friends and counsellors, on that most acceptable and pleasing ground, of superseding the abolition of the Slave Trade. It might have been conceived, that, by the administration of such a powerful opiate, the esprit de corps of the islands would be lulled asleep; and, though it might even be from motives less pure than those of their friends at home, that they would at least adopt the line of conduct which had been recommended.
Colonial answers.
But how different has been the issue! You are already apprized of the conduct of the island of Barbadoes, to which Lord Seaforth, most honourably glad to avail himself of an opportunity of introducing the measure under such favourable auspices, recommended the rendering a capital crime, the wilful murder of a Negro, which is now punishable only by a fine of about £.11. 10s. sterling.
The Assembly of Jamaica assert, “that the right of obtaining labourers from Africa is secured to them on the most solemn engagements; and that they never can give up, or do any act that may render doubtful, this essential right.” The General Council and General Assembly of all the Leeward islands state, “that the right of procuring labourers from Africa, has been secured to us by repeated Acts of Parliament, &c. We, therefore, never can abandon it, or do any thing that may render doubtful this essential right.” The language of these answers is but too intelligible. But some communications lately made to Parliament, render it if possible still more clear than it before was to all considerate and impartial men, that it is in vain to expect much effect from the regulations which any colonial acts may prescribe.
It may here perhaps be proper to state, that since the abolition of the Slave Trade came into question, acts have been passed for securing better treatment to the Slaves. It is no more however than justice to the Island of Jamaica, to take this opportunity of declaring, that the Legislature of that island had passed a law rendering the murder of a Slave a capital crime, and containing various other salutary regulations, before the motion for abolishing the Slave Trade had been brought forward; though at the same time a fact then became public, which affords a curious proof how little the treatment of Slaves is really affected, one way or another, by public laws. For it appeared from the Assembly’s own communication, that, for three years immediately preceding this last reformation, an interval happening to take place between the repealing of a former consolidated Slave law for the protection and security of the Slaves,[[41]] and the passing of a new one, there were for three years together no laws whatever in being for the protection and security of the Slaves; and yet it was not found that the smallest difference in the treatment of the Slaves had been occasioned. They were just as well secured without laws as with them. In truth, as was before stated, the real protection of a Slave must lie in his master’s disposition to protect him.—But to resume the discussion.