The considerations adduced in this chapter have led to results which, by their negative character, may seem to be very unsatisfactory. It was shown first of all that artistic activities, in so far as they emphasise the qualities of either sex, must necessarily exercise an attractive influence on the opposite sex. From a psychological point of view we tried to prove that the various forms of self-decoration, such as are to be met with among primitive tribes, must have been eminently effectual as means of such attraction. But we were, on the other hand, compelled to admit that the primary origin of dress and ornaments in many cases could be quite as well explained without any reference to the relation between the sexes. Thus it became necessary to examine closely the dramatic and poetic art for the purpose of ascertaining in which tribes competition for the favour of the opposite sex can be assumed as a cause of the art. The ethnological evidence, as quoted in the works on sexual selection, appeared too incomplete and inconsistent to admit of any general conclusions being drawn, and it seemed indispensable to sift the information as well as to classify the instances. Instead of one all-explaining principle, which could be applied in all the various cases, we were confronted by a multitude of causes and conditions, all of which needed to be investigated separately and weighed against each other. A reader who thinks every discussion fruitless which leads to no dogmatic conclusion might perhaps object that our re-examination of this much-debated question has utterly failed in its purposes. We may, however, be allowed to point out that although our investigation has not led to any definite estimate of the importance of sexual preferences for the development of art, it may perhaps have contributed in some degree to the elucidation of the connection between art, beauty, and sex.
We have seen that even in the conditions which are the most favourable for its influence, sexual selection can never by itself create any quality of beauty. What kind of ideal the preferences of either sex are able to call into existence is sufficiently shown by the hideous deformations of the body which are to be found among primitive tribes as well as among the most civilised nations. Wherever, through favourable conditions of life and work, beauty, i.e. grace and harmony, is developed in the human body and its movements, there these qualities will often be enhanced by the selection that is exercised by either sex. But this selection can, of course, be of influence only where the sexes enjoy freedom of choice. This inquiry thus leads to the general conclusion, which, we hope, will be confirmed by the reasoning of all the following chapters, that the problems of beauty and art can never be separated from the general problems of social life.
We have endeavoured to show that sexual selection has only called forth artistic activities in uncivilised man when the conditions have been especially favourable. As a cause of artistic activity, sexual selection does not operate everywhere. But even where there is no competition between rivals, sexual emotions may still find an artistic expression. In short, sexual selection is a cause of erotic art, but it is not the only cause. With less freedom of choice for the females, there is, of course, less need for the males to develop especial activities for the purpose of erotic propitiation. But even where the female is thus deprived of the signal influence which she, through her favouring or rejecting selection, can exercise on the appearance and the activities of the race, her instinctive coyness may necessitate some means of erotic persuasion. This purpose is already served by the various kinds of caressing movements which are to be found not only among men, but also among many species of animals.[373] But it is also probable that primitive man, in the same way as the birds, may have resorted to song and dance as a mode of winning the female’s consent. These activities, which are preliminary to pairing, cannot, of course, be of the same importance to evolution as those which aim at securing preference in the selection of mates. But they may none the less attain a high degree of development. In degenerate tribes especially, erotic dancing is no doubt used as an effectual aphrodisiac.
It is not necessary, however, to seek for biological advantages in erotic dances, pantomimics, and poems. The strong emotional tension which accompanies pairing must of itself give rise to some mode of seeking relief by sound or movement. These manifestations, on the other hand, will by association revive the pleasurable feelings with which they have been connected. As, moreover, among primitive men sexual exaltation is one of the strongest—in peaceful tribes even the strongest—feeling which occurs in their life, any other rapture will borrow the form of its expression from this elementary passion. It is well known that even in civilised nations intense delight tends to express itself in erotic gestures. In some cases, as, e.g., that of abnormal religious exaltation, one might think that a state of high-strung emotion, by suspending all intellectual life, does in fact leave a man at the mercy of overwhelming animal impulses. The exaggerated devotion of all emotional religions sets at liberty the bête humaine, which can be kept under control only by the continuous competition with the higher faculties. In other instances, such as those when people who have received some good news feel an inclination to embrace or kiss each other, it is more natural to assume a process of association. In either case the psychology of civilised man enables us to understand why erotic dances are so generally used by primitive tribes, even on occasions when they seem least appropriate.
It would be superfluous to undertake an ethnological review of erotic motives in art. As we have already remarked in the preceding chapter, there are tribes which, according to the reports of travellers, not only are completely devoid of erotic art in the sense of love-propitiation, but do not even allow love any place as a subject of art. It seems, however, safest to draw no conclusions from this deficiency of data. Erotic art, as everything else connected with sexual life, has too often been overlooked by ethnological authors. Savage, W. Ellis, Wyatt Gill, Romilly, and many others, consider themselves bound by modesty to pass over such pantomimes as are “too indelicate and obscene to be mentioned.”[374] Even the brothers Sarasin, who otherwise have aimed at the greatest possible completeness in their account of the Veddas, candidly say that they have observed no “Lusttänze,” but also never inquired about them.[375] It would not be surprising, therefore, if some less discreet traveller should at some future time describe hitherto unknown erotic dances and songs from, say, the Bushmen or the Andamanese. And there is the more reason to anticipate that a closer intimacy with primitive man may bring to light illustrations of erotic art, as in many savage tribes sexual matters are hedged in by taboo, and are especially concealed from white visitors.[376]
On the other hand it is very probable that the erotic element in primitive art has often been overrated. It seems doubtful whether the expressions “improper” and “indecent,” as used by the travellers in descriptions of dances and dramas, are always intended to signify that the representations in question were of an erotic nature.[377] And even when, for the civilised spectator, a pantomime appears to be most immoral, this impression may be due to a misunderstanding of its real meaning. No doubt, ignorance of the language and the customs of the various tribes has often occasioned false interpretations. Mr. Reeves, who warns us against uncritical belief in travellers’ tales, has been able to adduce from his own experience a most telling example of such a mistake. When witnessing a performance of short dramas, “mekes,” in Samoa, he and his party felt extremely shocked by the indecent action of one of the interludes. Afterwards, however, he learned from the natives that the objectionable pantomime was only intended to represent the movements of a woman gathering fishes in a basket.[378]
In a descriptive account of primitive art it would, of course, be necessary to reckon with all these inadequacies of ethnological evidence. The general results, such as are wanted for a philosophical treatment, would not be affected by corrections in single instances. The probability is that in every tribe, independently of its social state and of its forms of sexual selection, erotic feelings have always expressed themselves in some way or other. With varying conditions of life these modes of expression have, of course, acquired greater or less importance for art. Where war occupies the attention of the tribe to an exclusive degree, erotic motives can never occupy a prominent place in art. Where, as is alleged to be the case among some Australian tribes, notions of decorum forbid any expression of the feelings of affection and love, love songs and dances will hardly be publicly acknowledged in public art.[379] On the other hand, an erotic literature will be prominent in such communities as that of Tahiti.[380] And when, as in Kamschatka, poems generally are composed by women, it is only natural that their subjects should be chiefly “love, hate, grief, and hope.”[381] These facts are all so self-evident that there is no need to argue upon them.
More interesting than all these sociological agencies is the influence of prevailing religious and superstitious notions. As has been already pointed out, sexual taboo has in many cases checked the development of erotic poetry and dance as a public art. But perhaps more frequent than the cases of such prevention are those where they have been furthered by phallic systems of religion. This is of course an additional reason for caution in accusing primitive art of immorality when it shocks our feelings of modesty.[382] Thus the indecency of religious sculptures connected with ancestor-worship has undoubtedly often a serious and symbolical meaning.[383] In some tribes indecent pantomimes, which otherwise are strictly forbidden, will be performed, evidently for some superstitious reason, at funeral ceremonies.[384] Perhaps, also, some superstitious notion about sympathetic magic lies behind the obscene rites and songs which so often accompany wedding ceremonies. This principle appears more unmistakable in the dramatic rites which are performed by many people as means of removing sterility. Finally, owing to a combination of sympathetic magic and animistic conceptions of nature, erotic pantomime has acquired a prominent place among agricultural rites.
All these manifestations of pictorial and literary art, which in aim and intention cannot, properly speaking, be called erotic at all, will be treated of in the following chapters. In this connection it is only necessary to mention the naturalistic dramas which in Africa and Australia are represented at the initiation of boys in manhood. We need not explain that the performances in the male camps, by which the youths are introduced to all the features of men’s life, naturally assume an obscene character. But it is interesting that the pantomimes, which, from our standpoint at least, are so revolting, sometimes seem to be meant to serve the interests of morality. Mr. Mathews, in his description of the Bora ceremony among the Kamilaroi, says that this pantomimic representation was enacted for the purpose of teaching youths to abstain from homo-sexual vices.[385] Knowing the degree of immorality which has been reached by many savage tribes, one may readily understand that the old men in the tribe have resorted to these radical means of dissuading the boys from vice. And one feels tempted to apply Mr. Mathews’ explanation to similar rites in other tribes than the Kamilaroi. The initiation ceremonies of the Amazulus, for instance, which would in no case be possible in any but extremely degenerate nations, might be explained on the same hypothesis.[386]