[337] Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern, p. 184.
[338] Ibid. l.c. pp. 173, 186; cf. the assertions of Burton, Lake Regions, ii. p. 63 (Wajiji Tribe: Tattooing explained as a protection against the humid atmosphere); Roth, Tasmania, pp. 139-141.
[339] Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, i. pp. 18, 365, 366.
[340] Cf. Haddon, Evolution in Art, p. 203; Grosse, Anfänge der Kunst, pp. 130-133.
[341] Robley, Moko, pp. 10-16. Cf., however, Shortland (New Zealand, pp. 16, 17), who explains Moko as being only a “fashionable mode of adornment,” and Dieffenbach (New Zealand, ii. p. 34), who thinks that the use of Moko for signatures is a modern invention. Tattooings which serve as individual marks of recognition are mentioned by Heriot, Travels through the Canadas, p. 293; Fraser, Aborigines of New South Wales, p. 45; Herr Koeler (Monatsberichte der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, iii. p. 51) thinks that the scars of the Australians—“these genealogical indices”—may to some extent make up for the want of proper names.
[342] With regard to marks of tribal distinction compare the facts collected by Spencer, Principles of Sociology, ii. pp. 72-75; Frazer, Totemism, pp. 26-30. Even those who do not believe in Mr. Frazer’s assertion that the paintings, coiffures, tattooings, etc., aim at an imitation of the totem animal, will be compelled to admit that they often serve as means of distinguishing members of the same totem group. Buckland, Anthropological Studies, pp. 224, 225, 231 (On tattooing); Starcke, The Primitive Family, pp. 42, 62; Wuttke, Geschichte der Schrift, i. pp. 80 sq.
Further instances, unmentioned by these authors, are to be found in Godden, Journ. Anthr. Inst. xxvi. pp. 184, 185 (Nagas and other Frontier Tribes of North-East India); Fytche, Burma, i. pp. 351, 352 (Khyengs said to tattoo their women in order to prevent their being carried off by neighbouring tribes); Im Thurn, Indians of Guiana, pp. 196, 305; Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, ii. p. 19; Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Central Brasiliens, pp. 179, 180, 190; Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, pp. 530, 531; Ellis, West African Sketches, p. 191; Eẃe-speaking Peoples, p. 146; Lander, Journal, iii. p. 61 (Kacundas); Johnston, British Central Africa, pp. 422-424; Ward in Journ. Anthr. Inst. xxiv. p. 294 (Congo Tribes); Wissman, Im Inneren Afrikas, p. 246 (Bacubas). In his account of the Niger tribes M. Binger has succeeded in minutely classifying the tattoo patterns according to tribes and families (Binger, Du Niger, etc., ii. pp. 408-411). It is evidently impossible to decide to how great a degree the uniformity in the decorative systems of the several tribes has its origin in an intentional endeavour to develop a distinct tribal appearance. It may in many cases be merely a result of limited powers of invention.
As to the scarification of the Australian natives the evidence seems to be contradictory. If we are to believe Mr. Taplin’s informer, incisions on the body would have been used by the Noocoonas in order to distinguish tribes “before whites came” (Taplin, Folklore of S. Australia, p. 65). These assertions have, however, been called in question by the informers of Curr (Australian Race, ii. pp. 468, 475), by Spencer and Gillen (Native Tribes, pp. 42-44), and by Stirling (Rep. Horn Exp. IV. Anthropology, p. 24); cf. also Roth, N. W. C. Queensland, pp. 110, 115.
[343] For some further instances illustrating the use of “decoration” for purely practical purposes see Mallery, in Rep. Bur. Ethnol. x. p. 418; Westermarck, Human Marriage, p. 176.
[344] Finsch, Ethnologische Erfahrungen, pp. 283, 284 (Mikronesia); in Verhandlungen d. Berlin Anthropol. Gesellschaft, 1879, p. 414 (Markesas Islands); and in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xii. p. 308 (Ponape); Stirling in Rep. Horn Exp. iv. p. 31 (Central Australia); Stokes, Discoveries, i. pp. 58, 59 (South-Western Australia); Bock, Temples and Elephants, pp. 170-172 (Laos).