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[This book was digitized by William James Mackenzie, III, of Montgomery County, Maryland, USA in 1999 - 2000. I would appreciate notice of any corrections needed. This is the edited version that should have most of the typos fixed. May 2003. wjm10@juno.com]
The book author writes about himself in the SLIOCHD ALASTAIR CHAIM section.
I have tried to keep everything intact. I have made some small changes to apparent typographical errors. I have left out the occasional accent that is used on some Scottish names. For instance, "Mor" has an accent over the "o." A capital L preceding a number, denotes the British monetary pound sign.
[Footnotes are in square brackets, book titles and italized words in quotes.]
Edited and reformatted by Brett Fishburne william.fishburne@verizon.net
HISTORY OF THE MACKENZIES WITH GENEALOGIES OF THE PRINCIPAL FAMILIES OF THE NAME.
NEW, REVISED, AND EXTENDED EDITION.
BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, M.J.I.,
AUTHOR OF "THE HISTORY OF THE MACDONALDS AND LORDS OF THE ISLES;" "THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS;" "THE HISTORY OF THE MACLEODS;" "THE HISTORY OF THE MATHESONS;" "THE HISTORY OF THE CHISOLMS;" "THE PROPHECIES OF THE BRAHAN SEER;" "THE HISTORICAL "TALES AND LEGENDS OF THE HIGHLAND CLEARANCES;" "THE SOCIAL STATE OF THE ISLE OF SKYE;" ETC., ETC.
LUCEO NON URO
INVERNESS: A. & W. MACKENZIE. MDCCCXCIV.
PREFACE.
-:0:-
THE ORIGINAL EDITION of this work appeared in 1879, fifteen years ago. It was well received by the press, by the clan, and by all interested in the history of the Highlands. The best proof of this is the fact that the book has for several years been out of print, occasional second-hand copies of it coming into the market selling at a high premium on the original subscription price.
Personally, however, I was never satisfied with it. It was my first clan history, and to say nothing of inevitable defects of style by a comparatively inexperienced hand, it was for several other reasons necessarily incomplete, and in many respects not what I should wish the history of my own clan to be.
This edition, which extends to close upon two hundred pages more than its predecessor, has an accurate and well-executed plate of the clan tartan, and a life-like portrait of the Author; has been almost entirely re-written; contains several families omitted from the first; has all been carefully revised; and although not even now absolutely perfect, I believe it is almost as near being so as it is possible for any work which contains such an enormous number of dates and other details as this one to be.
The mythical Fitzgerald origin of the clan, hitherto accepted by most of its leading members, is exhaustively dealt with, I venture to hope effectively, if not completely and finally disposed of. That it is now established beyond any reasonable dispute to have been a pure invention of the seventeenth century may, I think, be safely asserted, while it is, with almost equal conclusiveness, shown that the Mackenzies are descended from a native Celtic chief of the same stock as the original O'Beolan Earls of Ross, as set forth in the Table printed on page 39.
My list of subscribers, for a second edition, shows in the most gratifying form that the work is still in active demand, and I am sanguine enough to expect that as soon as it is issued to the public the remaining copies will be quickly disposed of.
I am indebted to a young gentleman, Mr Evan North Burton-Mackenzie, Younger of Kilcoy, of whom I venture to predict more will be heard in this particular field, for valuable genealogical notes about his own and other Mackenzie families, while for the copious and well-arranged Index at the end of the volume - a new feature of this edition - I have again to acknowledge the services of my eldest son, Hector Rose Mackenzie, solicitor, Inverness.
A. M.
PARK HOUSE, INVERNESS,
March 1894
THE HISTORY OF THE MACKENZIES.
ORIGIN.
THE CLAN MACKENZIE at one time formed one of the most powerful families in the Highlands. It is still one of the most numerous and influential, and justly claims a very ancient descent. But there has always been a difference of opinion regarding its original progenitor. It has long been maintained and generally accepted that the Mackenzies are descended from an Irishman named Colin or Cailean Fitzgerald, who is alleged but not proved to have been descended from a certain Otho, who accompanied William the Conqueror to England, fought with that warrior at the battle of Hastings, and was by him created Baron and Castellan of Windsor for his services on that occasion.
THE REPUTED FITZGERALD DESCENT.
According to the supporters of the Fitzgerald-Irish origin of the clan, Otho had a son Fitz-Otho, who is on record as his father's successor as Castellan of Windsor in 1078. Fitz-Otho is said to have had three sons. Gerald, the eldest, under the name of Fitz-Walter, is said to have married, in 1112, Nesta, daughter of a Prince of South Wales, by whom he also had three sons. Fitz-Walter's eldest son, Maurice, succeeded his father, and accompanied Richard Strongbow to Ireland in 1170. He was afterwards created Baron of Wicklow and Naas Offelim of the territory of the Macleans for distinguished services rendered in the subjugation of that country, by Henry II., who on his return to England in 1172 left Maurice in the joint Government.
Maurice married Alicia, daughter of Arnulph de Montgomery, brother of Robert Earl of Shrewsbury, and by that lady had four sons. The eldest was known as Gerald Fitz-Maurice, who in due course succeeded his father, and was created Lord Offaly. Having married Catherine, daughter of Hamo de Valois, Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, he had a son, named Maurice after his grandfather. This Maurice died in 1257, leaving two sons, Thomas and Gerald. Thomas, generally called "Tomas Mor," or Great Thomas, on account of his great valour and signal services in the battlefield, succeeded his father as Lord Offaly. He married the only daughter of Thomas Carron. This lady brought him the Seigniory of Desmond as a dowry. By her Thomas Lord Offaly had an only son, John, who, according to Colin Fitzgerald's supporters, was first Earl of Kildare and married first, Marjory, daughter of Sir Thomas Fitz-Antony, by whom he had issue - Maurice, progenitor of the Dukes of Leinster. John married, secondly, Honora, daughter of Hugh O'Connor, by whom he had six sons, the eldest of whom, according to the Irish-origin theory, was Colin Fitz-Gerald - but who, if the Fitzgerald theory had not been a pure invention, really ought to have been called Colin Fitz-John, or son of John - the reputed ancestor of the Mackenzies.
This, briefly stated, is the genealogy of the Fitzgeralds as given by the supporters of the Irish origin of the Mackenzies, and it may be right or wrong for all we need care in discussing the origin of the Mackenzies. Its accuracy will, however, be proved impossible.
According to the true genealogy, Thomas, who was the third son of Maurice, married Rohesia, heiress of Woodstock, near Athy, and daughter of Richard de St. Michael, Lord of Rheban. By this lady he had an only son, John, who succeeded as 6th Baron Offaly, and was in 1316 created 1st Earl of Kildare. John married Blanche, daughter of John Roche, Baron of Fermoy; not the two ladies given him in the Fitzgerald-Mackenzie genealogy.
The real authentic genealogy of the Fitzgeralds, from whom the Dukes of Leinster and other Fitzgerald families are descended, is as follows: The first,
I. OTHO, known as "Dominus Otho," belonged undoubtedly to the Gherardini family of Florence. He passed into Normandy, and in 1057 crossed into England, became a favourite with Edward the Confessor, and obtained extensive estates from that monarch. He had a son
II. WALTER FITZ OTHO, or son of Otho. He is mentioned in Domesday Book in 1078 as being then in possession of his father's estates. He was Castellan of Windsor and Warden of the Forests in Berkshire. He married Gladys, daughter of Rhiwallon ap Cynfyn, Prince of North Wales, and had three sons, the eldest being
III. GERALD FITZ WALTER, or son of Walter, who was appointed by Henry I. to the Constableship of Pembroke Castle and other important offices. He married Nesta, daughter of Rhys ap Gruffyd, ap Tudor Mawr, Prince of South Wales, and had issue by her, three sons, the eldest of whom was
IV. MAURICE FITZ GERALD, or son of Gerald. This, it will be noticed, was the first Fitzgerald of which we have any record, and he was the progenitor of the Irish Fitzgeralds. He accompanied Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke, popularly known as "Strongbow," to Ireland, and there highly distinguished himself, having, among other acts of renown, captured the city of Dublin. He died at Wexford in 1177. He married Alice or Alicia, daughter of Arnulph de Montgomery, fourth son of Roger de Montgomery, who led the centre of the Norman army at the battle of Hastings, and by her had issue - five sons, the eldest of whom was William, Baron of Naas, not Gerald as claimed by the supporters of the Colin Fitzgerald theory.
Thus far the two genealogies may be said to agree, except in a few of the marriages.
V. GERALD FITZ MAURICE, the second son, in 1205 became first Baron Offaly. The third son, Thomas, was progenitor of the original Earls of Desmond, who have long been extinct in the male line, the present Earldom, which is the Irish title of the Earl of Denbigh, having been created in 1622. Gerald Fitz Maurice married Katherine, daughter of Hamo de Valois, who was Lord Chief Justice of Ireland in 1197, and by her had a son,
VI. MAURICE FITZ GERALD, second Baron Offaly, one of the Lord Justices of Ireland. Maurice died in 1257, having married Juliana, daughter of John de Cogan, who was Lord Justice of Ireland in 1247, and by her had three sons, Maurice, Gerald, and Thomas. Maurice Fitzgerald has no wife given him in the Colin Fitzgerald genealogy. Thomas, the youngest son, had a son John, who ultimately, on the death of Maurice, fifth Baron Offaly, without issue, succeeded as sixth Baron, and was, on the 14th May, 1316, created the first Earl of Kildare. Maurice Fitz Gerald was succeeded by his eldest son,
VII. MAURICE FITZ MAURICE, as third Baron Offaly. He married Emelina, daughter of Sir Stephen de Longespee, a rich heiress, and by her had a son and two daughters. He was succeeded by his only son,
VIII. GERALD FITZ MAURICE, 4th Baron Offaly, who died without issue in 1287, when he was succeeded by his cousin Maurice, only son of Gerald, second son of Maurice Fitzgerald, second Baron Offaly, as
IX. MAURICE FITZGERALD, 5th Baron Offaly, who married Agnes de
Valance, daughter of William Earl of Pembroke, without issue, when he
was succeeded by his cousin John, son of Thomas, third son of Maurice
Fitzgerald, second Baron Offaly, as
X. JOHN FITZ THOMAS FITZ GERALD, sixth Baron Offaly, and first
Earl of Kildare. From him, by his wife Blanche, daughter of John
Roche, Baron of Fermoy, are descended the present Duke of Leinster and
other Irish Fitzgeralds. He died on the 10th November, 1316.
Several important particulars bearing on the points in dispute are noticeable in this genuine Fitzgerald genealogy, a few of which may be remarked upon. (1) There is no trace of a Colin Fitzgerald, or of any other Colin, in the real family genealogy from beginning to end, down to the present day. (2) Gerald, the 4th Baron Offaly, died in 1287. He was succeeded by his cousin Maurice, as 5th Baron, who in turn was succeeded by his cousin John Fitz Thomas Fitz Gerald, who died comparatively young in 1316. According to the Colin Fitzgerald theory, this John, first Earl of Kildare, was twice married, and by his second wife had six sons, of whom Colin Fitzgerald, who really ought to have been described as Colin Fitz John - for it will be observed that the Chiefs in the real genealogy are invariably described as Fitz or son of their fathers - was the eldest. This was impossible. How could John Fitz Thomas Fitzgerald, who died at a comparatively early age in 1316, have had a son by his second marriage, who must have arrived at a mature age before he "was driven" from Ireland to Scotland in 1261, and be able to fight, as alleged by his supporters, with great distinction, as a warrior who had already an established reputation, at the battle of Largs, in 1263? Let us suppose that Colin's reputed father was 70 years old when he died. He (the father) must thus have been born as early as 1246. Let us take it that his eldest son, the reputed Colin, by his second wife, was born when his father was only 24 years of age - say in 1270 - and the result of the Fitzgerald origin theory would be that Colin must have fought at the battle of Largs 7 years before, according to the laws of nature, he could have been born. In other words, he was not born, if born at all, for seven years after the battle of Largs, four years after the reputed charter of 1266, and 40 years subsequent to 1230, the last year in which either of the witnesses whose names are upon the alleged charter itself was in life. (3) But take the genealogy as given by the upholders of the Colin Fitzgerald origin themselves Maurice, who died in 1257, had, according to it, two sons - Thomas and Gerald. This Thomas, they say, succeeded his father as third Lord Offaly, and had a son, John, who, by his second wife, had Colin Fitzgerald. That is, Maurice, who died in 1257, had a great grandson Colin, who, as a warrior of mature years and experience, fought at the battle of Largs only six years after his great-grandfathers death. But there was in fact no Earl of Kildare at this early date. That title was, as already stated, not created until 1316, twenty-eight years after his son Colin Fitzgerald was, according to the testimony of his supporters, buried in Icolmkill. It is surely unnecessary to add that such a consummation is absolutely impossible; and these facts alone, though no other shred of evidence was forthcoming, would dispose of the Colin Fitzgerald origin of the Mackenzies for ever.
Colin's five brothers are given by the upholders of the Fitzgerald origin as Galen, said to have been the same as Gilleon or Gillean, the ancestor of the Macleans; Gilbert, ancestor of the White Knights; John, ancestor of the Knights of Glynn; Maurice, ancestor of the Knights of Kerry; and Thomas, progenitor of the Fitzgeralds of Limerick. But it is quite unnecessary to deal with Colin's brothers and their descendants here. It will be sufficient if we dispose of Colin himself, who, according to the genealogy given to him by those who claim him as their progenitor, was really not Colin Fitz-Gerald but Colin Fitz-John. He must, however, be dealt with a little more at length; for, whoever he may have been, and however mythical his personal history, his name will always command a certain amount of interest for members of the Clan Mackenzie, and those who have become allied with them by marriage or association.
Most of us are acquainted with the turbulent state of the West Highlands and Islands in the reign of Alexander II., when the Highland Chiefs became so powerful, and were so remote from the centre of Government, that they could not be brought under the King's authority. His Majesty determined to make a serious effort to reduce these men to obedience, and for this purpose he proceeded, at the head of a large force, but died on his way in 1249, on the Island of Kerrera, leaving his son, Alexander III., then only nine years of age, with the full weight and responsibility of government on his shoulders.
Shortly after the King attained his majority, Colin Fitzgerald, correctly speaking Fitz John is said to have been driven out of Ireland and to have sought refuge at the Scottish Court, where he was heartily welcomed by the King, by whom his rank and prowess well known to him by repute, were duly recognised and acknowledged.
At this time Alexander was preparing to meet Haco, King of Norway, who, on the 2nd of October, 1262, landed with a large force on the coast of Ayrshire, where he was met by a gallant force of fifteen hundred knights splendidly mounted on magnificent chargers - many of them of pure Spanish breed - wearing breastplates, while their riders, clad in complete armour, with a numerous army of foot armed with spears, bows and arrows, and other weapons of war, according to the usage in their respective provinces, the whole of this valiant force led by the King in person. These splendid, well-accoutred armies met at Largs two or three days after, and then commenced that sanguinary and memorable engagement which was the first decisive check to the arrogance of the Norsemen who had so long held sway in the West Highlands and Isles, and the first opening up of the channel which led to the subsequent arrangements between Alexander III. of Scotland and Magnus IV. of Norway in consequence of which an entirely new organisation was introduced into the Hebrides, then inhabited by a mixed race composed of the natives and largely of the descendants of successive immigrant colonists of Norwegians and Danes who had settled in the country.
In this memorable engagement, we are told, the Scots commenced the attack. The right wing, composed of the men of Argyle, of Lennox, of Athole, and Galloway, was commanded by Alexander, Lord High Steward, while Patrick Dunbar, Earl of March, commanded the left wing, composed of the men of the Lothians, Berwick, Stirling, and Fife. The King placed himself in the centre, at the head of the choice men of Ross, Perth, Angus, Mearns, Mar, Moray, Inverness, and Caithness, where he was confronted by Haco in person, who, for the purpose of meeting the Scottish King, took post in the Norwegian centre. The High Steward, by a dexterous movement, made the enemy's left give way, and instantly, by another adroit manoeuvre, he wheeled back on the rear of Haco's centre, where he found the two warrior Kings desperately engaged. This induced Haco, after exhibiting all the prowess of a brave King and an able commander, to retreat from the field, followed by his left wing, leaving, as has been variously stated, sixteen to twenty-four thousand of his followers on the field, while the loss on the Scottish side is estimated at about five thousand. The men of Caithness and Sutherland were led by the Flemish Freskin, those of Moray by one of their great chiefs, and there is every reason to believe that the men of Ross rallied round one of their native chiefs. Among the most distinguished warriors who took part in this great and decisive victory for the Scots, under the immediate eye of their brave King, was, it is said, Colin Fitzgerald, who is referred to in a fragment of the Record of Icolmkill as "Callenus peregrinus Hibernus nobilis ex familia Geraldinorum qui proximo anno ab Hibernia pulsus opud regni benigne acceptus hinc usque in curta permansit et in praefacto proelio strenue pugnavit." That is, "Colin, an Irish stranger and nobleman, of the family of the Geraldines who, in the previous year, had been driven from Ireland, and had been well received by the King, remained up to this time at Court, and fought bravely in the aforesaid battle." This extract has often been quoted to prove that Colin Fitzgerald was the progenitor of the Mackenzies; but it will be noticed that it contains no reference whatever to the point. It merely says that Colin, an Irishman, was present at Largs.
After the defeat of Haco the King sent detachments to secure the West Highlands and Isles, and to check the local chiefs. Among the leaders sent in charge of the Western garrisons was, according to the supporters of the Irish-origin theory, Colin Fitzgerald, who, under the patronage of Walter Stewart, Earl of Menteith, was settled in the Government of the Castle of Ellandonnan, the well-known stronghold of the Mackenzies, in Kintail, situated on a small rocky island at the junction of Lochalsh, Loch Duich and Loch Long. Colin's jurisdiction, it is said, extended over a wide district, and he is referred to in the fragment of the Record of Icolmkill, already quoted, as he "of whom we have spoken at the battle of Largs, and who afterwards conducted himself with firmness against the Islanders, and was left a governor among them." Sir George Mackenzie, first Earl of Cromartie, who will be proved later on to have been the inventor of the Fitzgerald theory, says in a MS. history of the clan, that Colin "being left in Kintail, tradition records that he married the daughter of Mac Mhathoin, heritor of the half of Kintail. This Mhathoin," he continues, "is frequently identified with Coinneach Gruamach Mac Mhathoin, Cailean's predecessor as Governor of Ellandonnan Castle. The other half of Kintail belonged to O'Beolan, one of whose chiefs, Ferchair, was created Earl of Ross, and his lands were given to Cailean Fitzgerald." It will be proved by incontestible public documents still in existence, that these identical lands were, except that they once for a time exchanged them with a relative for lands in Buchan, uninterruptedly possessed by the Earls of Ross, the descendants of this Ferchair, or Farquhar, for two centuries after the battle of Largs.
While the Earl of Cromartie and other clan historians accept the Fitzgerald origin by marriage with a daughter of Kenneth Matheson of Lochalsh, the Mathesons maintain that the first Mackenzie, or Mac Choinnich - the actual progenitor of the clan - was a son of their chief, Coinneach Gruamach, and that the Mackenzies are thus only a sept, or minor branch of the Mathesons. It must in fairness be admitted that the latter contention is quite as near the truth as the Fitzgerald theory and it must have already occurred to the reader, how, if the Fitzgerald origin of the Mackenzies had been true, has it come about that the original patronymic of Fitzgerald has given way to that of Mackenzie? It is not pretended that it was ever heard of after Colin himself.
This difficulty occurred even to the Earl of Cromartie, and this is how he attempts to dispose of it. Cailean, he says, had a son by the daughter of Kenneth Mac Mhathoin, or Matheson, whom he named Coinneach, or Kenneth, after his father-in-law Kenneth Matheson; Cailean himself was killed in Glaic Chailein by Mac Mhathoin, who envied him, and was sore displeased at Colin's succession to Matheson's ancient heritage; Colin was succeeded by his son Kenneth, and all his descendants were by the Highlanders called "Mac Choinnich," or Kenneth's son, taking the patronymic from Mac Mhathoin rather than from Cailean, whom they esteemed a stranger. Of the two theories the Matheson one is by far the more probable; but they are both without any real foundation.
The Fitzgerald theory has, however, until recently, been accepted by all the leading Mackenzie families and by the clan generally. It has been adopted in all the Peerages and Baronetages, and by almost every writer on the history and genealogy of the Cabar feidh race.
The main if not the only authority of any consequence in favour of this Irish origin is the charter alleged to have been granted by Alexander III. to Colin in 1266, of which the reputed original runs as follows:-
"Alexander, Dei Gracia, Rex Scottorum, omnibus probis hominibus tocius terre sue clericis et laicis, salutem sciant presentes et futuri me pro fideli seruicio michi navato per Colinum Hybernum tam in bello quam in pace ideo dedisse, et hac presenti carta mea concessisse dicto Colino, et ejus successoribus totas terras de Kintail. Tenendas de nobis et successoribus nostris in liberam baronium cum guardia. Reddendo servicium forinsecum et fidelitatem. Testibus Andrea episcopo, Moraviensi. Waltero Stewart. Henrico de Balioth Camerario. Arnoldo de Campania. Thoma Hostiario, vice-comite de Innerness. Apud Kincardine, IX die Jan.: Anno Regni Domini, Regis XVI."
This is a literal translation of the document:- "Alexander, by the Grace of God, King of Scots, to all honest men of his whole dominions, cleric and laic, greeting: Be it known to the present and future that I, for the faithful service rendered to me by Colin of Ireland, in war as well as peace, therefore I have given, and by this my present charter I concede to the said Colin and his successors, the lands of Kintail to be held of us in free barony with ward to render foreign service and fidelity. Witnesses (as above.) At Kincardine, 9th day of January, in the year of the reign of the Lord the King, the 16th."
The Kincardine at which this charter is alleged to have been signed is supposed to be the place of that name situated on the River Dee; for about this time an incident is reported to have occurred in the Forest of Mar in connection with which it is traditionally stated that the Mackenzies adopted the stag's head as their coat armour. The legend is as follows:
Alexander was on a hunting expedition in the forest, near Kincardine, when an infuriated stag, closely pursued by the hounds, made straight in the direction of the King, and Cailean Fitzgerald, who accompanied the Royal party, gallantly interposed his own person between the exasperated animal and his Majesty, and shot it with an arrow in the forehead. The King in acknowledgment of the Royal gratitude at once issued a diploma in favour of Colin granting him armorial bearings which were to be, a stags head puissant, bleeding at the forehead where the arrow pierced it, to be borne on a field azure, supported by two greyhounds. The crest to be a dexter arm bearing a naked sword, surrounded by the motto "Fide Parta, Fide Acta," which continued to be the distinctive bearings of the Mackenzies of Seaforth until it was considered expedient, as corroborating their claims on the extensive possessions of the Macleods of Lewis, to substitute for the original the crest of that warlike clan, namely, a mountain in flames, surcharged with the words, "Luceo non uro," the ancient shield, supported by two savages, naked, and wreathed about the head with laurel, armed with clubs issuing fire, which are the bearings now used by the representatives of the High Chiefs of Kintail.
The incident of the hunting match and Colin Fitzgerald's gallant rescue of Alexander III. was painted by West for "The last of the Seaforths" in one of those large pictures with which the old Academician employed and gratified his latter years. The artist received L8oo for the noble painting, which is still preserved in Brahan Castle, and in his old age he expressed his willingness to give the same sum for it in order to have it exhibited in his own collection.
The first notice of the reputed charter to Colin Fitzgerald is in the manuscript history of the Mackenzies, by George, first Earl of Cromartie, already quoted, written about the middle of the seventeenth century. All the later genealogists appear to have taken its authenticity for granted, and quoted it accordingly. Dr Skene, the most learned and accurate of all our Highland historians, expresses his decided opinion that the charter is forged and absolutely worthless as evidence in favour of the Fitzgerald origin of the clan. At pages 223-25 of his 'Highlanders of Scotland,' he says -
"The Mackenzies have long boasted of their descent from the great Norman family of Fitzgerald in Ireland, and in support of this origin they produce a fragment of the Records of Icolmkill, and a charter by Alexander III. to Colin Fitzgerald, the supposed progenitor of the family, of the lands of Kintail. At first sight these documents might appear conclusive, but, independently of the somewhat suspicious circumstance that while these pages have been most freely and generally quoted, no one has ever seen the originals, and the fragment of the Icolmkill Record merely says that among the actors in the battle of Largs, fought in 1263, was `Peregrinus et Hibernus nobilis ex familia Geraldinorum qui proximo anno Hibernia pulsus apud regni benigne acceptus hinc usque in curta permansit et in praefacto proelio strenue pugnavit,' giving not a hint of his having settled in the Highlands, or of his having become the progenitor of any Scottish family whatever while as to the supposed charter of Alexander III., it is equally inconclusive, as it merely grants the lands of Kintail to Colin Hiberno, the word `Hiberno' having at the time come into general use as denoting the Highlanders, in the same manner as the word 'Erse' is now frequently used to express their language; but inconclusive as it is, this charter," he continues, "cannot be admitted at all, as it bears the most palpable marks of having been a forgery of a later time, and one by no means happy in its execution. How such a tradition of the origin of the Mackenzies ever could have arisen, it is difficult to say but the fact of their native origin and Gaelic descent is completely set at rest by the Manuscript of 1450, which has already so often been the means of detecting the falsehood of the foreign origins of other clans."
Cosmo Innes, another high authority, editor of the 'Orgines Parachiales Scotia,' the most valuable work ever published dealing with the early history of Scotland, and especially of the Highlands, came to a similar conclusion, and expresses it even more strongly than Dr Skene. At pages 392-3, Vol. II., he says "The lands of Kintail are said to have been granted by Alexander III. to Colin, an Irishman of the family of Fitzgerald, for services done at the battle of Largs. The charter is not extant, and its genuineness has been doubted." In a footnote, this learned antiquarian gives the text of the document, in the same terms as those in which they have been already quoted from another source, and which, he says, is "from a copy of the 17th century." "If the charter be genuine," he adds, "it is not of Alexander III., or connected with the battle of Largs (1263). Two of the witnesses, Andrew, Bishop of Moray, and Henry de Baliol, Chamberlain, would correspond with the 16th year of Alexander II." He further says that "the writers of the history of the Mackenzies assert also charters of David II. (1360) and of Robert II. (1380) to `Murdo filius Kennethi de Kintail,' but without furnishing any description or means of testing their authenticity. No such charters are recorded."
This is emphatic enough and to every unprejudiced mind absolutely conclusive. The sixteenth year of the reign of Alexander II. was 1230; for he ascended the throne in 1214. It necessarily follows that the charter, if signed at all, must have been signed thirty-three years before the battle of Largs, and thirty-six years earlier than the actual date written on the document itself. If it had any existence before it appeared in the Earl of Cromartie's manuscript of the seventeenth century, it must have been written during the lives of the witnesses whose names attest it. That is, according to those who maintain that Colin Fitzgerald was the progenitor of the Mackenzies, thirty-one years before that adventurer ever crossed the Irish Channel, and probably several years before he was born, if he ever existed elsewhere than in the Earl of Cromartie's fertile imagination.
But this is not all. It has long been established beyond any possible doubt that the Earls of Ross were the superiors of the lands of Kintail during the identical period in which the same lands are said to have been held by Colin Fitzgerald and his descendants as direct vassals of the Crown. Ferchard Mac an t-Sagairt, Earl of Ross, received a grant of the lands of Kintail from Alexander II. for services rendered to that monarch in 1222, and he is again on record as their possessor in 1234, four years after the latest date on which the reputed charter to Colin Fitzgerald, keeping in view the witnesses whose names appear on the face of it, could possibly have been a genuine document. Even the most prominent of the clan historians who have so stoutly maintained the Fitzgerald theory felt bound to admit that, "it cannot be disputed that the Earl of Ross was the Lord paramount under Alexander II., by whom Farquhard Mac an t-Sagairt was recognised in the hereditary dignity of his predecessors, and who, by another tradition," Dr George Mackenzie says, "was a real progenitor of the noble family of Kintail." That the Earls of Ross continued lords paramount long after the death of Colin Fitzgerald, which event is said to have taken place in 1278, will be incontestibly proved.
But meantime let us return to the 'Origines Parochiales Scotiae.' There we have it stated on authority which no one whose opinion is worth anything will for a moment call in question. The editor of that remarkable work says:- "In 1292 the Sheriffdom of Skye erected by King John Baliol, included the lands of the Earl of Ross in North Argyle, a district which comprehended Kintail and several other large parishes in Ross (Acts of Parliament of Scotland, Vol. 1. p. 917). Between 1306 and 1329 King Robert Bruce confirmed to the Earl of Ross all his lands including North Argyle (Robertson's Index, p. 16, No. 7; Register of Moray, p. 342). In 1342, William, Earl of Ross, the son and heir of the deceased Hugh, Earl of Ross, granted to Reginald, the son of Roderick (Ranald Rorissoune or MacRuaraidh) of the Isles, the ten davochs (or pennylands) of Kintail in North Argyle (Robertson's Index, p. 48, No. 1; p. 99; p. 100, No. 1). The grant was afterwards confirmed by King David II. (Robertson's Index). About the year 1346 Ranald was succeeded by his sister Amie, the wife of John of Isla (Gregory p. 27). Between the years 1362 and 1372, William, Earl of Ross, exchanged with his brother Hugh of Ross, Lord of Phylorth, and his heirs, his lands of all Argyle, with the Castle of Ellandonnan, for Hugh's lands in Buchan (Balnagown Charters). In 1463 the lands of Kintail were held by Alexander Mackenzie (Gregory, p, 83)," when the Mackenzies obtained the first authentic charter on record as direct vassals from the Crown.
During the whole of this period - for two hundred years - there is no trace of Colin Fitzgerald or any of his descendants as superiors of the lands of Kintail in terms of Alexander III.'s reputed charter of 1266, the Mackenzies holding all that time from and as direct vassals of their relatives, the Earls of Ross, who really held the position of Crown vassals which, according to the upholders of the Fitzgerald theory, had that theory been true, would have been held by Colin and his posterity. But neither he nor any of his reputed descendants appear once on record in that capacity during the whole of these two centuries. On the contrary, it has now been proved from unquestionable authentic sources that Kintail was in possession of the Earls of Ross in, and for at least two generations before, 1296; that King Robert the Bruce confirmed him in these lands in 1306, and again in 1329; that in 1342 Earl William granted the ten davochs or pennylands of Kintail - which is its whole extent - to Reginald of the Isles; that this grant was afterwards confirmed by David II.; and that between the years 1362 and 1372 the Earl of Ross exchanged the lands of Kintail, including the Castle of Ellandonnan, with his brother Hugh for lands in Buchan.
These historical events could never have occurred had the Mackenzies occupied the position as immediate vassals of the Crown contended for by the supporters of the Fitzgerald theory of the origin of the clan. It is admitted by those who uphold the claims of Colin Fitzgerald that the half of Kintail belonged to Farquhar O'Beolan, Earl of Ross, after what they describe as the other half had been granted by the King to Colin Fitzgerald. But as it is conclusively established that the ten pennylands, being the whole extent of Kintail were all the time, before and after, in possession of the Earls of Ross, this historical myth must follow the rest. Even the Laird of Applecross, in his MS. history of the clan, written in 1669, although he adopts the Fitzgerald theory from his friend and contemporary the Earl of Cromartie, has his doubts. After quoting the statement, that "the other half of Kintail at this time belonged to O'Beolan, whose chief, called Farquhar, was created Earl of Ross, and that his lands in Kintail were given by the King to Colin Fitzgerald," he says, "this tradition carries enough of probability to found historical credit, but I find no charter of these lands purporting any such grounds for that the first charter of Kintail is given by this King Alexander to this Colin, anno 1266." That is, Alexander III.
But enough has been said on this part of the subject. Let us, however, briefly quote two well-known modern writers. The late Robert Carruthers, LL.D., Inverness, had occasion several years ago to examine the Seaforth family papers for the purpose of reviewing them in the 'North British Quarterly Review.' He did not publish all that he had written on the subject, and he was good enough to present the writer, when preparing the first edition of this work, with some valuable MS. notes on the clan which had not before appeared in print. In one of these notes Dr Carruthers says -
"The chivalrous and romantic origin of the Clan Mackenzie, though vouched for by certain charters and local histories, is now believed to be fabulous. It seems to have been first advanced in the 17th century, when there was an absurd desire and ambition in Scotland to fabricate or magnify all ancient and lordly pedigrees. Sir George Mackenzie of Tarbat, the Lord Advocate, and Sir George Mackenzie, the first Earl of Cromartie, were ready to swear to the descent of the Scots nation from Gathelus, son of Cecrops, King of Athens, and Scota his wife, daughter of Pharaoh, King of Egypt; and, of course, they were no less eager to claim a lofty and illustrious lineage for their own clan. But authentic history is silent as to the two wandering Irish Knights, and the reputed charter (the elder one being palpably erroneous) cannot now be found. For two centuries after the reigns of the Alexanders, the district of Kintail formed part of the lordship of the Isles, and was held by the Earls of Ross. The Mackenzies, however, can he easily traced to their wild mountainous and picturesque country - Ceann-da-Shail - the Head of the two Seas."
This is from an independent, impartial writer who had no interest whatever in supporting either the one theory or the other.
Sir William Fraser, the well-known author of so many valuable private family histories, incidentally refers to the forged charter in his 'Earls of Cromartie,' written specially for the late Duke of Sutherland. He was naturally unwilling to offend the susceptibilities of the Mackenzie chiefs, all of whom had hitherto claimed Colin Fitzgerald as their progenitor, but he was forced to admit the inconclusive character of the disputed charter, and that no such charter was granted to Colin Fitzgerald by Alexander III. Sir William says:- "In the middle of the seventeenth century, when Lord Cromartie wrote his history, the means of ascertaining, by the names of witnesses and other ways, the true granter of a charter and the date were not so accessible as at present. The mistake of attributing the Kintail charter to King Alexander the Third, instead of King Alexander the Second, cannot be regarded as a very serious error in the circumstances." Sir William, it will be observed, gives up the charter from Alexander III. The mere admission that it is not of Alexander III. is conclusive against its ever having been granted to Colin Fitzgerald at all, for, as already pointed out, that adventurer, if he ever existed, did not, even according to his stoutest supporters, cross the Irish Channel, nor was he ever heard of on this side of it, for more than thirty years after the date written on the face of the document itself could possibly have been genuine, the witnesses whose names appear as attesting it having been in there graves for more than a generation before the battle of Largs was fought.
When the ablest upholders of the Colin Fitzgerald theory are obliged to make such admissions and explanations as these, they explain away their whole case and they must be held to have practically given it up; for once admit, as Sir William Fraser does, that the charter is of the reign of Alexander II. (1230), it cannot possibly have any reference to Colin Fitzgerald, who, according to those who support the Irish origin of the clan, only arrived in Scotland from Ireland in 1262 and it is equally absurd and impossible to maintain that a charter granted in 1230 could have been a reward for services rendered or valour displayed at the battle of Largs, which was fought in 1263, to say nothing of the now admittedly impossible date and signatures written on the face of the document itself; and Sir William Fraser having, by the logic of facts, been forced to give up that crucial point, should in consistency have at the same time given up Colin Fitzgerald. And in reality he practically did so, for having stated that the later reputed charters of 1360 and 1380 are not now known to exist, he adds, "But the terms of them as quoted in the early histories of the family are consistent with either theory of the origin of the Mackenzies, whether descended from Colin Fitzgerald or Colin of the Aird." In this he is quite correct; but it is impossible to say the same thing of the earlier charter, which all the authorities worth listening to now admit to be a palpable forgery of the seventeenth century; and Sir William virtually admits as much.
There is one other fact which alone would be almost conclusive against the Fitzgerald theory. Not a single man of the name Colin is found, either among the chiefs or members of the clan from their first appearance in history until we come to Colin cam Mackenzie XI. of Kintail, who succeeded in June, 1568 - a period of three hundred years after the alleged date of the reputed charter to Colin Fitzgerald. Colin Cam was a second son, his eldest brother, Murdoch, having died during his father's life and before he attained majority, when Colin became heir to the estates. It was then, as now, a common custom to name the second son after some prominent member of his mother's family, and this was, no doubt, what was done in the case of Colin Cam, the first Colin who appears - as late as the middle of the sixteenth century - in the genealogy of the Mackenzies. His mother was Lady Elizabeth Stewart, daughter of John, Earl of Atholl, by Lady Mary Campbell, daughter of Archibald, second, and sister of Colin, third Earl of Argyll. Colin Cam Mackenzie, XI. of Kintail, and the first of the name in the family genealogy, was thus called Colin by his mother, Lady Elizabeth Stewart, after her uncle Colin, third Earl of Argyll.
It scarcely needs to be pointed out how very improbable it is that, had Colin Fitzgerald been really the progenitor of the Mackenzies, his name would have been so completely ignored as a family name for more than three hundred years in face of the invariable custom among all other notable Highland houses of honouring their direct ancestors by continuing their names as the leading names in the family genealogy.
It is believed that no one who brings an independent, unprejudiced. mind to bear upon the question discussed in the preceding pages can help coming to the conclusion that the Colin Fitzgerald theory is completely disposed of. It is indeed extremely doubtful whether such a person ever existed, but in any case it has been conclusively proved by the evidence of those who claim him as their ancestor that he never could have been what they allege - the progenitor of the Mackenzies, whom all the best authorities now maintain to be of purely native Celtic origin. And if this be so, is it not unpatriotic in the highest degree for the heads of our principal Mackenzie families to persist in supplying Burke, Foster, and other authors of Peerages, Baronet ages, and County Families, with the details of an alien Irish origin like the impossible Fitzgerald myth upon which they have, in entire error, been feeding their vanity since its invention by the first Earl of Cromartie little more than two hundred years ago. For be it remembered that all these Norman and Florentine pedigrees and descents are supplied to the compilers of such genealogical works as those by members of the respective families themselves, and that the editors are not personally responsible for nor do they in any way guarantee their accuracy. It is really difficult to understand the feeling that has so long prompted most of our leading Highlanders to show such an unnatural and unpatriotic preference for alien progenitors - claiming the Norman enemies and conquerers of their country, or mythical Irish adventurers, as ancestors to be proud of. Writing of the clans who claim this alien origin the late Dr W. F. Skene, Historiographer Royal for Scotland, says -
"As the identity of the false aspect which the true tradition, assumes in all these cases implies that the case was the same all, we may assume that wherever these two circumstances are to be found combined, of a clan claiming a foreign origin and asserting a marriage with the heiress of a Highland family whose estates they possessed and whose followers they led, they must invariably have been the oldest cadet of that family, who, by usurpation or otherwise, had become de facto chief of the clan, and who covered their defect by right of blood by denying their descent from the clan, and asserting that the founder had married the heiress of its chief." ['Highlands and Highlanders.']
In his later and more important work the same learned historian discusses this question at great length. He analyses all the doubtful pedigrees and origins claimed by the leading clans. Regarding the Fitzgerald theory he says, "But the most remarkable of these spurious origins is that claimed by the Mackenzies. It appears to have been first put forward by Sir George Mackenzie, first Earl of Cromarty," who, in his first manuscript, made Colin a son of the Earl of Kildare, but in a later edition, written in 1669, "finding that there was no Earl of Kildare until 1290, he corrects it by making him son of John Fitz-Thomas, chief of the Geraldines in Ireland, and father of John, first Earl of Kildare, who was slain in 1261." Dr Skene then summarises the story already known at length to the reader, quotes the Record of Icolmkill and the forged charter, and concludes -
"The same mistake is here committed as is usual in manufacturing these pedigree charters, by making it a crown charter erecting the lands into a barony. Kintail could not have been a barony at that time, and the Earl of Ross and not the king was superior, for in 1342 the Earl of Ross grants the ten davochs of the lands of Kintail to Reginald, son of Roderick of the Isles, and we find that the Mackenzies held their lands of the Earls of Ross and afterwards of the Duke of Ross till 1508, when they were all erected into a barony by King James the Fourth, who gave them a crown charter. An examination of the witnesses usually detects these spurious charters, and in this case it is conclusive against the charter. Andrew was bishop of Moray from 1223 to 1242 and there was no bishop of that name in the reign of Alexander the Third. Henry de Baliol was chamberlain in the reign of Alexander the Second, and not of Alexander the Third. Thomas Hostarius belongs to the same reign, and has been succeeded by his son Alan long before the date of this charter."
Dr Skene adds that if the Earl of Cromartie was not himself the actual inventor of the whole story, it must have taken its rise not very long before his day, for, he says, "no trace of it is to be found in the Irish MSS., the history of the Geraldine family knows nothing of it, and MacVureach, who must have been acquainted with the popular history of the western clans, was equally unacquainted with it." ['Celtic Scotland,' Vol. III., pp. 351-354.]
This fully corroborates all that was said in the preceding pages regarding the Fitzgerald-Irish origin of the Mackenzies and which every intelligent clansman, however biassed, must now admit in his inner consciousness to be fully and finally disposed of. Having, however, quoted Skene's earlier views on the general claim by the Highland chiefs for alien progenitors it may be well to give here his more mature conclusions from his later and greater work, especially as some people, who have not taken the trouble to read what he writes, have been saying that the great Celtic historian had seen cause to change his views on these important points in Highland genealogy since he wrote his 'Highlands and Highlanders' in 1839. After examining them all very closely and exhaustively in a long and learned chapter of some forty pages, he says -
"The conclusion, then, to which this analysis of the clan pedigrees which have been popularly accepted at different times has brought us, is that, so far as they profess to show the origin of the different clans, they are entirely artificial and untrustworthy, but that the older genealogies may be accepted as showing the descent of the clan from its eponymus or founder, and within reasonable limits for some generations beyond him, while the later spurious pedigrees must be rejected altogether. It may seem surprising that such spurious and fabulous origins should be so readily credited by the clan families as genuine traditions, and receive such prompt acceptance as the true fount from which they sprung; but we must recollect that the fabulous history of Hector Boece was as rapidly and universally adopted as the genuine annals of the national history, and became rooted in those parts of the country to which its fictitious events related as local traditions." ['Celtic Scotland,' Vol. III., p. 364.]
The final decision to which Dr Skene comes in his great work is that the clans, properly so called, were of native origin, and that the surnames adopted by them were partly of native and partly of foreign descent. Among these native Highland clans he unhesitatingly classes the Mackenzies, the clan Gillie-Andres or Rosses, and the Mathesons, all of whom belong, he says, to the tribe of Ross. In his first work on the Highlands and Highland Clans he draws the general deduction, based on all our existing MS. genealogies, that the clans were divided into several great tribes, descended from a common ancestor, but he at the same time makes a marked distinction between the different tribes which, by indications traceable in each, can be identified with the earldoms or maormorships into which the North of Scotland was originally divided. By the aid of the old genealogies he divides the clans into five different tribes in the following order:- (1) The descendants of Conn of the Hundred Battles; (2) of Ferchar Fata Mac Feradaig; (3) of Cormaig Mac Obertaig; (4) of Fergus Leith Dearg; and (5) of Krycul. In the third of these divisions he includes the old Earls of Ross, the Mackenzies, the Mathesons, and several other clans, and to this classification he adheres, after the most mature consideration, in his later and greater work, the 'History of Celtic Scotland.'
THE REAL CELTIC ORIGIN.
It is now most interesting to know who the ancient Earls of Ross, from whom the Mackenzies are really descended, were. The first of these earls of whom we have any record is Malcolm Mac Heth to whom Malcolm IV. gave Ross in 1157, with the title of Earl of Ross, but the inhabitants rose against him and drove him out of the district. Wyntoun mentions an Earl "Gillandrys," a name which we believe is derived from the common ancestor of the Mackenzies and Rosses, "Gilleoin-Ard-Rois," as one of the six Celtic earls who besieged King Malcolm at Perth in 1160. Skene is also of opinion that this Gillandres represented the old Celtic earls of Ross, as the clan bearing the name of Ross are called in Gaelic Clann Ghilleanrias, or descendants of Gillandres, and may, he thinks, have led the revolt which drove Malcolm Mac Heth out of the earldom. The same King, two years after the incident at Perth, gave the earldom of Ross to Florence, Count of Holland, on that nobleman's marriage with His Majesty's sister Ada, in 1162, but the new earl never secured practical possession ['Celtic Scotland,' Vol. III., pp. 66-67.] He is, however, found claiming it as late as 1179, in the reign of William the Lion.
The district of Ross is often mentioned in the Norse Sagas along with the other parts of the country then governed by Maormors or Jarls, and Skene in his earlier work says that it was only on the downfall of those of Moray that the chiefs of Ross appear prominent in historical records, the Maormors of Moray being in such close proximity to them and so great in power and influence that the less powerful Maormor of Ross held only a comparatively subordinate position, and his name was in consequence seldom or never associated with any of the great events of that early period in Highland history. It was only after the disappearance of those district potentates that the chiefs appear under the appellation of Comites or Earls. That most, if not all, of these earls were the descendants of the ancient maormors there can be little doubt, and the natural presumption in this instance is strengthened by the fact that all the old authorities concur in asserting that the Gaelic name of the original Earls of Ross was O'Beolan - a corruption of Gilleoin, or Gillean, na h`Airde - or the descendants of Beolan. "And we actually find," says the same authority, "from the oldest Norse Saga connected with Scotland that a powerful chief in the North of Scotland named O'Beolan, married the daughter of Ganga Rolfe, or Rollo, the celebrated pirate who became afterwards the celebrated Earl of Normandy." If this view is well-founded the ancestor of the Earls of Ross was chief in Kintail as early as the beginning of the tenth century. We have seen that the first Earl of Ross recorded in history was Malcolm Mac Heth, to whom a precept is found, directed by Malcolm IV., requesting him to protect the monks of Dunfermline and defend them in their lawful privileges and possessions. The document is not dated, but judging from the names of the witnesses attesting it, the precept must have been issued before 1162. It will be remembered that Mac Heth was one of the six Celtic earls who besieged the King at Perth two years before, in 1160. William the Lion, who seems to have kept the earldom in his own hands for several years, in 1179 marched into the district at the head of his earls and barons, accompanied by a large army, and subdued an insurrection fomented by the local chiefs against his authority. On this occasion he built two castles within its bounds, one called Dunscath on the northern Sutor at the entrance to the Cromarty Firth, and Redcastle in the Black Isle. In the same year we find Florence, Count of Holland, complaining that he had been deprived of its nominal ownership by King William. There is no trace of any other earl in actual possession until we come to Ferquard or "Ferchair Mac an t' Sagairt," Farquhar the son of the Priest, who rose rapidly to power on the ruins of the once powerful Mac Heth earls of Moray, of which line Kenneth Mac Heth, who, with Donald Ban, led a force into Moray against Alexander II., son of William the Lion, in 1215, was the last. Of this raid the following account is given in 'Celtic Scotland,' Vol. I. p. 483:
"The young king had barely reigned a year when be had to encounter the old enemies of the Crown, the families of Mac William and Mac Eth, who now combined their forces under Donald Ban, the son of that Mac William who bad been slain at Mamgarvie in 1187, and Kenneth Mac Eth, a son or grandson of Malcolm Mac Eth, with the son of one of the Irish provincial kings, and burst into the Province of Moray at the head of a large band of malcontents. A very important auxiliary, however, now joined the party of the king. This was Ferquhard or Fearchar Macintagart, the son of the 'Sagart' or priest who was the lay possessor of the extensive possessions of the old monastery founded by the Irish Saint Maelrubba at Applecross in the seventh century. Its possessions lay between the district of Ross and the Western Sea and extended from Lochcarron to Loch Ewe and Loch Maree, and Ferquhard was thus in reality a powerful Highland chief commanding the population of an extensive western region. The insurgents were assailed by him with great vigour, entirely crushed, and their leaders taken, who be at once beheaded and presented their heads to the new king as a welcome gift on the 15th of June, when he was knighted by the king as a reward for his prompt assistance."
The district then known as North Argyle consisted chiefly of the possessions of this ancient monastery of Appercrossan or Applecross. Its inhabitants had hitherto - along with those of South Argyle, which extended from Lochcarron to the Firth of Clyde - maintained a kind of semi-independence, but in 1222 they were, by their lay possessor, Ferchair Mac an t'Sagairt, who was apparently the grandson or great-grandson of Gillandres, one of the six earls who besieged Malcolm IV. at Perth in 1160, brought into closer connection with the crown. The lay Abbots of which Ferquhard was the head were the hereditary possessors of all the extensive territories which had for centuries been ruled and owned by this old and powerful Celtic monastery. As a reward for his services against the men of Moray in 1215 and for the great services which, in 1222, he again rendered to the King in the subjugation of the whole district then known as Argyle, extending from the Clyde to Lochbroom, he received additional honours. In that campaign known as "the Conquest of Argyle," Ferquhard led most of the western tribes, and for his prowess, the Celtic earldom, which was then finally annexed to the Crown and made a feudal appanage, was conferred on him with the title of Earl of Ross, and he is so designated in a charter dated 1234. He is again on record, under the same title, in 1235 and 1236. Regarding an engagement which took place between Alexander II. and the Gallowegians, in 1235, the Chronicle of Melrose says, that "at the beginning of the battle the Earl of Ross, called Macintagart, came up and attacked the enemies (of the King) in the rear, and as soon as they perceived this they took to flight and retreated into the woods and mountains, but they were followed up by the Earl and several others, who put many of them to the sword, and harassed them as long as daylight lasted." In 'Celtic Scotland,' Vol. II, p.412, it is stated that the hereditary lay priests of which he was the chief "according to tradition, bore the name of O'Beollan"; and MacVuirich, in the Black Book of Clanranald, says that from Ferquhard was descended Gillapatrick the Red, son of Roderick, and known traditionally as the Red Priest, whose daughter, at a later date, married and carried the monastery lands of Lochalsh and Lochcarron to the Macdonalds of the Isles.
In one of the Norse Sagas the progenitor of Ferquhard is designated "King," just the same as the great Somerled and some of his descendants had been called at a later date. Referring to Helgi, son of Ottar, the Landnamabok Saga records that "he made war upon Scotland and carried off prisoner Nidbjorga, the daughter of King Bjolan, and of Kadliner, daughter or Ganga Rolf," or Rollo, who, as already stated, afterwards became the celebrated Earl of Normandy. Writing of Alexander, third Earl of Ross and Lord of the Isles, Hugh Macdonald, the Sleat historian, says that -
"He was a man born to much trouble all his life time. First he took to him the concubine daughter of Patrick Obeolan, surnamed the Red, who was a very beautiful woman. This surname Obeolan was the surname of the Earls of Ross, till Farquhar, born in Ross, was created earl by King Alexander, and so carried the name of Ross since, as best answering the English tongue. This Obeolan had its descent of the ancient tribe of Manapii; of this tribe is also St. Rice or Ruffus. Patrick was an Abbot and had Carlebay in the Lewis, and the Church lands in that country, with 18 mark lands in Lochbroom. He bad two sons and a daughter. The sons were called Normand and Austin More, so called from his excessive strength and corpulency. This Normand had daughters that were great beauties, one of whom was married to Mackay of Strathnavern one to Dugall MacRanald, Laird of Mudort; one to MacLeod of Assint; one to MacDuffie; and another, the first, to Maclean of Bororay. Patrick's daughter bore a son to Alexander, Lord of the Isles and Earl of Ross, who was called Austin (Uisdean or Hugh) or as others say, Augustine. She was twice before the King, as Macdonald could not be induced to part with her, on occasion of her great beauty. The King said, that it was no wonder that such a fair damsel had enticed Macdonald." ['Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis,' pp. 304-305.]
It is not intended here to discuss whether Hugh of Sleat and his elder brother Celestine of Lochalsh were illegitimate or not. They were so called by their father, Earl Alexander, and by their brother, Earl John. The first describes Celestine as "filius naturalis" in a charter preserved in the Mackintosh charter chest, dated 1447, and Earl John calls his brother Austin or Hugh "frater carnalis" in two charters, dated respectively 1463 and 1470. This goes far to corroborate the Sleat historian, who was not the least likely to introduce illegitimacy into his own favourite family unless the charge was really true. It is instructive to find that Celestine succeeded to all the lands of the monastery of Applecross in Lochalsh, Lochcarron, and Lochbroom. These lay abbots are also said to have held, under the old Earls of Ross, the Sleat district of the Isle of Skye, which Hugh, first of that family, is alleged to have inherited through his mother, daughter of the Red Priest and a descendant of Farquhar Mac an t'Sagairt, Earl of Ross. It will be observed also that Austin, Uisdean, or Hugh, a common name among the Applecross and old Earl of Ross dynasty, comes into the Macdonald family for the first time at this period, after Earl Alexander of the Macdonald line had formed a union with the daughter of the last lay Abbot of Applecross. Skene distinctly affirms that Hugh Macdonald of Sleat was the son of Earl Alexander by a daughter of this Gille-Padruig ('Celtic Scotland,' Vol. III. p. 298) while Gregory suggests that the words naturalis and carnalis used by Hugh's father and brother in the charters already quoted "were used to designate the issue of those handfast or left-handed marriages which appear to have been so common in the Highlands and Isles." ['Western Highlands and Isles,' p.41] Whether the Sleat district of Skye was or was not carried for the first time to the Macdonald Earls of Ross and Lords of the Isles by this union with a member of the family of the original O'Beolan Earls, it is perfectly clear that the latter had an intimate connection with the Sleat district at a much earlier period.
Saint Maelrubba, who is first heard of in Britain in 671, two years later, in 673, founded the original Church of Applecross "from which as a centre he evangelised the whole of the western districts lying between Loch Carron and Loch Broom, as well as the south and west parts of the Island of Skye, and planted churches in Easter Ross and elsewhere." ['Celtic Scotland,' Vol. II. p. 166.] It is at least interesting to find these lands going to and afterwards remaining in possession of the two sons of Earl Alexander who are said to have been illegitimate, when all their other enormous possessions were in 1493 finally forfeited to the Crown. Hugh, who possessed Sleat during the life of his father and brother, receives a Crown charter of these lands under the Great Seal two years after, in 1495, although his brother John, fourth and last Lord of the Isles, was still alive, his death not having occurred until 1498, three years later.
Sir Robert Gordon ('Earldom of Scotland,' p. 36) shows that the
Rosses were originally designated O'Beolan and Gillanders
indiscriminately, according to the writer's or speaker's fancy.
He says that -
"From the second son of the Earl of Ross the lairds of Balnagowan are descended, and had by inheritance the lands of Rariechies and Coulleigh, where you may observe that the laird of Balnagowan's surname should not be Ross, seeing that there was never any Earl of Ross of that surname; but the Earls of Ross were first of the surname of Beolan, then they were Leslies, and last of all that earldom fell by inheritance to the Lords of the Isles, who resigned the same unto king James the Third's bands, in the year of God 1477. So I do think that the lairds of Balnagowan, perceiving the Earls of Ross decayed, and that earldom, fallen into the Lords of the Isles' hands, they called themselves Ross thereby to testify their descent from the Earls of Ross. Besides, all the Rosses in that province are Unto this day called in the Irish (Gaelic) language Clan Leandries, which race by their own tradition is sprung from another stock."
In the same work, p. 46, we find that the Earls of Ross were called
O'Beolans as late as 1333, for Sir Robert informs us, writing of
the battle of Halidon Hill, that "in this field was Hugh Beolan,
Earl of Ross, slain."
It is established to the satisfaction of all reasonable men that the Applecross and O'Beolan Earls of Ross were one and the same, and that they were descended from Gilleoin na h' Airde, corrupted in the Norse Sagas into "Beolan," the general designation by which they were known, until Earl William, the last of his line, died without surviving male issue on the 9th of February, 1372, when the title devolved upon his daughter, Euphemia, Countess of Ross in her own right, whose daughter, Mary, or Margaret, by Sir Walter Leslie, carried the earldom to Donald of Harlaw, second Lord of the Isles. That the O'Beolan Earls of Ross, of whom Ferquhard Mac an t'Sagairt was the first, descended from the same ancestor, Gilleoin na h' Airde, as the older "Gillandres" earl of 1160, is equally certain. Earl Gillandres as probably forfeited for the part he took against Malcolm IV. on that occasion, and Ferquhard having rendered such important services to Alexander II. was restored probably quite as much in virtue of his ancient rights as the grandson of Ferquhard as on account of his valiant conduct in support of the crown in Moray, in Argyle, and in Galloway, in 1215, 1222, and 1235.
The surname Ross has in early times been invariably rendered in Gaelic as Gilleanrias, or Gillanders, and the Rosses appear under this appellation in all the early Acts of Parliament. There is also an unvarying tradition that on the death of the last Earl of the O'Beolan line a certain Paul Mac Tire was for some years head of the Rosses, and this tradition is corroborated by the fact that there is a charter on record by Earl William of the lands of Gairloch in 1366 in favour of Paul Mac Tire and his heirs by Mary Graham, in which the Earl styles Mac Tire his cousin. This grant was confirmed by King Robert II. in 1372. In the manuscript of 1467 the genealogy of Clann Gille-Anrias, or the descendants of Gillean-Ard-Rois, begins with a Paul Mac Tire. The clan whose genealogy is there given is undoubtedly that of the Rosses, and in the manuscript they are traced upwards from Paul MacTire in a direct line to Gilleon na h'Airde, the "Beolan" of the Norse Sagas, who lived in the tenth century, and who will be shown to be also the remote progenitor of the Mackenzies. The Aird referred to is said to be the Aird of Ross.
In the manuscript of 1467 the name Gille-Anrias appears in the genealogies of both the Mackenzies and the Rosses exactly contemporaneous with the generation which preceded the original grant to "Ferchair Mac an t'Sagairt" of the Earldom of Ross. The name Gille-Anrias has been rendered as the Gaelic equivalent for Servant of Andrew, or St. Andrew, and that, according to Skene, would seem to indicate that the first of that name, if not a priest himself, must have belonged to the priestly house of Appercrossan or Applecross, of which Earl Farquhar ultimately became the head. The dates exactly correspond; and when, in addition to this, it is remembered that of the earls who besieged Malcolm IV. at Perth in 1160 one was named "Gillandres" it seems fully established that Ferchard Mac an t'Sagairt was descended from the original earls and that he was entitled to the earldom by ancient right on the failure or forfeiture of the direct representative of the old line, as well as by a new creation. Although there may have been one or two usurpers - a common event in those turbulent times - Ferquhard was undoubtedly a near relative and the legitimate successor of the Celtic "Gillandres" earl of 1160. He is described in the 'Chronicle of Melrose' as "Comes Rossensis Machentagard," and in Dalrymple's Annals of Scotland as "Mc Kentagar," a designation which the author describes in a footnote as "an unintelligible word," though its meaning is perfectly plain to every Gaelic-speaking Celt.
Ferquhard founded the Abbey of Fearn, in Easter Ross, about 1230, and died there in 1251.
Referring to his position during the first half of the thirteenth century even the Earl of Cromartie is forced to admit in his MS., a copy of which we possess, that "it cannot be disputed that the Earl of Ross was the Lord paramount under Alexander II., by whom Farquhard Mac an t'Sagairt was recognised in the hereditary dignity of his predecessors, and who, by another tradition, was a real progenitor of the noble family of Kintail." And this was said and written by an author, who, in another part of the same manuscript, stoutly maintains that the king granted these identical lands to Colin Fitzgerald by a charter which, if it was ever signed at all, must have been signed a full generation before the date which the forged document bears - thirty years after the witnesses whose names attest it had gone to their last home.
THE O'BEOLAN EARLS OF ROSS.
It must now be most interesting to every member of the Clan Mackenzie to know who these O'Beolan Earls of Ross were and all that can be ascertained regarding themselves and their family alliances. Leaving out Earl Gillanders, of whom so little is known, let us begin with
I. FERQUHARD, OR FARQUHAR O'BEOLAN, "Mac an t'Sagairt," who, as already stated, founded the Abbey of Fearn, and died there in 1251. By his wife, whose name has not come down to us, he had issue, at least,
1. William, his heir and successor.
2. Malcolm, of whose life nothing is known.
3. Euphemia, who married Walter de Moravia, Lord of Duffus from 1224 to 1262.
4. Christina, who married Olave the Red, King of Man, with issue.
Farquhar was succeeded by his eldest son,
II. WILLIAM O'BEOLAN, EARL OF ROSS. He obtained Skye and Lewis from Alexander III. and died at Earles Allane in 1274. He married Joan daughter of the first Red Comyn, who died in 1273, and sister of John, the Black Comyn, Lord of Badenoch and Earl of Buchan, who married Marjory, sister of King John Baliol, with issue - the Red Comyn, who was killed by Robert the Bruce in the Church of Dumfries in 1306. Another sister of the Countess of Ross was married to John Macdougall, Lord of Lorn, on record in 1251, usually styled "King Eoin or Ewin." By his wife Earl William had issue -
1. William, his heir and successor.
2. Dorothea, who married her cousin, Torquil Macleod II. of Lewis, with issue.
He was succeeded by his only son,
III. WILLIAM O'BEOLAN, EARL OF ROSS, who fought alternately with Edward I. and Robert the Bruce, and was imprisoned in London 1296-97. In 1306 he delivered up to the English King, Robert Bruce's Queen, Isabella, his daughter Marjory, his sister Mary, the brave Countess of Buchan, and other ladies of distinction, who bad for a time found shelter and protection in the Sanctuary of St. Duthus, at Tain, from the English oppressors of their country. In 1309 he obtained a new grant of his lands. By his wife, one of the Grahams of Montrose, he had issue -
1. Hugh, his heir and successor.
2. Sir John, who married his second cousin, Margaret, daughter of Alexander, Earl of Buchan.
3. Isabella, who married Edward Bruce, Earl of Carrick, brother of King Robert the Bruce.
4. A daughter who, as her second husband, married Malise, Earl of Stratherne, with issue - four daughters, the eldest of whom married William St. Clair, Baron of Roslin, whose son Henry afterwards succeeded in right of his mother to the earldom of Stratherne.
He died at Delny, in Easter Ross, in 1323, and was succeeded by his eldest son, IV. HUGH O'BEOLAN, EARL OF ROSS. He received charters, of Strathglass and of the Isle of Skye. He married first, in 1308, Maud or Matilda, sister of King Robert the Bruce, with issue -
1. William, his heir and successor.
2. Hugh Ross of Rarichies, from whom the Old Rosses of Balnagown, of whom the last representative in the male line was the late George Ross of Pitcalnie. This Hugh obtained the lands of Philorth in Aberdeen-shire, and between 1362 and 1372 he exchanged them with his brother, Earl Hugh, for the lands of North Argyle, including the Castle of Ellandonnan. The territories exchanged included Strathglass, Kintail, and other lands in Wester Ross.
3. Janet, who married, first, Monimusk of Monimusk and, secondly, Sir Alexander Murray of Abercairny.
4. Euphemia or Eupham, who married, first, Randolph, Earl of Moray, who was killed at the battle of Durham, and secondly, her cousin, King Robert II., grandson of Robert the Bruce and first of the Stuart dynasty. This marriage being within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity a special dispensation was obtained from Pope Innocent VI. for its celebration in 1355. She died in 1372.
Earl Hugh married, secondly, also by dispensation from the Pope, in 1329, Margaret, daughter of Sir David de Graham.
The Earl was killed at the battle of Halidon Hill in 1333, when he was succeeded by his eldest son, V. WILLIAM O'BEOLAN, EARL OF ROSS AND LORD OF SKYE, banished to Norway for some serious offence, but in 1336 he is found in actual possession of the earldom. He was afterwards Justiciar of Scotland, and in a charter of 1374 he is designated "frater Regis," or the King's brother, no doubt from the fact that his sister Euphemla was the wife of Robert II. He rebuilt the Abbey of Fearn, and married his cousin Isobel, daughter of Malise, Earl of Stratherne, Orkney, and Caithness, with issue -
1. William, who died before his father
2. Euphemia, who became Countess of Ross in her own right on the death of her father.
3. Johanna, who, in 1375, married Sir Alexander Fraser, Lord of Cowie and Durris, ancestor of the Frasers of Philorth and Pitsligo, now represented by Lord Saltoun. Johanna first carried the lands of Philorth to that family. She has a charter in 1370.
William died on the 9th of February, 1372, without surviving male issue, when he was succeeded by his eldest daughter,
VI. EUPHEMIA O'BEOLAN, COUNTESS OF ROSS in her own right. She married first, by dispensation, dated 1367, Sir Walter Leslie, son of Sir Andrew Leslie, who in right of his wife became Earl of Ross. They have a charter of the earldom of Ross and of the lands of Skye dated 1370, two years before Earl William's death, in their own favour and that of their heirs male and female in reversion. Her first husband predeceased her in 1382, whereupon she married, secondly, Alexander, Earl of Buchan, better known in history as "The Wolf of Badenoch." He died, without issue, in 1394. She died Abbess of Elcho in 1398, and was buried in Fortrose Cathredral. By Sir Walter Leslie she had issue -
1. Sir Alexander Leslie, who became Earl of Ross in right of his mother.
2. Margaret Leslie, who married Donald, second Lord of the Isles, who in her right, after fighting the battle of Harlaw, succeeded to the earldom of Ross, and carried it to a new family, the Macdonald Lords of the isles.
When the Countess Euphemia died, in 1398, she was succeeded by her only son,
VII. SIR ALEXANDER LESLIE, EARL OF ROSS, who married Isabella, daughter of Robert Stewart, Duke of Albany, Governor of Scotland, and by her had issue an only daughter, Lady Euphemia, or Mary, who became a nun, and resigned the earldom in favour of her maternal uncle, John, Earl of Buchan. Donald, Lord of the Isles, who married her father's sister, Margaret, disputed Euphemia's right to put the earldom past her aunt, and the battle of Harlaw was fought in 1411 to decide the issue, which, as already stated, turned, so far as the possession of the great earldom was concerned, in favour of the Lord of the Isles, since known as Donald of Harlaw. From this point the history of the earldom falls properly to be dealt with and is given at length in 'The History of the Macdonalds and Lords of the Isles.' But thus far it cannot fail to be extremely interesting to all the members of the clan Mackenzie, whether they believe in the Gillanders and O'Beolans or in the Fitzgeralds as the progenitors of the race; for in any case the clan was in its earlier annals closely allied with the O'Beolan Earls of Ross by descent and marriage.
It has been established that Gillanders and O'Beolan were the names of the ancient and original Earls of Ross, and they continued to be represented in the male line by the Old Rosses of Balnagowan down to the end of the eighteenth century, when the last heir male of that family, finding that the entail ended with himself, sold the estates to General Ross, brother of Lord Ross of Hawkhead, who, although possessing the same name, was of a different family and origin. It will, it is believed, be now admitted with equal certainty that the Rosses and the Mackenzies are descended from the same progenitor, Beolan or Gilleoin na h'Airde, the undoubted common ancestor of the old Earls of Ross, the Gillanders, and the Rosses. The various steps in the earliest portion of the genealogy connecting the Mackenzies with the common ancestor will be given with the same detail as that of the Rosses, and it will be stated with sufficient accuracy to justify the conclusions at which, in common with Dr Skene and all the best authorities on the subject, we have arrived. The genealogy of the Clan Andres or Rosses in the manuscript of 1467, is as follows:
"Pol ic Tire, ic Eogan, ic Muiredaigh, ic Poil, ic Gilleanrias, ic Martain, ic Poil, ic Cainig, ic Cranin, ic Eogan, ic Cainic, ic Cranin, McGilleoin na h'Airde, ic Eirc, ic Loirn, ic Fearchar, Mc Cormac, ic Abertaig, ic Feradaig."
Dr Skene's translation -
"Paul son of Tire, son of Ewen, son of Murdoch, son of Paul, son of Gillanrias, son of Martin, son of Paul, son of Kenneth, son of Crinan, son of Ewen, son of Kenneth, son of Crinan, son of Gilleoin of the Aird, son of Erc, son of Lorn, son of Ferchar, son of Cormac, son of Oirbeirtaigh, son of Feradach."
The Mackenzie genealogy in the same MS. is -
"Muiread ic Cainig, Mc Eoin, ic Cainig, ic Aengusa, ic Cristin, ic Agam, Mc Gilleoin Qig, ic Gilleon na h'Aird."
Skene's translation follows -
"Murdoch son of Kenneth, son of John, son of Kenneth, son of Angus, son of Cristin, son of Adam, son of Gilleoin Og, son of Gilleoin of the Aird."
Skene makes an important correction on this genealogy in his later work, 'Celtic Scotland,' Vol. III., p. 485, by substituting Cainig - Kenneth, for Agam - Adam, in his original reading. In this form the genealogy of 1467 corresponds exactly, so far as it goes, with that given by MacVuirich in the Black Book of Clanranald. In 1222 "Gilchrist filius Kinedi," Gillecriosd son of Kenneth, is on record as a follower of MacWilliam. Cristean is the ordinary Gaelic form of Christopher, otherwise Gilchrist, or Gillecriosd. There is thus no doubt that the "Cristin" of the Gaelic genealogy is the same name as Gillecriosd, Gilchrist, and Christopher.
In the MacVuirich manuscript, however, several names are given between Gilleoin Og and Gilleoin na h'Airde which are absent from the manuscript of 1467; for while we have thirteen generations in the Clan Anrias or Ross genealogy in the latter between Paul Mac Tire and Gilleoin of the Aird, we have only eight in the Mackenzie genealogy between Murdoch of the Cave, who was contemporary with Mac Tire, and their common ancestor Gilleoin of the Aird, or Beolan. In the MacVuirich manuscript there are fifteen generations, translated thus -
"Murdoch son of Kenneth, son of John, son of Kenneth, son of Angus 'crom,' or the hump-backed, son of Kenneth, son of Gilleoin Og, son of Gilleoin Mor, or the Great, son of Murdoch, son of Duncan, son of Murdoch, son of Duncan, son of Murdoch, son of Kenneth, son of Cristin, or Christopher, son of Gilleoin of the Aird."
The genealogies of the three families as brought out by these manuscripts, are shown in the following table:—
GILLEOIN OF THE AIRD. | +———————————————+—————————+ |CLAN ANRIAS. | MACKENZIES. | +———————————————+—————————+ | Crinan | Cristin | | Kenneth | Kenneth | | Ewen | Murdoch | | Crinan | Duncan | | Kenneth | Murdoch | | Paul | Duncan | | Martin | Murdoch | | Gillanrias | Gilleoin Mor | +————-|——————————| Gilleoin Og | | | Kenneth | +—————————-+—————————+ | Angus Crom | | EARLS OF ROSS | ROSSES | | Kenneth | +—————————-+—————————+ | John | | The Priest-"An | Paul | | Kenneth | | Sagart" | Murdoch | | Murdoch of the | | I. Ferquhard "Mac | Ewen | | Cave who died | | an t'Sagairt" | Tire | | in 1375 | | II. William | Paul Mac Tire | +—————————+ | III. William | who has a | | IV. Hugh | charter of the | | V. William who | lands of | | died in 1372 | Garloch from | | | the Earl of | | | Ross in 1366, | | | confirmed in | | | 1372. | +—————————-+—————————+
There would seem to be no doubt that "Tire" or Tyre, stands here and elsewhere for "An t'Oighre," or the Heir, and Paul "Mac Tire" for Pol " Mac-an-Oighre," or Son of the Heir. It will be observed that Colin does not appear once in these early genealogies, and it has been already pointed out that no trace of it is found anywhere as a family name until the middle of the sixteenth century, when it was introduced by the marriage of one of the Mackenzie chiefs to a daughter of the Earl of Atholl, whose mother was Lady Mary Campbell, and who, calling her second son after her own uncle Colin, third Earl of Argyll, for the first time brought that name into the family genealogy of Kintail.
It will also be seen as we proceed, although the Earls of Ross were superiors of the lands of Kintail as part of the earldom, and that it was therefore impossible that Colin Fitzgerald or any other person than those earls could have had a gift of it from the Crown, that the Mackenzies occupied the lands and the castle, not as immediate vassals; of the King, but of their own near relatives, the O'Beolan Earls of Ross and their successors, for at least two hundred years before the Mackenzies received a grant of it for themselves direct from the Crown. This is proved beyond dispute by genuine historical documents. Until within a few years of the final forfeiture of the Lords of the Isles in 1476, the Mackenzies undoubtedly held their lands, first from the O'Beolan Earls and subsequently from the Island Lords as Earls of Ross; for the first direct Crown charter to any chief of Kintail of which we have authentic record, is one dated the 7th of January, 1463, in favour of Alexander "Ionraic," the sixth Baron.
To show the intimate relations which existed between the original Earls of Ross and the ancestor of the Mackenzies, a quotation may be given from a manuscript history of the clan written by Dr George Mackenzie, nephew of Kenneth Mor, third Earl of Seaforth, in the seventeenth century. Although he is a supporter of the Fitzgerald origin, he is forced to say that, "at the same time (1267) William, Earl of Ross, laying a claim of superiority over the Western Isles, thought this a fit opportunity to seize the Castle of Ellandonnan. He sent a messenger to his Kintail men to send their young chieftain to him as being his nearest kinsman by marriage with his aunt." He then goes on to say, that Kenneth, not Colin, was joined by the MacIvers, Macaulays, MacBeolans, and Clan Tarlichs, "the ancient inhabitants of Kintail," and refused to surrender, when "the Earl of Ross attacked them and was beaten." Had there been no previous kinship between the two families - and no one will now attempt with any show of reason to maintain that there was not - this marriage of William, the second Earl, to Kenneth's aunt would have made the youthful Kenneth, ancestor of the Mackenzies, first cousin, on the maternal side, to William O'Beolan, the third Earl of that line, whose wife and therefore Kintail's aunt, was Joan, sister of John, the Black Comyn, Lord of Badenoch. It has further been proved to a demonstration, and it is now admitted by all the best authorities, that the O'Beolan Earls of Ross were descended from Gilleoin na h' Airde; and so are the Mackenzies, who from the first formed an integral and most important part of the ancient powerful native Gaelic tribes of which the Earls of Ross were the chiefs.
It has been shown that Kenneth, from whom the Mackenzies take their name, was closely allied by marriage with William, second Earl of Ross, the latter having married Kenneth's maternal aunt. This fact by itself would be sufficient to establish the high position, which even at that early period, was occupied by Kenneth, who was already very closely connected with the O'Beolan Earls of Ross by blood and marriage.
Kenneth himself married Morna or Morba, daughter of Alexander Macdougall, styled, "De Ergedia," Lord of Lorn by a daughter of John, the first Red Comyn, Lord of Badenoch, who died in 1273. Kenneth's wife was thus a sister of John, the Black Comyn, who died about 1299, having married Marjory, daughter of John Baliol, by whom he had John, the second Red Comyn, one of the competitors for the Scottish Crown, killed by Robert the Bruce in the Church of Dumfries in 1306. Kenneth's issue by Morna or Morba of Lorn was John Mackenzie, II. of Kintail, who was thus, through his mother, third In descent from John, the first Red Comyn, who died in 1273, and sixth from the great Somerled of the Isles, Thane of Argyle, progenitor of the Macdougalls of Lorn and of all the Macdonalds, who died in 1164.
John made even a more illustrious alliance than his father, by which at that early date he introduced the Royal blood of Scotland and England into the family of Kintail. He married his relative, Margaret, sister of David, twelfth Earl of Atholl, slain in 1335, and daughter of David, the eleventh Earl, who died in 1327 (whose estates were forfeited by Edward I.), by Joan Comyn (died 1323), daughter of the Red Comyn killed by Robert the Bruce, and great granddaughter of John Baliol. Margaret's father, David, eleventh Earl of Atholl who died in 1327, was the oldest son of John de Strathbogie, tenth Earl, hanged by Edward I. Earl John's mother was the Countess Isabel de Dover, who died at a very old age in 1292, daughter of Richard Fitzroy de Chillam (died 1216), a natural son of King John of England.
Kenneth Mackenzie, III. of Kintail, the issue of this marriage, was sixth in descent from John Baliol of the Royal line of Scotland and sixth from King John of England.
The Norwegian blood of the Kings of Man was brought into the family by the marriage of this Kenneth to Finguala, daughter of Torquil Macleod, I. of Lewis, who was the grandson of Olave the Black, Norwegian King of Man, who died about 1237, by his wife Christina, daughter of Ferquhard "Mac an t'Sagairt," first O'Beolan Earl of Ross.
The Royal blood of the Bruce was introduced by the marriage of Murdoch Mackenzie, V. of Kintail, to Finguala, daughter of Malcolm Macleod, III. of Harris (who has a charter in 1343), by Martha, daughter of David, twelfth Earl of Mar, son of Gratney, eleventh Earl (whose sister Isabel married Robert the Bruce) by his wife Christina, daughter of Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick, and sister of King Robert the Bruce.
The Plantaganet blood-royal of England was introduced later by the marriage of Kenneth Mackenzie, X. of Kintail, to Lady Elizabeth Stewart, daughter of John, second Earl of Atholl, fourth in descent from John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, son of Edward III., and father of Henry IV. of England, and this strain was strengthened and continued by the marriage of Kenneth's son, Colin Cam Mackenzie, XI. of Kintail, to his cousin Barbara, daughter of John Grant of Grant by Lady Marjory Stewart, daughter of John, third Earl of Atholl. It scarcely needs to be pointed out that, through these inter-marriages, the Mackenzies are also descended from the ancient Celtic MacAlpine line of Scottish Kings, from the original Anglo-Saxon Kings of England, and from the oldest Scandinavian, Charlemagne, and Capetian lines, as far back as the beginning of the ninth century.
The origin of the O'Beolan Earls of Ross and the Mackenzies from the same source is strikingly illustrated by their inter-marriages into the same families and with each other's kindred. Both the O'Beolans and the Mackenzies made alliances with the Comyns of Badenoch, with the MacDougalls of Lorn, and subsequently with the Macleods of Lewis and Harris, thus forming a network of cousinship which ultimately included all the leading families in the Highlands, every one of which, through these alliances, have the Royal blood of all the English, Scottish, and Scandinavian Kings, and many of the earlier foreign monarchs, coursing in their veins.
Surely this is a sufficiently ancient and illustrious origin and much more satisfactory to every patriotic clansman than an Irish adventurer like the reputed Colin Fitzgerald, who, if he ever existed, had not and never could have had any connection with the real origin of the Mackenzies, which was as purely native of the Highlands as it was possible for any Scoto-Celtic family in those days to be. The various genealogical steps and marriage alliances already referred to will be confirmed in each individual case as we proceed with the succession and history of the respective chiefs of the family, beginning with the first of the line,
I. KENNETH, OR COINNEACH,
Who gave his name to the clan. His is the fourth ascending name in the manuscript genealogy of 1467, which begins with Murdoch of the Cave. Murdoch died in 1375, and was thus almost contemporaneous with the author of the Gaelic genealogy, which, translated, proceeds up to this Kenneth as follows: Murdoch, son of Kenneth, son of John, son of Kenneth, and so on, as already given at page 39 to Gilleoin of the Aird.
At this interesting stage it may be well to explain how the name Mackenzie came to be pronounced and written as it now is. John, the son of this Kenneth, would be called in the original native Gaelic, "Ian Mac Choinnich," John, son of Kenneth. In that form it was unpronounceable to those unacquainted with the native tongue. The nearest approach the foreigner could get to its correct enunciation would be Mac Coinni or Mac Kenny, which ultimately came to be spelt Mac Kenzie, Z in those days having exactly the same value and sound as the letter V; and the name, although spelt with a Z instead of a Y would be pronounced Mac Kenny, as indeed we pronounce in our own day, in Scotland, such names as Menzies, Macfadzean, and several others, as if they were still written with the letter Y. The two letters being thus of the same value, after a time came to be used indiscriminately in the word Kenny or Kenzie, and the letter z having subsequently acquired a different value and sound of its own, more allied to the letter S than to the original Y, the name is pronounced as if it were written Mackensie.
Kenneth was the son and heir of Angus, the direct representative of a long line of ancestors up to Gilleoin na li'Airde, the common progenitor of the O'Beolan Earls of Ross, the Clann Ghille-Andrais, who about the end of the fourteenth century called themselves Rosses, and of the Mackenzies. The close connection by blood and marriage between the O'Beolan Earls of Ross and Kenneth's family before and after this period has been already shown, but the ancient ties of friendship had at this time become somewhat strained. Kenneth succeeded to the government of Ellandonnan Castle, which was garrisoned by his friends and supporters, the Macraes and the Maclennans, who, even at that early date in large numbers occupied Kintail. Kenneth, in fact, was Governor of the Castle, and was otherwise becoming so powerful that his superior, the Earl, was getting very jealous of him.
At this time the first Earl William laid claim to the superiority of the Western Isles, which he and his father, Ferchair Mac an t'Sagairt; were chiefly instrumental, among the followers of Alexander III., in wresting from the Norwegians, and he was naturally desirous to have the government of Ellandonnan Castle in his own hands, or under the charge of some one less ambitious than Kenneth, and on whom he could implicitly rely. Kenneth was advancing rapidly both in power and influence among his more immediate neighbours, who were mainly composed of the ancient inhabitants of the district, the Mac Beolains, who occupied Glenshiel and the south side of Loch Duich as far as Kylerhea; the Mac Ivors, who inhabited Glen Lichd, the Cro of Kintail, and the north side of Loch Duich; while the Mac Tearlichs, now calling themselves Mac Erlichs or Charlesons, occupied Glenelchaig. These aboriginal natives naturally supported Kenneth, who was one of themselves, against the claims of his superior, the Earl, who though a pure Highland Celt was less known in Kintail than the Governor of the Castle. This only made the Earl more determined than ever to obtain possession of the stronghold, and he peremptorily requested the garrison to surrender it and Kenneth to him at once. The demand was promptly refused; and finding that the Governor was resolved to hold it at all hazards the Earl sent a strong detachment to take it by storm.
Kenneth was readily joined by the surrounding tribes, among whom were, along with those whose names have been already given, the brave Macaulays of Lochbroom, who were distantly related to him. By the aid of these reinforcements Kenneth was able to withstand a desperate and gallant onset by the Earl and his followers, who were defeated and driven back with great slaughter. This exasperated the enemy so much that he soon after returned to the charge with a largely increased force, at the same time threatening the young governor with the utmost vengeance and final extirpation unless he immediately capitulated. But before the Earl was able to carry his threats into execution, be was overtaken by a severe illness of which he very soon after died, in 1274. His son, the second Earl William, did not persevere in his father's policy against Kintail, and it was not long before his attention was diverted into another channel. On the death of Alexander III., in 1286, the affairs of the nation became confused and distracted. This was rather an advantage to Kenneth than otherwise, for, in the general disorder which followed he was able to strengthen his position among the surrounding tribes. Through a combination of native prudence, personal popularity, and a growing power and influence heightened by the eclat of his having so recently defeated the powerful Earl of Ross, he succeeded in maintaining good order in his own district, while his increasing influence was felt over most of the Western Isles.
Kenneth married Morna or Morba, daughter of Alexander Macdougall of Lorn, "de Ergedia," by a daughter of John the first Red Comyn, and sister of John the Black Comyn, Earl of Badenoch. He died in 1304 and was buried in Icolmkill, when he was succeeded by his only son,
II. JOHN MAC KENNETH, OR MAC KENZIE,
The first of the race called Mac Kenny or Mac Kenzie. Dr George Mackenzie, already quoted, says that "the name Coinneach is common to the Pictish and Scottish Gael," and that "Mackenzie, Baron of Kintail, attached himself to the fortunes of the heroic Robert the Bruce, notwithstanding MacDougall's (his father-in-law) tenacious adherence to the cause of Baliol, as is believed, in resentment for the murder of his cousin, the Red Comyn, at Dumfries"; while the Earl of Cromartie says that he "not only sided with Robert Bruce in his contest with the Cumins but that he was one of those who sheltered him in his lurking and assisted him in his restitution; 'for in the Isles,' says Boethius 'he had supply from a friend; and yet Donald of the Isles, who then commanded them, was on the Cumin's side, and raised the Isles to their assistance, and was beat at Deer by Edward Bruce, anno 1308.'" All this is indeed highly probable.
After Bruce left the Island of Rachrin he was for a considerable time lost sight of, many believing that he had perished during his wanderings, from the great hardships which he necessarily endured in his ultimately successful attempts to escape the vigilant efforts and search of his enemies. That Bruce found shelter in Ellandonnan Castle and was there protected for a considerable time by the Baron of Kintail - until he found opportunity again to take the field against his enemies - has ever since been the unbroken tradition in the Highlands, and it has always been handed down from one generation to another as a proud incident in the history of the clan. The Laird of Applecross, who wrote his manuscript history of the Mackenzies in 1669, follows the earlier family historians. He says that this Baron of Kintail "did own the other party, and was one of those who sheltered the Bruce, and assisted in his recovery. I shall not say he was the only one, but this stands for that assertion that all who were considerable in the Hills and Isles were enemies to the Bruce, and so cannot be presumed to be his friends. The Earl of Ross did most unhandsomely and unhumanly apprehend his lady at Tain and delivered her to the English, anno 1305. Donald of the Isles, or Rotholl, or rather Ronald, with all the Hebrides, armed against the Bruce and were beat by Edward Bruce in Buchan, anno 1308. Alexander of Argyll partied (sided with) the Baliol; his country, therefore, was wasted by Bruce, anno 1304, and himself taken by him, 1309. Macdougall of Lorn fought against the Bruce, and took him prisoner, from whom he notably escaped, so that there is none in the district left so considerable as this chief (Mackenzie) who had an immediate dependence on the Royal family and had this strong fort, which was never commanded by the Bruce's enemies, either English or Scots; and that his shelter and assistance was from a remote place and friend is evident from all our stories. But all their neighbours being stated on a different side from the Mackenzies engendered a feud betwixt him and them, especially with the Earl of Ross and Donald of the Isles, which never ended but with the end of the Earl of Ross and lowering of the Lord of the Isles." That this is true will be placed beyond question as we proceed.
It may, indeed, be assumed from subsequent events in the history of these powerful families and the united testimony of all the genealogists of the Mackenzies, that the chief of Kintail did befriend Robert the Bruce against his enemies and protected him in his castle of Ellandonnan, in spite of the commands of his immediate superior, the Earl of Ross, and the united power of all the other great families of the Western Isles and Argyle. And in his independent stand at this important period in the history of Scotland will be found the true grounds of the local rancour which afterwards prevailed between Mackenzie and the Island Lord, and which only terminated in the collapse of the Earls of Ross and the Lords of the Isles, upon the ruins of which, as a reward for proved loyalty to the reigning monarch, and as the result of the characteristic prudence of the race of MacKenneth, the House of Kintail gradually rose in power, subsequently absorbed the ancient inheritance of all the original possessors of the district, and ultimately extended their influence more widely over the whole provinces of Wester and Central Ross.
The genealogists further say that this chief waited on the King during his visit to Inverness in 1312. [The MS. histories of the Mackenzies give the date of Robert Bruce's visit to Inverness as 1307, but from a copy of the "Annual of Norway," at the negotiation and arrangement of which "the eminent Prince, Lord Robert, by the like grace, noble King of Scors (attended) personally on the other part," it will be seen that the date of the visit was 1312. - See 'Invernessiana,' by Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, F,S.A. Scot., pp. 36-40.] This may now be accepted as correct, as also that he fought at the head of his followers at the battle of Inverury, where Bruce defeated Mowbray and the Comyn in 1303. After this important engagement, according to Fenton, "all the nobles, barons, towns, cities, garrisons, and castles north of the Grampians submitted to Robert the Bruce," when, with good reason, the second chief of Clan Kenneth was further confirmed in the favour of his sovereign, and in the government of Ellandonnan.
The Lord of the Isles had in the meantime, after his capture in Argyle, died while confined in Dundonald Castle, when his brother and successor, Angus Og, declared for Bruce. Argyll and Lorn left, or were driven out of the country, and took up their residence in England. With Angus Og of the Isles now on the side of Bruce, and the territories of Argyll and Lorn at his mercy in the absence of their respective chiefs, it was an easy matter for the King, during the varied fortunes of his heroic struggle, defending Scotland from the English, to draw largely upon the resources of the West Highlands and Isles, flow unmolested, particularly after the surprise at Perth in the winter of 1312, and the reduction of all the strongholds in Scotland - except Stirling, Berwick, and Dunbar - during the ensuing summer. The decisive blow, however, yet to be struck by which the independence and liberties of Scotland were to be for ever established and confirmed, and the time was drawing nigh when every nerve would have to be strained for a final effort to clear it, once for all, of the bated followers of the tyrant Edwards, roll them back before an impetuous wave of Scottish valour, and for ever put an end to England's claim to tyrannise over a free-born people whom it was found impossible to crush or cow. Nor, in the words of the Bennetsfield manuscript, "will we affect a morbid indifference to the fact that on the 24th of June, 1314, Bruce's heroic band of thirty thousand warriors on the glorious field of Bannockburn contained above ten thousand Western Highlanders and men of the Isles," under Angus Og of the Isles, Mackenzie of Kintail (who led five hundred of his vassals), and other chiefs of the mainland, of whom Major specially says, that "they made an incredible slaughter of their enemies, slaying heaps of them around wherever they went, and running upon them with their broadswords and daggers like wild bears without any regard to their own lives." Alluding to the same event, Barbour says -
Angus of the Is'es and Bute alsae,
And of the plain lands he had mae
Of armed men a noble route,
His battle stalwart was and stout.
General Stewart of Garth, in a footnote, 'Sketches of the Highlanders,' says that the eighteen Highland chiefs who fought at Bannockburn were - Mackay, Mackintosh, Macpherson, Cameron, Sinclair, Campbell, Menzies, Maclean, Sutherland, Robertson, Grant, Fraser, Macfarlane, Ross, Macgregor, Munro, Mackenzie, and Macquarrie and that "Cumming, Macdougall of Lorn, Macnab, and a few others were unfortunately in opposition to Bruce, and suffered accordingly." In due time the Western chiefs returned home, where on their arrival, many of them found local feuds still smouldering - encouraged by the absence of the natural protectors of the people - amidst the surrounding blaze. John lived peaceably at home during the remainder of his days. He married Margaret, daughter of David de Strathbogie, XIth Earl of Atholl, by Joan, daughter of John, the Red Comyn, last Earl of Badenoch, killed by Robert the Bruce in 1306. He died in 1328, and was succeeded by his only son,
III. KENNETH MACKENZIE,
Commonly called Coinneach na Sroine, or Kenneth of the Nose, from the size of that organ. Very little is known of this chief. But he does not appear to have been long in possession when he found himself serious trouble and unable to cope successfully with the Earl of Ross, who made determined efforts to re-establish the original position of his house over the Barons of Kintail. Wyntoun says that in 1331, Randolph, Earl of Moray, nephew of Robert the Bruce, and at that time Warden of Scotland, sent his Crowner to Ellandonnan, with orders to prepare the castle for his reception and to arrest all "misdoaris" in the district, fifty of whom the Crowner beheaded, and, according to the barbarous practice of even much later times, exposed their heads for the edification of the surrounding lieges high upon the castle walls. Randolph himself soon after arrived and, says the same chronicler, was "right blithe" to see the goodly show of heads "that flowered so weel that wall" - a ghastly warning to all treacherous or plundering "misdoaris." From what occurred on this occasion it is obvious that Kenneth either did not attempt or was not able to govern his people with a firm hand and to keep the district free from plunderers and lawlessness.
It is undoubted that at this time the Earl of Ross succeeded in gaining a considerable hold in the district over which he had all along claimed superiority; for in 1342 William, the fifth and last O'Beolan Earl, is on record as granting a charter of the whole ten davochs of Kintail to Reginald, son of Roderick of the Isles. The charter was granted and dated at the Castle of Urquhart, witnessed by the bishops of Ross and Moray, and confirmed by David II. in 1344. ['Invernessiana,' p.56.] From all this it may fairly be assumed that the line of Mac Kenneth was not far from the breaking point during the reign of Kenneth of the Nose.
Some followers of the Earl of Ross about this time made a raid to the district of Kenlochewe and carried away a great herschip. Mackenzie pursued them, recovered a considerable portion of the spoil, and killed many of the raiders. The Earl of Ross was greatly incensed at Kenneth's conduct in this affair, and he determined to have him apprehended and suitably punished for the murders and other excesses committed by him.
In this he ultimately succeeded. Mackenzie was captured, chiefly through the instrumentality of Leod Mac Gilleandrais - a desperate character, and a vassal and relative of the Earl - and executed at Inverness in 1346, when the lands of Kenlochewe, previously possessed by Kintail, were given to Mac Gilleandrais as a reward for Mackenzie's capture.
On this point the author of the Ardintoul manuscript says, that the lands of Kenlochewe were held by Kenneth Mackenzie "and his predecessors by tack, but not as heritage, for they had no real or heritable right of them until Alexander of Kintail got heritable possession of them from John, Earl of Ross," at a much later date. Ellandonnan Castle, however, held out during the whole of this disturbed and distracted period, and until Kenneth's heir, who at his father's death was a mere boy, came of age, when he fully avenged the death of his father, and succeeded to the inheritance of his ancestors. The garrison meanwhile maintained themselves on the spoil of the enemy. The brave defenders of the castle were able to hold their own throughout and afterwards to hand over the stronghold to their chief when he arrived at a proper age and returned home.
The Earl of Cromarty, who gives a very similar account of this period, concludes his notice of Kenneth in these terms - "Murdered thus, his estate was possessed by the oppressor's followers; but Island Donain keeped still out, maintaining themselves on the spoyle of the enemie. All being trod under by insolince and oppression, right had no place. This was during David Bruce's imprisonment in England," when chaos and disorder ruled supreme, at least in the Highlands.
Kenneth married Finguala, or Florence, daughter of Torquil Macleod,
II. of Lewis, by his wife Dorothea, daughter of William, second
O'Beolan Earl of Ross by his wife, Joan, daughter of John the first
Red Comyn, and sister of John the Black Comyn, Lord of Badenoch
and Earl of Buchan, with issue, an only son,
IV. MURDOCH MACKENZIE,
Usually called "Murchadh Dubh na h' Uagh," or Black Murdoch of the
Cave, from his habits of life, which shall be described presently.
Murdoch was very young when his father was executed at Inverness. During Kenneth's absence on that occasion, and for some time afterwards, Duncan Macaulay, a great friend, who then owned the district of Lochbroom, had charge of Ellandonnan Castle. The Earl of Ross was determined to secure possession of Murdoch, as he previously did of his father, and Macaulay becoming apprehensive as to his safety sent him, then quite young, accompanied by his own son, for protection to Mackenzie's relative, Macdougall of Lorn. While here the Earl of Ross succeeded in capturing young Macaulay, and in revenge for his father's gallant defence at Ellandonnan during Kenneth's absence, and more recently against his own futile attempts to take that stronghold, he put Macaulay to death, whereupon Murdoch, who barely escaped with his life, left Lorn and sought the protection of his uncle, Macleod of Lewis.
The actual murderer of Macaulay was the same desperate character, Leod Macgilleandrais, a vassal of the Earl of Ross, who had in 1346 been mainly instrumental in the capture and consequent death of Mackenzie's father at Inverness. The Earl of Cromarty describes the assassin as "a depender of the Earl of Ross, and possessed of several lands in Strathcarron (of Easter Ross) and some in Strathoykell." When he killed Macaulay, Leod possessed himself of his lands of Lochbroom and Coigach "whereby that family ended." Macaulay's estates should have gone to Mackenzie in right of his wife, Macaulay's daughter, but "holding of the Earl of Ross, the earl disponed the samen in lyfrent by tack to Leod, albeit Murdo Mackenzie acclaimed it in right of his wyfe."
Leod kept possession of Kenlochewe, which, lying as it did, exactly between Kintail and Lochbroom, he found most convenient as a centre of operations against both, and he repeatedly took advantage of it, though invariably without success so far at least as his main object was concerned - to get possession of the stronghold of Ellandonnan. On the other hand, the brave garrison of the castle made several desperate reprisals under their heroic commander, Macaulay, and held out in spite of all the attempts made to subdue them, until the restoration of David II., by which time Murdoch Mackenzie had grown up a brave and intrepid youth, approaching majority.
The author of the Ardintoul MS. informs us that he was called Murdo of the Cave; being perhaps not well tutored, he preferred sporting and hunting in the hills and forests to going to the Ward School, where the ward children, or the heirs of those who held their lands and wards from the King, were wont or bound to go, and he resorted to the dens and caves about Torridon and Kenlochewe, hoping to get a hit at Leod Macgilleandrais, who was instrumental, under the Earl of Ross, to apprehend and cut off his father. In the meantime Leod hearing of Murdo's resorting to these bounds, that he was kindly entertained by some of the inhabitants, and fearing that he would withdraw the services and affections of the people from himself, and connive some mischief against him for his ill-usage of his father, he left no means untried to apprehend him, so that Mackenzie was obliged to start privately to Lochbroom, from whence, with only one companion, he went to his uncle, Macleod of Lewis, by whom, after he had revealed himself to him alone, he was well received, and both of them resolved to conceal his name until a fit opportunity offered to make known his identity. He, however, met with a certain man named Gille Riabhach who came to Stornoway with twelve men, about the same time as himself, and he, in the strictest confidence, told Gille Riabhach that he was Mackenzie of Kintail, which secret the latter kept strictly inviolate. Macleod entertained his nephew, keeping it an absolute secret from others who he was, that his enemies might think that he was dead, and so feel the greater security till such time as they would deem it wise that he should act for himself and make an attempt to rescue his possessions from Macgilleandrais, who now felt quite secure, thinking that Mackenzie had perished, having for so long heard nothing concerning him. When a suitable time arrived his uncle gave Murdo two of his great galleys, with as many men (six score) as he desired, to accompany him, his cousin german Macleod, the Gille Riabhach and his twelve followers, all of whom determined to seek their fortunes with young Kintail. They embarked at Stornoway, and securing a favourable wind they soon arrived at Sanachan, in Kishorn (some say at Poolewe), where they landed, marched straight towards Kenlochewe, and arrived at a thick wood near the place where Macgilleandrais had his residence. Mackenzie commanded his followers to lie down and watch, while he and his companion, Gille Riabhach, went about in search of intelligence. He soon found a woman cutting rushes, at the same time lamenting his own supposed death and Leod Macgillearidrais' succession to the lands of Kenlochewe in consequence. He at once recognised her as the woman's sister who nursed or fostered him, drew near, spoke to her, sounded her, and discovering her unmistakeable affection for him he felt that he could with perfect safety make himself known to her. She was overjoyed to find that it was really he, whose absence and loss she had so intensely and so long lamented. He then requested her to go and procure him information of Leod's situation and occupation that night. This she did with great propriety and discretion. Having satisfied herself, she returned at the appointed time and assured him that Macgilleandrais felt perfectly secure, quite unprepared for an attack, and bad just appointed to meet the adjacent people next morning at a place called Ath-nan-Ceann (the Ford of the Heads), preparatory to a hunting match, having instructed those who might arrive before him to wait his arrival. Mackenzie considered this an excellent opportunity for punishing Leod. He in good time went to the ford accompanied by his followers. Those invited by Leod soon after arrived, and, seeing Mackenzie before them, thought he was Macgilleandrais with some of his men, but soon discovered their mistake. Mackenzie killed all those whom he did not recognise as soon as they appeared. The natives of the place, who were personally known to him, he pardoned and dismissed. Leod soon turned up, and seeing such a gathering awaiting him, naturally thought that they were his own friends, and hastened towards them, but on approaching nearer he found himself "in the fool's hose." Mackenzie and his band fell upon them with their swords, and after a slight resistance Macgilleandrais and his party fled, but they were soon overtaken at a place called to this day Featha Leoid or Leod's Bog, where they were all slain, except Leod's son Paul, who was taken prisoner and kept in captivity for some time, but was afterwards released upon plighting his faith that he would never again trouble Mackenzie or resent against him his father's death. Murdoch Mackenzie being thus re-possessed of Kenlochewe, "gave Leod Macgilleandrais' widow to Gillereach to wife for his good services and fidelity, whose posterity live at Kenlochewe and thereabout, and to this day some of them live there." According to the Cromarty MS., Mackenzie possessed himself of Lochbroom in right of his wife and disposed of Coigach to his cousin Macleod, "for his notable assistance in his distress; which lands they both retained but could obtain no charters from the Earls of Ross, of whom they held, the Earls of Ross pretending that they fell to themselves in default of male heirs, the other retaining possession in right of his wife as heir of line."
Paul Macgilleandrais some years after this repaired to the confines of Sutherland and Caithness, prevailed upon Murdo Riabhach, Kintail's illegitimate son, to join him, and, according to one authority, became "a common depredator," while according to another, he became what was perhaps not inconsistent in those days with the character of a desperado - a person of considerable state and property. They often "spoiled" Caithness. The Earl of Cromarty, referring to this raid, says that Paul "desired to make a spoil on some neighbouring country, a barbarous custom but most ordinary in those days, as thinking thereby to acquire the repute of valour and to become formidable as the greatest security amidst their unhappy feuds. This, their prentice try or first exhibition, was called in Irish (Gaelic) `Creach mhacain' the young man's herschip." Ultimately Murdo Riabhach and Paul's only son were killed by Budge of Toftingall. Paul was so mortified at the death of his young depredator son that he gave up building the fortress of Duncreich, which he was at the time erecting to strengthen still more his position in the county. He gave his lands of Strathoykel, Strathcarron, and Westray, with his daughter and heiress in marriage, to Walter Ross, III. of Balnagown, on which condition he obtained pardon from the Earl of Ross, the chief and superior of both.
Mackenzie, after disposing of Macgilleandrais, returned to his own country, where he was received with open arms by the whole population of the district. He then married the only daughter of his gallant friend and defender, Duncan Macaulay - whose only son, Murdoch, had been killed by Macgilleandrais - and through her his son ultimately succeeded to the lands of Lochbroom and Coigeach granted to Macaulay's predecessor by Alexander II. Mackenzie was now engaged principally in preserving and improving his possessions, until the return of David II. from England, 1357-8, when Murdoch laid before the King a complaint against the Earl of Ross for the murder of his father, and claimed redress but the only satisfaction he ever obtained was a confirmation of his rights previously granted by the King to "Murdo filius Kennethi de Kintaill, etc.," dated "Edinburg 1362, et Regni Domini Regis VI., Testibus Waltero Senescollo et allis." [MS. History of the Mackenzies.]
Of Murdoch Dubh's reign, the Laird of Applecross says: "During this turbulent age, securities and writs, as well as laws, were little regarded; each man's protection lay in his own strength." Kintail regularly attended the first Parliament of Robert II., until it was decreed by that King and his Privy Council that the services of the "lesser barons" should not be required in future Parliaments or General Councils. He then returned home, and spent most of his time in hunting and wild sports, of which he was devotedly fond, living peaceably and undisturbed during the remainder of his days.
This Baron of Kintail took no share in the recent rebellion under the Lord of the Isles, who, backed by most of the other West Highland chiefs, attempted to throw off his independence and have himself proclaimed King of the Isles. The feeble and effeminate Government of David II., and the evil results consequent thereon throughout the country, encouraged the island lord in this desperate enterprise, but, as Tytler says, the King on this occasion, with an unwonted energy of character, commanded the attendance of the Steward, with the prelates and barons of the realm, and surrounded by this formidable body of vassals and retainers, proceeded against the rebels in person." The expedition proved completely successful, and John of the Isles, with a numerous train of chieftains who joined him in the rebellion, met the King at Inverness, and submitted to his authority. He there engaged in the most solemn manner, for himself and for his vassals, that they should yield themselves faithful and obedient subjects to David their liege lord, and not only give due and prompt obedience to the ministers of the King in suit and service, as well as in the payment of taxes and public burdens, but that they would coerce and put down all others, and compel all who dared to rise against the King's authority to make due submission, or pursue them from their respective territories." For the fulfilment of these obligations, the Lord of the Isles not only gave his most solemn oath before the King and his nobles, on condition of forfeiting his whole possessions in case of failure, but offered his father-in-law, the High Steward, in security and delivered his son Donald, his grandson Angus, and his natural son, also named Donald, as hostages for the strict performance of the articles of the treaty, which was duly signed, attested and dated, the 15th November, 1369. [For a full copy of this instrument, see 'Invernessiana,' pp. 69-70.]
Fordun says that in order to crush the Highlanders, and the more easily, as the King thought, to secure obedience to the laws, he used artifice by dividing the chiefs and promising high rewards to those who would capture or kill their brother lords; and, that writer continues "this diabolical plan, by implanting the seeds of disunion amongst the chiefs, succeeded, and they gradually destroyed one another."
Before his marriage Murdoch had three illegitimate sons. One of them was called Hector or Eachainn Biorach. He acquired the lands of Drumnamarg by marrying Helen, daughter of Loban or Logan of Drum-namarg, who, according to the Earl of Cromarty, "was one of the Earl of Ross's feuars. This superior having an innate enmity with Kenneth's race, was the cause that this Hector had no peaceable possession of Drumnamarg, but turning outlaw, retired to Eddirachillis, where he left a son called Henry, of whom are descended a race yet possessing there, called Sliochd Ionraic, or Henry's race." The second bastard was named Dugald Deargshuileach, "from his red eyes." From him descended John Mackenzie, Commissary-Depute of Ross, afterwards in Cromarty, Rev. Roderick Mackenzie, minister of Croy, John Mackenzie, a writer in Edinburgh, and several others of the name. The third bastard was named Alexander, and from him descended Clann Mhurchaidh Mhoir in Ledgowan, and many of the common people who resided in the Braes of Ross.
Murdoch had another son Murdoch Riach, after his wife's death, by a daughter of the Laird of Assynt, also illegitimate, although the Laird of Applecross says that he was "by another wife." This Murdoch retired to Edderachillis and married a Sutherland woman there, "where, setting up an independent establishment, he became formidable in checking the Earl of Ross in his excursions against his clan, till he was killed by a Caithness man named Budge of Toftingall. His descendants are still styled Clann Mhuirich, and among them we trace Daniel Mackenzie, who arrived at the rank of Colonel in the service of the Statholder, who had a son Barnard, who was Major in Seaforth's regiment, and killed at the battle of Auldearn. He too left a son, Barnard, who taught Greek and Latin for four years at Fortrose, was next ordained by the Bishop of Ross and presented to the Episcopal Church of Cromarty, where, after a variety of fortunes, he died, and was buried in the Cathedral Church of Fortrose. Alexander, eldest son of this last (Barnard), studied medicine under Boerhave, and retired to practice at Fortrose. He married Ann, daughter of Alexander Mackenzie of Belmaduthy, purchased the lands of Kinnock, and left a son, Barnard, and two daughters, Catherine and Ann." [Bennetsfield MS. of the Mackenzies.]
This was the turbulent and insecure state of affairs throughout the Kingdom when the chief of Mackenzie was peaceably and quietly enjoying himself in his Highland home. He died in 1375. [Murdo became a great favourite latterly with all those with whom he came in contact. "He fell in company with the Earl of Sutherland, who became his very good friend afterwards, as that he still resorted his court. In end (being comely of person and one active young man) the Earl's lady (who was King Robert the Bruce's young daughter) fell in conceit of him, and both forgetting the Earl's kindness, by her persuasion, he got her with child, who she caused name Dougall," and the earl suspecting nothing amiss "caused bred him at schools with the rest of his children but Dougall being as ill-given as gotten, he still injured the rest, and when the earl would challenge or offer to beat him, the Ladie still said, 'Dear heart, let him alone, it is hard to tell Dougall's father,' which the good earle always took in good part. In end, he comeing to years of discretion, she told her husband that Mackenzie was his father, and shortly thereafter, by way of merriment, told the King how his lady cheated him. The King, finding him to be his own cousine and of parts of learning, with all to pleasure the earle and his lady, he made Dougall prior of Beauly." - Ancient MS.]
By his wife Isabel, only child of Macaulay of Lochbroom, Murdoch
Dubh had a son and successor,
V. MURDOCH MACKENZIE,
Known as "Murchadh na Drochaid," or Murdoch of the Bridge. The author of the Ardintoul MS. say's that "he was called Murdo na Droit by reason of some bad treatment his lady met with at the Bridge of Scatwell, which happened on this occasion. He having lived for many years with his lady and getting no children, and so fearing that the direct line of his family might fail in his person, was a little concerned and troubled thereat, which being understood by some sycophants and flatterers that were about him and would fain curry his favour, they thought that they could not ingratiate themselves more on him than putting his lady out of the way, whereby he might marry another, and they waited an opportunity to put their design in execution (some say not without his connivance), and so on a certain evening or late at night as she was going to Achilty, where her laird lived, these wicked flatterers did presumptuously and barbarously cast her over the Bridge of Scatwell, and then their conscience accusing them for that horrid act they made off with themselves. But the wonderful providence of God carried the innocent lady (who was then with child) nowithstanding the impetuousness of the river, safe to the shore, and enabled her in the night-time to travel the length of Achilty, where her husband did impatiently wait her coming, that being the night she promised to be home, and entertained her very kindly, being greatly offended at the maltreatment she met with. The child she had then in the womb was afterwards called Alexander, and some say agnamed Inrick because by a miracle of Providence he escaped that danger and afterwards became heir to his father and inherited his estate." The author of the Applecross MS. says that this Baron was called "Murchadh no Droit" from "the circumstances that his mother being with child of him, had been saved after a fearful fall from the Bridge of Scattal into the Water of Conon." The writer of the "Ancient" MS. history of the Mackenzies, the oldest in existence, suggests that Mackenzie himself may have instigated the ruffians to do away with his wife. "They lived," he says, "a considerable time together childless, but men in those days (of whom be reason) preferred succession and manhood to wedlock. He caused to throw her under silence of night over the Bridge of Scatwell, but by Providence and by the course of the river she was cast ashore and escaped, went back immediately to his house, then at Achilty, and went to his bedside in a fond condition. But commiserating her case and repenting over the deed he gave her a hearty reception, learned from her that she expected soon to become a mother, and "so afterwards they lived together contentedly all their days."
During his earlier years Murdoch appears to have lived a peaceful life, following the example of loyalty to the Crown set him by his father, keeping the laws himself, and compelling those over whom his jurisdiction extended to do the same. Nor, if we believe the MS. historians of the family, was this dutiful and loyal conduct allowed to go unrewarded. All the successors of the Earl of Cromarty follow his lordship in saying that a charter was given by King Robert to Murdo, "filius Murdochi de Kintail," of Kintail and Laggan Achadrom, dated at Edinburgh, anno 1380, attested by "Willielmus de Douglas, et Archibaldo de Galloway, et Joanne, Cancellario Scotiae." As already stated, however, no such charter as this, or the one previously mentioned on the same authority as having been granted to Murdoch IV. of Kintail, in 1362, is on record.
Murdoch was one of the sixteen Highland chiefs who accompanied the
Scots under James, second Earl of Douglas, in his famous march to
England and defeated Sir Henry Percy, the renowned Hotspur, at the
memorable battle of Otterburn, or Chevy Chase, in 1388.
The period immediately following this historical raid across the Border was more than usually turbulent even for those days in the Scottish Highlands, but Mackenzie managed to escape involving himself seriously with either party to the many quarrels which culminated in the final struggle for the earldom of Ross between the Duke of Albany and Donald, Lord of the Isles, in 1411, at the battle of Harlaw.
As soon as the news of the disaster to the Earl of Mar, who commanded at Harlaw, reached the ears of the Duke of Albany, at the time Regent for Scotland, he set about collecting an army with which, in the following autumn, he marched in person to the north determined to bring the Lord of the Isles to obedience. Having taken possession of the Castle of Dingwall, he appointed a governor to it, and from thence proceeded to recover the whole of Ross. Donald retreated before him, taking up his winter quarters in the Western Islands. Hostilities were renewed next summer, but the contest was not long or doubtful, notwithstanding some little advantages obtained by the Lord of the Isles. He was compelled for a time to give up his claim to the earldom of Ross, to become a vassal of the Scottish Crown, arid to deliver hostages for his good behaviour in the future.
Murdoch must have felt secure in his stronghold of Ellandonnan, and been a man of great prudence, sagacity, and force of character, when, in spite of the commands of his nominal superior - the Lord of the Isles - to support him in these unlawful and rebellious proceedings against the King and threats of punishment in case of refusal, he resolutely declined to join him in his desperate and treasonable adventures. He went the length of saying that even if his lordship's claims were just in themselves, they would not justify a rebellion against the existing Government; and he further informed him that, altogether independently of that important consideration, he felt no great incentive to aid in the cause of the representative of his grandfather's murderer. Mackenzie was in fact one of those prudent and loyal chiefs who kept at home in the Highlands, looking after his own affairs, the comfort of his followers, and laying a solid foundation for the future prosperity of his house, "which was so characteristic of them that they always esteemed the authority of the magistrate as an inviolable obligation."
Donald of the Isles never forgave Mackenzie for thus refusing to assist him in obtaining the Earldom of Ross, and he determined to ruin him if he could. On this subject the Earl of Cromartie says that at the battle of Harlaw Donald was assisted by almost "all the northern people, Mackenzie excepted, who because of the many injuries received by his predecessors from the Earls of Ross, and chiefly by the instigation and concurrence of Donald's predecessors, he withdrew and refused concurrence. Donald resolved to ruin him, but deferred it till his return, which falling out more unfortunately than he expected, did not allow him power nor opportunity to use the vengeance he intended, for on his return to Ross he sent Mackenzie a friend with fair speeches desiring his friendship, thinking no enemy despicable as he then stood." Murdoch, at Donald's request, proceeded to Dingwall, where the Island Lord urged him to join and promise him to support his interest. This Mackenzie firmly refused, "partly out of hatred to his family for old feuds, partly dissuaded by Donald's declining fortunes" at that particular period; whereupon the Lord of the Isles made Murdoch prisoner in an underground chamber in the Castle of Dingwall. He was not long here, however, when he found an opportunity of making his plight known to some of his friends, and he was soon after released in exchange for some of Donald's immediate relatives who had been purposely captured by Mackenzie's devoted vassals.
Here it may be appropriate to give the traditionary account of the origin of the Macraes and how they first found their way to Kintail and other places in the West; for their relationship with the Mackenzies has from the earliest times been of the closest and most loyal character. Indeed, from the aid they invariably afforded them they have been aptly described as "Mackenzie's shirt of mail." According to the Rev. John Macrae, minister of Dingwall, who died in 1704, and wrote the only existing trustworthy history and genealogy of his own clan, the Macraes came originally from Clunes, in the Aird of Lovat, recently acquired from patriotic family reasons by Horatio Macrae, W.S., Edinburgh, the representative in this country of the Macraes of Inverinate, who were admittedly the chiefs of that brave and warlike race. The Rev. John Macrae, who was himself a member of the Inverinate family, says that the Macraes left the Aird under the following circumstances: A dispute had arisen in the hunting field between Macrae of Clunes and a bastard son of Lovat, when a son of Macrae intervened to protect his father, and killed Fraser's son in the scuffle. The victor "immediately ran oft; and calling himself John Carrach, that he might be less known, settled on the West Coast, and of him are descended the branch of the Macraes called Clann Ian Charraich. It was some time after this that his brethren and other relatives began seriously to consider that Lovat's own kindred and friends became too numerous, and that the country could not accommodate them all, which was a motive for their removing to other places according as they had encouragement. One of the brothers went to Brae Ross and lived at Brahan, where there is a piece of land called Knock Vic Ra, and the spring well which affords water to the Castle is called Tober Vic Ra. His succession spread westward to Strathgarve, Strathbraan, and Strathconan, where several of them live at this time. John Macrae, who was a merchant in Inverness, and some of his brethren, were of them, and some others in Ardmeanach. Other two of MacRa's sons, elder than the above, went off from Clunes several ways; one is said to have gone to Argyleshire and another to Kintail. In the meantime their father remained at Clunes all his days, and bad four Lords Fraser of Lovat fostered in his house. He that went to Argyle, according to our tradition, married the heiress of Craignish, and on that account took the surname of Campbell. The other brother who went to Kintail, earnestly invited and encouraged by Mackenzie, who then had no kindred of his own blood, the first six Barons, or Lords of Kintail, having but one lawful son to succeed the father, hoping that the MacRas, by reason of their relation, as being originally descended from the same race of people in Ireland would prove more faithful than others, wherein he was not disappointed, for the MacRas of Kintail served him and his successors very faithfully in every quarrel they had with neighbouring clans, and by their industry, blood, and courage, have been instrumental in raising that family." The writer adds that he does not know Macrae's christian name, but that he married "a daughter or grand-daughter of MacBeolan, who possessed a large part of Kintail before Mackenzie's predecessors got a right of it from Alexander III." This marriage, and their common ancestry from a native Celtic source, and not from "the same race of people in Ireland" seems a much more probable explanation of the early and continued friendship which existed between the two families than that suggested by the rev. author of "The Genealogy of the Macraes," above quoted.
But the curious circumstance to which he directs attention regarding the first five Mackenzie chiefs is quite true. It is borne out by every genealogy of the House of Kintail which we have ever seen. There is not a trace of any legitimate male descendant from the first of the name down to Alexander, the sixth baron, except the immediately succeeding chief, so that their vassals and followers in the field and elsewhere must, for nearly two hundred years, have been men of different septs and tribes and names, except the progeny of their own illegitimate sons, such as "Sliochd Mhurcbaidh Riabhaich" and others of similar base origin.
Murdoch married Finguala or Florence, daughter of Malcolm Macleod, III. of Harris and Dunvegan, by his wife, Martha, daughter of Donald Stewart, Earl of Mar, nephew of King Robert the Bruce. By this marriage the Royal blood of the Bruce was introduced for the first time into the family of Kintail, as also that of the ancient Kings of Man. Tormod Macleod, II. of Harris, who was grandson of Olave the Black, last Norwegian King of Man, and who, as we have seen, had married Christina, daughter of Ferquhard O'Beolan, Earl of Ross, married Finguala Mac Crotan, the daughter of an ancient and powerful Irish chief. By this lady Malcolm Macleod, III. of Harris and Dunvegan, had issue, among others, Finguala, who now became the wife of Murdoch Mackenzie and mother of Alexander Ionraic, who carried on the succession of the ancient line of Kintail.
Murdoch died in 1416 when he was succeeded by his only son,
VI. ALEXANDER MACKENZIE,
Alastair Ionraic, or Alexander the Upright, so called "for his righteousness." He was among the Western barons summoned in 1427, to meet King James I. at Inverness, who, on his return from a long captivity in England, in 1424, determined to put down the rebellion and oppression which was then and for some time previously so rampant in the Highlands. To judge by the poceedings of a Parliament held at Perth on the 30th September 1426, James exhibited a foresight and appreciation of the conduct of the lairds in those days, and passed laws which might with good effect, and with equal propriety, be applied to the state of affairs in our own time. In that Parliament an Act was passed which, among other things, ordained that, north of the Grampians, the fruit of those lands should be expended in the country where those lands lie. The Act is as follows: "It is ordanit be the King ande the Parliament that everilk lorde hafande landis bezonde the mownthe (the Grampians) in the quhilk landis in auld tymes there was castellis, fortalyces and manerplaicis, big, reparell and reforme their castellis and maneris, and duell in thame, be thameself, or be ane of thare frendis for the gracious gournall of thar landis, be gude polising and to expende ye fruyt of thar landis in the countree where thar landis lyis." [Invernessiana, p.102.]
James was determined to bring the Highlanders to submission, and Fordun relates a characteristic anecdote in which the King pointedly declared his resolution. When the excesses in the Highlands were first reported to him by one of his nobles, on entering Scotland, he thus expressed himself: "Let God but grant me life, and there shall not be a spot in my dominions where the key shall riot keep the castle, and the furze bush the cow, though I myself should lead the life of a dog to accomplish it"; and it was in this frame of mind that he visited Inverness in 1427, determined to establish good government and order in the North, then in such a state of insubordination that neither life nor property was secure. The principal chiefs, on his order or invitation met him, from what motives it is impossible to determine - whether hoping for a reconciliation by prompt compliance with the Royal will, or from a dread, in case of refusal, to suffer the fate of the Southern barons who had already fallen victims to his severity. The order was in any case obeyed, and all the leading chiefs repaired to meet him at the Castle of Inverness. As they entered the hall, however, where the Parliament was at the time sitting, they were, one by one, by order of the King, arrested, ironed, and imprisoned in different apartments, and debarred from having any communications with each other, or with their followers.
Fordun says that James displayed marks of great joy as these turbulent and haughty spirits, caught in the toils which he had prepared for them, came voluntarily within reach of his regal power, and that he "caused to be arrested Alexander of the Isles, and his mother, Countess of Ross, daughter and heiress of Sir Walter Lesley, as well as the more notable men of the north, each of whom he wisely invited singly to the Castle, and caused to be put in strict confinement apart. There he also arrested Angus Duff (Angus Dubh Mackay) with his four sons, the leader of 4000 men from Strathnarven (Strathnaver.) Kenneth More, with his son-in-law, leader of two thousand men; [All writers on the Clan Mackenzie have hitherto claimed this Kenneth More as their Chief, and argued from the above that Mackenzie had a following of two thousand fighting men in 1427. It will be seen that Alexander was Chief at this time, but Kenneth More may have been intended for MacKenneth More, or the Great Mackenzie. He certainly could have had no such following of his own name.] John Ross, William Lesley, Angus de Moravia, and Macmaken, leaders of two thousand men; and also other lawless caterans and great captains in proportion, to the number of about fifty Alexander Makgorrie (MacGodfrey) of Garmoran, and John Macarthur (of the family of Campbell), a great chief among his own clan, and the leader of a thousand and more, were convicted, and being adjudged to death were beheaded. Then James Cambel was hanged, being accused and convicted of the slaughter of John of the Isles (John Mor, first of the Macdonalds of Isla.) The rest were sent here and there to the different castles of the noblemen throughout the kingdom, and were afterwards condemned to different kinds of death, and some were set at liberty." Among the latter was Alexander of Kintail. The King sent him, then a mere youth, to the High School at Perth, at that time the principal literary seminary in the kingdom, while the city itself was frequently the seat of the Court.
During Kintail's absence it appears that his three bastard uncles ravaged the district of Kinlochewe, for we find them insulting and troubling "Mackenzie's tenants in Kenlochewe and Kintail Macaulay, who was still Constable in Ellandonnan, not thinking it proper to leave his post, proposed Finlay Dubh Mac Gillechriost as the fittest person to be sent to St. Johnston, now Perth, and by general consent he accordingly went to inform his young master, who was then there with the rest of the King's ward children at school, of his lordship's tenants being imposed on as above, which, with Finlay's remonstrance on the subject, prevailed on Alexander, his young master, to come home, and being backed with all the assistance Finlay could command, soon brought his three bastard uncles to condign punishment." [Genealogical Account of the Macraes.]
The writer of the Ardintoul MS. says that Finlay "prevailed on him to go home without letting the master of the school know of it. Trysting with him at a certaiu place and set hour they set off, and, lest any should surprise them, they declined the common road and went to Macdougall of Lorn, he being acquainted with him at St. Johnston. Macdougall entertained him kindly, and kept him with him for several days. He at that time made his acquaintance with Macdougall's daughter, whom afterwards he married, and from thence came to his own Kintail, and having his authority and right backed with the power of the people, he calls his bastard uncles before him, and removes their quarters from Kenlochewe, and gave them possessions in Glenelchaig in Kintail prescribing measures and rule for them how to behave, assuring them, though he pardoned them at that time, they should forfeit favours and be severely punished if they transgressed for the future; but after this, going to the county of Ross to their old dwelling at Kenlochewe, they turned to practice their old tricks and broke loose, so that he was forced to correct their insolency and make them shorter by the heads, and thus the people were quit of their trouble."
The young Lord of the Isles was at the same time that Mackenzie went to Perth sent to Edinburgh, from which he soon afterwards escaped to the North, at the instigation of his mother, the Countess, raised his vassals, and, joined by all the outlaws and vagabonds in the country, numbering a formidable body of about ten thousand, he laid waste the country, plundered and devastated the crown lands, against which his vengeance was specially directed, razed the Royal burgh of Inverness to the ground, pillaged and burned the houses, and perpetrated every description of cruelty. He then besieged the Castle, but without success, after which he retired precipitately towards Lochaber, where he was met by the Royal forces, commanded by the King in person. The Lord of the Isles prepared for battle, but he had the mortification to notice the desertion of Clan Chattan and Clan Cameron, who had previously joined him, and of seeing them going over in a body to the Royal standard. The King immediately attacked the island chief and completely routed his forces, while their leader sought safety in flight. He was vigorously pursued, and finding escape or concealment equally impossible, and being reduced to the utmost distress, hunted from place to place by his vigilant pursuers, the haughty chief resolved to throw himself entirely on the mercy of His Majesty, and finding his way to Edinburgh in the most secret manner, and on the occasion of a solemn festival on Easter Sunday, in 429, at Holyrood, he suddenly appeared in his shirt and drawers before the King and Queen, surrounded by all the nobles of the Court, while they were engaged in their devotions before the High Altar, and implored, on his knees, with a naked sword held by the point in his hand, the forgiveness of his sovereign. With bonnet in hand, his legs and arms quite bare, his body covered only with a plaid, and in token of absolute submission, he offered his sword to the King. His appearance, strengthened by the solicitations of the affected Queen and all the nobles, made such an impression on His Majesty that he submitted to the promptings of his heart against the wiser and more prudent dictates of his judgment. He accepted the sword offered him, and spared the life of his captive, but immediately committed him to Tantallon Castle, under the charge of William Douglas, Earl of Angus. The spirit of Alexander's followers, however, could not brook this mortal offence, and the whole strength of the clan was promptly mustered under his cousin Donald Balloch, who led them to Lochaber, where they met the King's forces under the Earls of Mar and Caithness, killed the latter, gained a complete victory over the Royal army, and returned to the Isles in triumph, with an immense quantity of spoil.
James soon after proceeded north in person as far as Dunstaffnage; Donald Balloch fled to Ireland; and, after several encounters with the rebels, the King obtained the submission of the majority of the chiefs who were engaged in the rebellion, while others were promptly apprehended and executed to the number of about three hundred. The King thereupon released the Lord of the Isles from Tantallon Castle, and granted him a free pardon for all his rebellious acts, confirmed him in all his titles and possessions, and further conferred upon him, in addition, the Lordship of Lochaber, which had previously, on its forfeiture, been granted to the Earl of Mar.
After his first escape from Edinburgh, the Lord of the Isles again in 1429 raised the standard of revolt. He for the second time burnt the town of Inverness, while Mackenzie was "attending to his duties at Court." Kintail was recalled by his followers, who armed for the King, and led by their young chief on his return home, they materially aided in the overthrow of Alexander of the Isles at the same time securing peace and good government in their own district, and among most of the surrounding tribes. Alexander is also found actively supporting the King, and with the Royal army, during the turbulent rule of John, successor to Alexander, Lord of the Isles, who afterwards, in 1447, died at peace with his sovereign.
James I. died in 1460, and was succeeded by James II. When, in 1462, the Earl of Douglas, the Lord of the Isles, and Donald Balloch of Isla entered into a treaty with the King of England for the subjugation of Scotland, on condition, in the event of success, that the whole of Scotland, north of the Firth of Forth, should be divided between them, Alexander Mackenzie stood firm in the interest of the ruling monarch, and with such success that nothing came of this extraordinary compact. We soon after find him rewarded by a charter in his favour, dated 7th January 1463, confirming him in his lands of Kintail, with a further grant of the "5 merk lands of Killin, the lands of Garve, and the 2 merk lands of Coryvulzie, with the three merk lands of Kinlochluichart, and 2 merk lands of Ach-na-Clerich, the 2 merk lands of Garbat, the merk lands of Delintan, and the 4 merk lands of Tarvie, all lying within the shire and Earldom of Ross, to be holden of the said John and his successors, Earls of Ross." This is the first Crown charter in favour of the Mackenzie chief of which any authentic record exists.
Alexander continued to use his great influence at Court, as well as with John Lord of the Isles, for the purpose of bringing about a reconciliation between his Majesty and his powerful subject during the unnatural rebellion of Angus Og against his father. The King, however, proved inexorable, and refused to treat with the Earl on any condition other than the absolute and unconditional surrender of the earldom of Ross to the Crown, of which, however, he would be allowed to hold all his other possessions in future. These conditions the island chief haughtily refused, again flew to arms, and in 1476 invaded Moray, but finding that he could offer no effectual resistance to the powerful forces sent against him by the King, he, by the seasonable grants of the lands of Knapdale and Kintyre, secured the influence of Colin, first Earl of Argyll, in his favour, and with the additional assistance of Kintail, procured remission of his past offences on the conditions previously offered to him and resigning for ever, in 1476, the Earldom of Ross to the King, he "was infeft of new" in the Lordship of the Isles and the other possessions which he had not been called upon to renounce. The Earldom was in the same year, in the 9th Parliament of James III., irrevocably annexed to the Crown, where the title and the honours still remain, held by the Prince of Wales.
The great services rendered by the Baron of Kintail to the reigning family, especially during these negotiations, and generally throughout his long rule at Ellandonnan, were recognised by a charter from the Crown, dated Edinburgh, November 1476, of some of the lands renounced by the Earl of Ross, viz., Strathconan, Strathbraan, and Strathgarve; and after this the Barons of Kintail held all their lands quite independently of any superior but the Crown.
During the long continued disputes between the Earl of Ross and Kintail no one was more zealous in the cause of the island chief than Allan Macdonald of Moydart, who, during Mackenzie's absence, made several raids into Kintail, ravaged the country, and carried away large numbers of cattle. After the forfeiture of the Earldom of Ross, Allan's youngest brother, supported by a faction of the tenantry, rebelled against his elder brother, and possessed himself for a time of the Moydart estates. The Lord of the Isles was unwilling to appear so soon in these broils; or perhaps he favoured the pretentions of the younger brother, and refused to give any assistance to Allan, who, however, hit upon a device as bold as it ultimately proved successful. He started for Kinellan, "being ane ile in ane loch," where Mackenzie at the time resided, and presented himself personally before his old enemy, who was naturally surprised beyond measure to receive such a visit from one to whom he had never been reconciled. Allan, however, related how he had been oppressed by his brother and his nearest friends and how he had been refused aid from those to whom he had a natural right to look for it. In these desperate circumstances he resolved to apply to his greatest enemy, who, he argued, might for any assistance he could give gain in return as faithful a friend as he bad previously been his "diligent adversary." Alexander, on hearing the story, was moved to pity by the manner in which Allan had been oppressed by his own relatives, promised him the required support, proceeded in person with a sufficient force to repossess him, and finally accomplished his purpose. The other Macdonalds, who had been dispossessed thereupon represented to the King that Alexander Mackenzie had invaded their territory as a "disturber of the peace, and ane oppressor," the result being that he was cited before His Majesty at Edinburgh, "but here was occasion given to Allan to requite Alexander's generosity, for Alexander having raised armies to assist him, without commission, he found in it a transgression of the law, though just upon the matter; so to prevent Alexander's prejudice, he presently went to Holyrood house, where the King was, and being of a bold temper, did truly relate how his and Alexander's affairs stood, showing withal that he, as being the occasion of it, was ready to suffer what law would exact rather than to expose so generous a friend to any hazard. King James was so taken with their reciprocal heroisms, that he not only forgave, but allowed Alexander, and of new confirmed Allan in the lands of Moydart." [Cromartie MS. of the Mackenzies.] The two were then allowed to return home unmolested.
Some time before this a desperate skirmish took place at a place called Bealach nam Brog, "betwixt the heights of Fearann Donuil and Lochbraon" (Dundonald and Lochbroom), which was brought about by some of Kintail's vassals, instigated by Donald Garbh M'Iver, who attempted to seize the Earl of Ross. The plot was, however, discovered, and M'Iver was seized by the Lord of the Isles' followers, and imprisoned in the Castle of Dingwall. He was soon released, however, by his undaunted countrymen from Kenlochewe, consisting of Macivers, Maclennans, Macaulays, and Macleays, who, by way of reprisal, pursued and seized the Earl's relative, Alexander Ross of Balnagown, and carried him along with them. The Earl at once apprised Lord Lovat, who was then His Majesty's Lieutenant in the North, of the illegal seizure of Balnagown, and his lordship promptly dispatched northward two hundred men, who, joined by Ross's vassals, the Munroes of Fowlis, and the Dingwalls of Kildun, pursued and overtook the western tribes at Bealach nam Brog, where they were resting themselves. A sanguinary conflict ensued, aggravated and more than usually exasperated by a keen and bitter recollection of ancient feuds and animosities. The Kenlochewe men seem to have been almost extirpated. The race of Dingwall were actually extinguished, one hundred and forty of their men having been slain, while the family of Fowlis lost eleven members of their house alone, with many of the leading men of their clan. ["Among the rest ther wer slain eleven Monroes or the House or Foulls, that wer to succeed one after another; so that the succession of Foulls fell into a chyld then lying in his cradle." - Sir Robert Gordon's History 0f the Earldom of Sutherland, p. 36.]
An interesting account of this skirmish and the cause which led to it is given in one of the family manuscripts. It says Euphemia Leslie, Countess Dowager of Ross, lived at Dingwall. She would gladly have married Alexander of Kintail, he being a proper handsome young man, and she signified no less to himself. He refused the offer, perhaps, because he plighted his faith to Macdougall's daughter, but though he had not had done so, he had all the reason imaginable to reject the Countess's offer, for besides that she was not able to add to his estate, being but a life-rentrix, she was a turbulent woman, and therefore, in the year 1426, the King committed her to prison in St. Colin's Isle (Dingwall), because she had instigated her son, Alexander Earl of Ross, to rebellion. She invited Kintail to her Court in Dingwall to make a last effort, but finding him obstinate she converted her love to hatred and revenge, and made him prisoner, and either by torturing or bribing his page, he procured the golden ring which was the token between Mackenzie and Macaulay, the governor of Ellandonnan, who had strict orders not to quit the castle or suffer any one to enter it until he sent him that token. The Countess sent a gentleman to Ellandonnan with the ring, who, by her instructions, informed Macaulay that his master was, or shortly would be, married to the Countess of Ross, desiring the Governor to repair to his master and to leave the stronghold with him. Macaulay seeing and receiving the ring believed the story, and gave up the castle, but in a few days he discovered his mistake and found that his chief was a prisoner instead of being a bridegroom. He went straight to Dingwall, and finding an opportunity to communicate with Mackenzie, the latter made allegorical remarks by which Macaulay understood that nothing would secure his release but the apprehension of Ross of Balnagown, who was grand uncle, or grand uncle's son to the Countess. Macaulay returned to Kintail, made up a company of the "prettiest fellows" he could find of Mackenzie's family, and went back with them to Easter Ross, and in the morning apprehended Balnagown in a little arbour near the house, in a little wood to which he usually resorted for an airing, and, mounting him on horseback, carried him westward among the hills. Balnagown's friends were soon in pursuit, but fearing capture, Macaulay sent Balnagown away under guard, resolving to fight and detain the pursuers at Bealach nam Brog, as already described, until Balnagown was safely out of their reach. After his success here Macaulay went to Kintail, and at Glenluing, five miles from Ellandonnan, he overtook thirty men, sent by the Countess, with meal and other provisions for the garrison, and the spot, where they seized them is to this day called Innis nam Balg. Macaulay secured them, and placed his men in their upper garments and plaids, who took the sacks of meal on their backs, and went straight with them to the garrison, whose impoverished condition induced the Governor to admit them without any enquiry, not doubting but they were his own friends. Once inside they threw down their burdens, drew their weapons from under their plaids, seized the new Governor and all his men and kept them in captivity until Mackenzie was afterwards exchanged for the Governor and Balnagown. [Ardintoul MS.]
There has been considerable difference of opinion as to the date of this encounter, but it is finally set at rest by the discovery of a positive date in the Fowlis papers, where it is said that "George, the fourth Laird, and his son, begotton on Balnagown's daughter, were killed at the conflict of Beallach na Brog, in the year 1452, and Dingwall of Kildun, with several of their friends and followers, in taking back the Earl of Ross's second son from Clan Iver, Clan Tarlich or Maclennans, and Clan Leod." [The Earl of Cromarty gives a different version, and says that the battle or skirmish took place in the year immediately after the Battle of Harlaw. In this he is manifestly in error. The Highlanders, to defend themselves from the arrows of their enemies, with their belts tied their shoes on their breasts, hence the name "Bealach nam Brog," or the Pass of the Shoes.] The Balnagown of that date was not the Earl of Ross's son, but a near relative.
Angus Og, after many sanguinary conflicts with his father, finally overthrew him at the battle of the Bloody Bay, between Tobermory and Ardnamurchan, obtained possession of all the extensive territories of his clan, and was recognised as its legitimate head. He then determined to punish Mackenzie for having taken his father's part at Court, and otherwise, during the rebellion, and swore that he would recover from him the great possessions which originally belonged to his predecessors, the Lords of the Isles, but now secured by Royal Charter to the Baron of Kintail. With this object he decided to attack him, and marched to Inverness, where he expected to meet the now aged Mackenzie returning from attendance at Court. Angus, however, missed his object, and instead of killing Mackenzie, he was himself assassinated by his harper, an Irishman. This tragic, but well-merited, close to such a violent and turbulent career, is recorded in the Red Book of Clan Ranald in the following terms: "Donald, the son of Angus that was killed at Inverness by his own harper, son of John of the Isles, son of Alexander, son of Donald, son of John, son of Angus Og;" an event which must have occurred about 1485.
Alexander was the first of the family who lived on the island In Loch Kinellan, while at the same time he had Brahan as a "maines," or farm, both of which his successor for a time held from the King at a yearly rent, until Kenneth feued Brahan, and Colin, his son, feued Kinellan.
The Earl of Sutherland had been on friendly terms with Mackenzie, and appointed him as his deputy in the management of the Earldom of Ross, which devolved on him after the forfeiture. On one occasion, the Earl of Sutherland being in the south at Court, the Strathnaver men and the men of the Braes of Caithness took advantage of his absence and invaded Sutherland. An account of their conduct soon spread abroad, and reached the ears of the Chief of Kintail, who at once with a party of six hundred men, passed into Sutherland, where, the Earl's followers having joined him, he defeated the invaders, killed a large number of them, forced the remainder to sue for peace, and compelled them to give substantial security for their peaceful behaviour in future.
Kintail was now a very old man. His prudence and sagacity well repaid the judicious patronage of the first King James, confirmed and extended by his successors on the throne, and, as has been well said by his biographer, secured for him "the love and respect of three Princes in whose reign be flourished, and as his prudent management in the Earldom of Ross showed him to be a man of good natural parts, so it very much contributed to the advancement of the interest of his family by the acquisition of the lands he thereby made; nor was he less commendable for the quiet and peace he kept among his Highlanders, putting the laws punctually in execution against all delinquents." Such a character as this, justly called Alastair Ionraic, or the just, was certainly well fitted to govern, and deserved to flourish in the age in which he lived. Various important events occurred during the latter part of his life, but as Kenneth, his brave son and successor, was the actual leader of the clan for many years before his father's death, and especially at the celebrated battle of Park, the leading battles and feuds in which the clan was engaged during this period will be dealt with in the account of that Baron.
There has been much difference of opinion among the genealogists and family historians regarding Alexander's two wives. Both Edmonston in his Baronagium Genealogicum, and Douglas in his Peerage say that Alexander's first wife was Agnes, sixth daughter of Colin, first Earl of Argyll. This we shall prove to be absolutely impossible within the ordinary course of the laws of nature. Colin, first Earl of Argyll, succeeded as a minor in 1453, his uncle, Sir Colin Campbell of Glenurchy, having been appointed his tutor. Colin of Argyll was created Earl in 1457, probably on his coming of age. He married Isabel Stewart of Lorn, had two sons, and, according to Crawford, five daughters. If he had a daughter Agnes she must have been his sixth daughter and eighth child. Assuming that Argyll married when he became of age, about 1457, Agnes, as his eighth surviving child, could not have been born before 1470. Her reputed husband, Alexander of Kintail, was then close upon 70 years of age, having died in 1488, bordering upon 90, when his alleged wife would barely have reached a marriageable age, and when her reputed son, Kenneth a Bhlair, pretty well advanced in years, had already fought the famous battle of Park. John of Killin, her alleged grandson, was born about 1480, when at most the lady said to have been his grandmother could only have been 10 to 15 years of age, and, in 1513, at the age of 33, he distinguished himself at the battle of Flodden, where Archibald second Earl of Argyll, the lady's brother, at least ten years older than Agnes, was slain. All this is of course impossible.
A similar difficulty has arisen, from what appears to be a very simple cause, about Alexander's second marriage. The authors of all the family MS. histories are unanimous in stating that his first wife was Anna, daughter of John Macdougall of Lorn, or Dunollich, known as John Mac Alan Mac Cowle, fourth in descent from Alexander de Ergedia and Lord of Lorn (1284), and eighth from Somerled, Thane of Argyle, who died in 1164. Though the direct line of the house of Lorn ended in two heiresses who, in 1388, carried away the property to their husbands, the Macdougalls of Dunollich became the male representatives of the ancient and illustrious house of Lorn; and this fully accounts for the difference and confusion which has been introduced about the families of Lorn and Dunollich in some of the Mackenzie family manuscripts.
The same authorities who affirm that Agnes of Argyll was Alexander's first wife assert that Anna Macdougall, was his second. There is ample testimony to show that the latter was his first, although some confusion has again arisen in this case from a similarity of names and patronymics. Some of the family MSS. say that Alexander's second wife was Margaret, daughter of "M'Couil," "M'Chouile," or "Macdougall" of Morir, or Morar, while others, among them the Allangrange Ancient MS. have it that she was "MacRanald's daughter." The Ardintoul MS. describes her as "Muidort's daughter." One of the Gairloch MSS. says that she was "Margarite, the daughter of Macdonald of Morar, of the Clan Ranald Race, from the stock of Donald, Lord of the Aebudae Islands," while in another MS. in Sir Kenneth Mackenzie's possession she is designated "Margaret Macdonald, daughter of Macdonald of Morar." There is thus an apparent contradiction, but it can be conclusively shown that the lady so variously described was one and the same person. Gregory in his Highlands and Islands of Scotland, p.158, states that "Macdougall" was the patronymic of one of the families of Clan Ranald of Moydart and Morar. Speaking of Dugald MacRanald, son and successor to Ranald Ban Ranaldson of Moydart, he says, "Allan the eldest son of Dougal, and the undoubted male heir of Clan Ranald, acquired the estate of Morar, which he transmitted to his descendants. He and his successors were always styled, in Gaelic, MacDhughail Mhorair, ie., MacDougal of Morar, from their ancestor, Dougald MacRanald." At p.65 he says that "the Clan Ranald of Garmoran comprehended the families of Moydart, Morar, Knoydart, and Glengarry." This family was descended from Ranald, younger son of John of the Isles, by his marriage with the heiress of the MacRorys or MacRuaries of Garmoran whose ancestry, from Somerled of the Isles, is as illustrious as that of any family in the kingdom. A district north of Arisaig is still known among the Western Islanders as "Mor-thir Mhic Dhughail" or the mainland possession of the son of Dougall. The MS. histories of the Mackenzies having been all written after the patronymic of "MacDhughail" was acquired by the Macdonalds of Moydart and Morar, they naturally enough described Alexander of Kintail's second wife as a daughter of Macdougall of Morar, of Muidort, and of Clan Ranald, indiscriminately. But in point of fact all these designations describe one and the same person.
Alexander married first, Anna, daughter of John Macdougall of
Dunolly, with issue -
1. Kenneth, his heir and successor.
2. Duncan, progenitor of the Mackenzies of Hilton, and their branches, and of whom in their order as the senior cadet family of the clan.
He married secondly Margaret, daughter of Macdonald of Morar, a cadet of Clanranald, with issue -
3. Hector Roy or "Eachainn Ruadh," from whom are descended the Mackenzies of Gairloch and their various offshoots, of whom in their proper place.
4. A daughter, who married Allan Macleod, Hector Roy's predecessor in Gairloch.
He is also said to have had a natural son, Dugal, who became a priest and was Superior of the Priory of Beauly, which he repaired about 1478, and in which he is buried. This ecclesiastic is said by others to have been Alexander's brother. [Anderson's 'History of the Frasers,' p.66; and MS. History of the Mackenzies.]
Alexander died in 1488 at Kinellan, having attained the extreme old age of 90 years, was buried in the Priory of Beauly, and was succeeded by his eldest son by the first marriage,
VII. KENNETH MACKENZIE,
Better known as "Coinneach a' Bhlair," or Kenneth of the Battle, from his prowess and success against the Macdonalds at the Battle of Park during his father's life-time. He was served heir to his predecessor and seized in the lands of Kintail at Dingwall on the 2nd of September, 1488. He secured the cognomen "Of the Battle" from the distinguished part he took in "Blar-na-Pairc" fought at a well-known spot still pointed out near Kinellan, above Strathpeffer. His father was advanced in life before Kenneth married, and as soon as the latter arrived at twenty years of age Alexander thought it prudent, with the view of establishing peace between the two families, to match Kenneth, his heir and successor, with Margaret, daughter of John Lord of the Isles and fourth Earl of Ross, and for ever extinguish their ancient feuds in that alliance. The Island chief willingly consented and the marriage was in due course solemnised. About a year after, the Earl's nephew and apparent heir, Alexander Macdonald of Lochalsh, came to Ross, and, feeling more secure in consequence of this matrimonial alliance between the family of Mackenzie and his own, took possession of Balcony House and the adjoining lands, where, at the following Christmas, he provided a great feast for his old dependants, inviting to it also most of the more powerful chiefs and barons north of the Spey, and among others, Kenneth Mackenzie, his cousin's husband. The house of Balcony being at the time very much out of repair, he could not conveniently lodge all his distinguished guests within it, and had accordingly to arrange for some of them in the outhouses as best he could. Kenneth did not arrive until Christmas Eve, accompanied by a train of forty able bodied men, according to the custom of the times, but without his lady, which deeply offended Macdonald. Maclean of Duart had chief charge of the arrangements in the house and the disposal of the guests. Some days previously he had a disagreement with Kenneth at some games, and, on his arrival, Maclean told the heir of Kintail that, taking advantage of his connection with the family, they had taken the liberty of providing him with lodgings in the kiln. Kenneth considered this an insult, and, divining that it proceeded from Maclean's illwill to him, he instantly struck him a blow on the ear, which threw him to the ground. The servants in the house viewed this as a direct insult to their chief, Macdonald, and at once took to arms. Kenneth, though sufficiently bold, soon perceived that he had no chance to light successfully or to beat a retreat, and, noticing several boats lying on the shore, which had been provided for the transport of the guests, he took as many of them as he required, sank the rest, and passed with his followers to the opposite shore, where he remained over night in the house of a tenant, who, like a good many more in those days, had no surname, but was simply known by a patronymic. Kenneth, boiling with passion, was sorely affronted at the insult which he had received, and at being from his own house at Christmas, staying with a stranger, and off his own property. In these circumstances, he requested his host to adopt the name of Mackenzie, promising him protection in future, so that be might thus be able to say that he slept under the roof of one of his own name. The man at once consented, and his posterity were ever after known as Mackenzies.
Next morning (Christmas Day) Kenneth went to the hill above Chanonry, and sent word to the Bishop, who was at the time enjoying his Christmas with some of his clergy, that he desired to speak to him. The Bishop knowing his man's temper and the turbulent state of the times thought it prudent to comply with this request, though be considered it very strange to receive such a message on such a day, and wondered much what his visitors object could be. He soon found that Kenneth simply wanted a feu of the small piece of land on which was situated the house in which he had lodged the previous night, stating, as his reason, "lest Macdonald should brag that he had forced him on Christmas Day to lodge at another man's discretion, and not on own heritage." The Bishop, willing to oblige him probably afraid to do otherwise, and perceiving him in such a rage, at once sent for his clerk and there and then granted him a charter of the township of Cullicudden, whereupon Kenneth returned to the place and remained in it all day, lording over it as his own property. The place was kept by him and his successors until Colin "Cam" acquired more of the Bishop's lands in the neighbourhood, and afterwards exchanged the whole with the Sheriff of Cromarty for lands in Strathpeffer.
Next day Kenneth started for Kinellan, where his father, the old chief Alexander, resided, and related to him what had taken place. His father was much grieved, for he well knew that the smallest difference between the families would revive their old grievances, and, although there was less danger since Macdonald's interest in Ross was smaller than in the past, yet he knew the clan to be a powerful one still, more so than his own, in their number of able-bodied warriors; but these considerations, strongly impressed upon the son by the experienced and aged father, only added fuel to the fire in Kenneth's bosom, which was already fiercely burning to avenge the insult offered him by Macdonald's servants. His natural impetuosity could ill brook any such insult and he considered himself wronged so much that he felt it his duty personally to retaliate and avenge it. While this was the state of his mind matters were suddenly brought to a crisis by the arrival on the fourth day of a messenger from Macdonald with a summons requesting Alexander and his son Kenneth to remove from Kinellan, with all their families, within twenty-four hours, allowing only that the young Lady Margaret, Macdonald's own cousin, might remain until she had more leisure to remove, and threatening war to the knife in case of noncompliance.
Kenneth's rage now became ungovernable, and, without consulting his father or waiting his counsel, he bade the messenger tell Macdonald that his father would remain where he was in spite of him and all his power. As for himself, he accepted no rules as to his staying or going, but Macdonald would be sure enough to hear of him wherever he was. As for Macdonald's cousin, Lady Margaret, since he had no desire to keep further peace with his family he would no longer keep his relative.
Such was the defiant message sent to young Macdonald, and immediately after its despatch, Kenneth sent away Lady Margaret, in the most ignominious manner, to Balcony House. The lady was blind of an eye, and, to insult her cousin to the utmost, he sent her back to him mounted on a one-eyed horse, accompanied by a one-eyed servant, followed by a one-eyed dog. She was in a delicate state of health, and this inhumanity grieved her so much that she never after wholly recovered. Her son, recently born, the only issue of the marriage, was named Kenneth, and to distinguish him from his father was called "Coinneach Og" or Kenneth the younger.
It appears that Kenneth had no great affection for Lady Margaret, for a few days after he sent her away he went to Lord Lovat accompanie by two hundred of his followers and besieged his house. Lovat was naturally surprised at his conduct and demanded an explanation, when he was informed by Kenneth that he came to demand his daughter Agnes in marriage now that he had no wife, having, as he told him, disposed of Lady Margaret in the manner already described. He insisted upon an immediate and favourable reply to his suit on which condition he promised to be on strict terms of friendship with the family; but, if his demand was refused he would swear mortal enmity against Lovat and his house; and, as evidence of his intention in this respect, he pointed out to his lordship that he already bad a party of his vassals outside gathering together the men, women, and goods that were nearest in the vicinity, all of whom, be declared, should "be made one fyne to evidence his resolution." Lovat, who had no particularly friendly feelings towards Macdonald of the Isles, was not at all indisposed to procure Mackenzie's friendship on the terms proposed, and considering the exigencies and danger of his retainers, and knowing full well the bold and determined character of the man he had to deal with, he consented to the proposed alliance, provided the voting lady herself was favourable. She fortunately proved submissive. Lord Lovat delivered her up to her suitor, who immediately returned borne with her, and ever after they lived together as husband and wife.
Macdonald was naturally very much exasperated by Kenneth's defiant answer to himself and the repeated insults heaped upon his relative, and through her upon her family. He therefore dispatched his great steward, Maclean, to collect his followers in the Isles, as also to advise and request the aid of his nearest relations on the mainland - the Macdonalds of Moidart and Clan Jan of Ardnamurchan. In a short time they mustered a force between them of about fifteen hundred men - some say three thousand - and arranged with Macdonald to meet him at Contin. They assumed that Alexander Mackenzie, now so old, would not have gone to Kintail, but would stay in Ross, judging that the Macdonalds, so recently come under obligations to the King to keep the peace would not venture to collect their forces and invade the low country. But Kenneth, foreseeing the danger from the rebellious temper of Macdonald, went to Kintail at the commencement of his enemy's preparations, and placed a strong garrison, with sufficient provisions, in Ellandonnan Castle; and the cattle and other goods in the district he ordered to be driven and sent to the most remote hills and secret places. He took all the remaining able-bodied men along with him, and on his way back to Kinellan he was joined by his dependants in Strathconan, Strathgarve, and other glens in the Braes of Ross, all fully determined to defend Kenneth and his aged father at the expense, if need be, of their lives, small as their united forces were in comparison with that against which they knew they would soon have to contend.
Macdonald had meanwhile collected his friends, and, at the head of a large body of Western Highlanders, advanced through Lochaber into Badenoch, where he was joined by the Clan Chattan; marched to Inverness, where they were met by the young laird of Kilravock and some of Lovat's people; reduced the Castle (then a royal fortress), placed a garrison in it, and proceeded to the north-east, plundering the lands of Sir Alexander Urquhart, Sheriff of Cromarty. They next marched westward to the district of Strathconan, ravaged the lands of the Mackenzies as they went, and put the inhabitants and more immediate retainers of the family to the sword, resolutely determined to punish Mackenzie for his ill-treatment of Lady Margaret and recover possession of that part of the Earldom of Ross forfeited by the earls of that name, and now the property of Mackenzie by Royal charter. Having wasted Strathconan, Macdonald arrived on Sunday morning at Contin, where he found the people in great terror and confusion; and the able-bodied men having already joined Mackenzie, the aged, the women, and the children took refuge in the church, thinking themselves secure within its precincts from any enemy professing Christianity. They soon, to their horror, found out their mistake. Macdonald, having little or no scruples on the score of religion, ordered the doors to be closed and guarded, and then set fire to the building. The priest, together with the hapless crowd of helpless and aged men, women and children, were all burnt to ashes.
Some of those who were fortunate enough not to have been in Contin church immediately started for Kinellan, and informed Mackenzie of the hideous massacre. Alexander, though deeply grieved at the cruel destruction of his people, expressed his gratitude that the enemy, whom he had hitherto considered too numerous to contend with successfully, had now engaged God against them by their impious conduct. Contin was not far from Kinellan, and Macdonald, thinking that Mackenzie would not remain at the latter place with such a comparatively small force, ordered Gillespic to draw up his followers on the large moor, now known as "Blar-na-Pairc," that he might review them, and send out a detachment to pursue the enemy. Kenneth Mackenzie, who had received the command of the clan from the old chief, had meantime posted his men in a strong position - on ground where he considered he could defend himself against a superior force, and conveniently situated to attack the enemy if a favourable opportunity occurred. His followers only amounted to six hundred, while his opponent had at least three times that number, but he had the advantage in another respect inasmuch as he had sufficient provisions for a much longer period than Macdonald could possibly procure for his larger force, the country people having driven their cattle and all the provender that might be of service to the enemy out of his reach. About mid-day the Islesmen were drawn up on the moor, about a quarter of a mile distant from the position occupied by the Mackenzies, the opposing forces being only separated from each other by a peat moss, full of deep pits and deceitful bogs. Kenneth, fearing a siege, had shortly before this prevailed upon his aged father to retire to the Raven's Rock, above Strathpeffer, to which place, strong and easily defended, he resolved to follow him in case he were compelled to retreat before the numerically superior force of his enemy. This the venerable Alexander did, recommending his son to the assistance and protection of a Higher Power, at the same time assuring him of success, notwithstanding the far more numerous numbers of his adversary.
By the nature of the ground, Kenneth perceived that Macdonald could not bring all his forces to the attack at once, and he accordingly resolved to maintain his ground and try the effects of a stratagem which he correctly calculated would mislead his opponent and place him at a serious disadvantage. He acquainted his younger brother, Duncan, with his resolution and plans, and sent him off, before the struggle commenced, with a body of archers to be placed in ambush, while he determined to cross the peat-bog himself and attack Macdonald in front with the main body, intending to retreat as soon as his adversary returned the attack, and thus entice the Islesmen to pursue him. He informed Duncan of his own intention to retreat and commanded him to be in readiness with his archers to charge the enemy whenever they got fairly into the moss and entangled among the pits and bogs.
Having made these preliminary arrangements, he boldly advanced to meet the foe, leading his resolute band in the direction of the intervening moss. Macdonald, seeing him, cried in derision to Gillespic to see "Mackenzie's impudent madness, daring thus to face him at such disadvantage." Gillespic, being a more experienced leader than the youthful and impetuous Alexander, said that "such extraordinary boldness should be met by more extraordinary wariness in us, lest we fall into unexpected inconvenience." Macdonald, in a towering passion, replied to this wise counsel - "Go you also and join with them, and it will not need our care nor move the least fear in my followers; both of you will not be a breakfast to me and mine." Meanwhile Mackenzie advanced a little beyond the moss, avoiding, from his intimate knowledge of it, all the dangerous pits and bogs, when Maclean of Lochbuy, who led the van of the enemy's army, advanced and charged him with great fury. Mackenzie, according to his pre-arranged plan, at once retreated, but in so masterly a manner that, in doing so, he inflicted as much damage on the enemy as he received. The Islesmen speedily got entangled in the moss, and Duncan Mackenzie observing this, rushed forth from his ambush and furiously attacked them in flank and rear, killing most of those who had entered the bog. He then turned his attention to the main body of the Islesmen, who were quite unprepared for so sudden an onslaught. Kenneth, setting this, charged with his main body, who were all well instructed in their leader's design, and, before the enemy were able to form in order of battle, he fell on their right flank with such impetuosity and did such execution among them that they were compelled to fall back in confusion before the splendid onset of the small force which they had so recently sneered at and despised. Gillespic, stung by Alexander Macdonald's taunt before the engagement began, to prove to him that "though he was wary in council he was not fearful in action," sought out Kenneth Mackenzie, that he might engage him in single combat, and followed by some of his bravest followers he, with signal valour, did great execution among the Mackenzies in course of his approach to Kenneth, who was in the hottest of the fight, and who, seeing Gillespic coming in his direction, advanced to meet him, killing, wounding, or scattering any of the Macdonalds that came in his way. He made a signal to Gillespic to advance and meet him hand-to-hand, but, finding him hesitating, Kenneth, who far exceeded him in strength while he equalled him in courage, would brook no tedious debate but pressed on with fearful eagerness, at one blow cut off Gillespic's arm and passed very far into his body so that he fell down dead on the spot.
At this moment Kenneth noticed his standard-bearer close by, without his colours, and fighting desperately to his own hand. He turned round to him, and angrily asked what had become of his colours, when he was coolly answered - "I left Macdonald's standard-bearer, quite unashamed of himself, and without the slightest concern for those of his own chief, carefully guarding mine." Kenneth naturally demanded an explanation of such an extraordinary state of matters, when the man informed him that he had met Macdonald's standard-bearer in the conflict, and had been fortunate enough to slay him; that he had thrust the staff of his own standard through his opponent's body and as there appeared to be some good work to do among the enemy, he had left some of his companions to guard the standard, and devoted himself to do what little he could to aid his master, and protect him from his adversaries. Maclean of Lochbuy (Lachlainn MacThearlaich) was killed by "Duncan mor na Tuaighe," Mackenzie's "great scallag," of whom we have the following curious account:
Shortly before the battle, a raw, ungainly, but powerful looking youth from Kintail was seen staring about, as the Mackenzies were starting to meet the enemy, in an apparently idiotic manner, as if looking for something. He ultimately came across an old rusty battle-axe, of great size, and, setting off after the others, he arrived at the scene of strife just as the combatants were closing with each other. Duncan Macrae (for such was his name), from his stupid and ungainly appearance, was taken little notice of, and was wandering about in an aimless, vacant, half-idiotic manner. Hector Roy, Alexander's third son, and progenitor of the Gairloch Mackenzies, observing him, asked why he was not taking part in the fight, and supporting his chief and clan. Duncan replied - "Mar a faigh mi miabh duine, cha dean mi gniomh duine." (Unless I get a man's esteem, I shall not perform a man's work.) This was in reference to his not having been provided with a proper weapon. Hector answered him - "Deansa gniomh duine 's gheibh thu miabh duine." (Perform a man's work and you will get a man's esteem.) Duncan at once rushed into the strife, exclaiming - "Buille mhor bho chul mo laimhe, 's ceum leatha, am fear nach teich rombam, teicheam roimhe." (A heavy stroke from the back of my hand [arm] and a step to [enforce] it. He who does not get out of my way, let me get out of his.) Duncan soon killed a man, and, drawing the body aside, he coolly sat upon it. Hector Roy, noticing this peculiar proceeding as be was passing by in the heat of the contest, accosted Duncan, and asked him why he was not still engaged with his comrades. Duncan answered - "Mar a faigh mi ach miabh aon duine cha dean mi ach gniomh aon duine." (If I only get one man's due I shall only do one man's work). Hector told him to perform two men's work, and be would get two men's reward. Duncan returned again to the field of carnage, killed another, pulled his body away, placed it on the top of the first, and sat upon the two. The same question was again asked, and the answer given: "I have killed two men, and earned two men's wages." Hector answered - "Do your best, and we shall not be reckoning with you." Duncan instantly replied - "Am fear nach biodh ag cunntadh rium cha bhithinn ag cunntadh ris" - (He that would not reckon with me, I would not reckon with him) - and rushed into the thickest of the battle, where he mowed down the enemy with his rusty battle-axe like grass; so much so that Lachlan Maclean of Lochbuy (Lachlainn MacThearlaich), a most redoubtable warrior, placed himself in Duncan's way to check him in his murderous career. The two met in mortal strife, but, Maclean being a very powerful man, clad in mail, and well versed in arms, Duncan could make no impression upon him but, being lighter and more active than his heavily mailed opponent, he managed to defend himself, watching his opportunity, and retreating backwards until he arrived at a ditch, where his opponent, thinking he had him fixed, made a desperate stroke at him, which Duncan parried, at the same time jumping backwards across the ditch. Maclean, to catch his enemy, made a furious lunge with his weapon, but, instead of entering Duncan's body, it got fixed in the opposite bank of the ditch. In withdrawing it, he bent his head forward, when the helmet, rising, exposed the back of his neck, upon which Duncan's battle-axe descended with the velocity of lightning, and with such terrific force as to sever Maclean's head from his body. This, it is said, was the turning-point of the struggle, for the Macdonalds, seeing the brave leader of their van falling, at once retreated, and gave up all for lost. The hero was ever afterwards known as "Donnchadh Mor na Tuaighe," or Big Duncan of the Axe, and many a story is told in Kintail and Gairloch of the many other prodigies of valour which he performed in the after contests of the Mackenzies and the Macraes against their common enemies. "Such of Macdonald's men as escaped the battle fled together, and as they were going homeward began to spulzie Strathconan, which Mackenzie hearing, followed them with a party, overtakes them at Invercorran, kills shoals of them and the rest fled divers ways."
That night, as Mackenzie sat at supper, he missed Duncan Mor, and said to the company - "I am more vexed for the want of my scallag mar (big servant) this night than any satisfaction I had of this day." One of those present said, "I thought, (as the people fled) I perceived him following four or five men that ran up the burn." He had not well spoken the word when Duncan Mor came in with four heads "bound on a woody" and threw them before his master, saying - "Tell me now if I have not deserved my supper," to which, it is said of him, he fell with great gusto.
This reminds me, continues the chronicler, "of a cheat he once played on an Irishman, being a traveller, withal a strong, lusty fellow, well-proportioned, but of an extraordinary stomach. He resorted into gentlemen's houses, and (was) very oft in Mackenzie's. Having come on a time to the same Mackenzie's house in Islandonain two or three years after this battle (of Park), he was cared for as usual, and when the laird went to dinner, he was set aside, at a side-table to himself, and a double proportion allowed him, which this Duncan Mor envying, went on a day and sat side for side with him, drew his skyn or short dagger and eats with him. 'How now,' says the Irishman, 'how comes it that you fall in eating in any manner of way.' 'I cannot tell,' says Duncan, 'but I do think I have as good will to eat as you can have.' 'Well,' says the other, 'we shall try that when we have done.' So when the laird had done of his dinner, the Irishman went where he was and said, 'Noble sir, I have travelled now almost among all the clans in Scotland, and was resorting their houses, as I have been several times here, where I cannot say but I was sufficiently cared for, but I never met with such an affront as I have this day.' The laird asked what he meant. So he tells him what injury Duncan had done him in eating a share of his proportion. 'Well,' says the laird, 'I hope M'ille Chruimb,' for so the Irishman was called, 'you will take no notice of him that did that; for he is but a fool that plays the fool now and then.' 'I cannot tell,' says he, 'but he is no idiot at eating, nor will I let my affront pass so; for I must have a turn or two of wrestling with him for it in your presence.' Whereupon a stander-by asks Duncan if he would wrestle with him. 'I will,' says he, 'for I think I was fit sides with him in eating and might be so with this.' They yocks, and Duncan threw him thrice on his back. The Irishman was so angry he wist not what to say. He invites him to put the stone, and at the second cast he worried him four feet, but could never reach him. Then he was like to burst himself. Finding this, he invites him to lop so that he outlopped him as far a length. The Irishman then said, 'I have travelled as far as any of my equals, both in Scotland, England, and Ireland, and tried many hands, but I never met with my equal till this day, but comrade,' say's he 'let us now go and swim a little in the laird's presence.' 'With all my heart,' say's Duncan, 'for I never sought better' (with this Duncan could swim not at all), but down to the shore they go to the next rock, and being full sea, was at least three fathoms deep, but before the Irishman had off half of his clothes Duncan was stark naked, lops over the rocks and ducks to the bottom and up again. Looking about him he calls to a boy that stood by, and said, 'Lad, go where the Lady is, and bid her send me a butter and four cheese.' The Irishman, hearing this, asks `what purpose.' 'To what purpose,' says he, 'yons the least we will need this night and to-morrow wherever we be,' 'Do you intend a journey,' say's the Irishman. 'Aye, that I do,' answered the other, 'and am in hopes to cross the Kyle ere night.' Now, this Kyle was 20 leagues off with a very ill stream, as the Irishman very well knew, so that he said, with a very great oath, lie would not go with him that length, but if he liked to sport the laird with several sorts of swimming, he would give a trial. 'Sport here, sport there, wherever I go you must go.' With this the cheese and butter come, and Duncan desires the Irishman to make ready, but all his persuasions (not against his will) would not prevail with Mac a Chruimb, whereupon all the company gave over with laughter, knowing the other could swim none at all, but the fellow thought they jeered him. The laird made Duncan forbear him; but Duncan swore a great oath he would make him swim or he left the town, otherwise he would want of his will. So it came to pass for the Irishman got away that same night, was seen on the morrow in Lochalsh, but none (was) found that ferried him over. But never after resorted Mackenzie's house." [Ancient MS. of the Mackenzies.]
What remained of the Macdonalds after the battle of Park were completely routed and put to flight, but most of them were killed, "quarter being no ordinar complement in thos dayes."
The night before the battle young Brodie of Brodie, accompanied by his accustomed retinue, was on a visit at Kinellan, and as be was preparing to leave the next morning be noticed Mackenzie's men in arms, whereupon he asked if the enemy were known to be so near that for a certainty they would fight before night. Being informed that they were close at hand, he determined to wait and take part in the battle, replying to Kenneth's persuasions to the contrary, "that be was an ill fellow and worse neighbour that would leave his friend at such a time," He took a distinguished part in the fight and behaved "to the advantage of his friend and notable loss of his enemy," and the Earl of Cromarty informs us that immediately after the battle be went on his journey. But his conduct produced a friendship between the Mackenzies and the family of Brodie, which continued among their posterity, "and even yet remains betwixt them, being more sacredly observed than the ties of affinity and consanguinity amongst most others," and a bond of manrent was entered into between the families. Some authorities assert that young Brodie was slain, but of this no early writer makes any mention and neither in Sir Robert Gordon's 'Earldom of Sutherland,' in the 'Earl of Cromartie' or other MS. 'Histories of the Mackenzies,' nor in Brown's 'History of the Highland Clans,' is there any mention made of his having been killed, though they all refer to the distinguished part be took in the battle. He was, however, seriously wounded.
The morning after the battle Kenneth, fearing that the few of the Macdonalds who escaped might rally among the hills and commit cruelties and robberies on those of his people whom they might come across, marched to Strathconan, where he found, as he had expected, that about three hundred of the enemy had rallied, and were destroying everything they had passed over in their eastward march before the battle. As soon, however, as they noticed him in pursuit they took to their heels, but they were overtaken and all killed or made prisoners.
Kenneth then returned to Kinellan, carrying with him Alexander Macdonald of Lochalsh, whom he had taken prisoner, in triumph. His aged father, Alastair Ionraic, had now returned from the Raven's Rock, and warmly congratulated his valiant son upon his splendid victory; adding, however, with significant emphasis, that he feared they made two days work of one," since, by sparing Macdonald, who was also a prisoner, and his apparent heir, they preserved the lives of those who might yet give them trouble. But Kenneth, though a lion in the field, could not, from any such prudential consideration, be induced to commit such a cowardly and inhuman act as was here inferred. He, however, had no great faith in the forbearance of his followers if an opportunity occurred to them, and he accordingly sent Macdonald, under a strong guard, to Lord Lovat, to be kept by him in safety until he should advise him how to dispose of him. He kept Alexander of Lochalsh with himself, but, contrary to the expectations of their friends, he, on the intercession of old Macdonald, released them both within six months, having first bound them by oath and honour never to molest him or his, and never again to claim any right to the Earldom of Ross, which the Lord of the Isles had in 1475 forfeited to the Crown.
Many of the Macdonalds and their followers who escaped from the field of battle perished in the River Conon. Flying from the close pursuit of the victorious Mackenzies, they took the river, which in some parts was very deep, wherever they came up to it, and were drowned. Rushing to cross at Moy, they met an old woman - still smarting under the insults and spoliations inflicted on her and her neighbours by the Macdonalds on their way north - and asked her where was the best ford on the river. "O! ghaolaich," she answered, "is aon ath an abhuinn; ged tha i dubh, cha 'n eil i domhain," (Oh! dear, the river is all one ford together; though it looks black, it is not deep). In their pitiful plight, and on the strength of this misleading information, they rushed into the water in hundreds, and were immediately carried away by the stream, many of them clutching at the shrubs and bushes which overhung the banks of the river, and crying loudly for assistance. This amazon and a number of her sex who were near at hand had meanwhile procured their sickles, and now exerted themselves in cutting away the bushes to which the wretched Macdonalds clung with a death grasp, the old woman exclaiming in each case, as she applied her sickle, "As you have taken so much already which did not belong to you, my friend, you can take that into the bargain. The instrument of the old woman's revenge has been for many generations, and still is by very old people in the district, called "Cailleach na Maigb," or the Old Wife of Moy.
The Mackenzies then proceeded to ravage the lands of Ardmeanach and those belonging to William Munro of Fowlis - the former because the young laird of Kilravock, whose father was governor of that district, had assisted the Macdonalds; the latter probably because Munro, who joined neither party, was suspected secretly of favouring Lochalsh. So many excesses were committed at this time by the Mackenzies that the Earl of Huntly, Lieutenant of the North, was compelled, notwithstanding their services in repelling the invasion of the Macdonalds, to proceed against them as oppressors of the lieges. [Gregory, p.57. Kilravock Writs, p.170, and Acts of Council.]
A blacksmith, known as Glaishean Gow or "Gobha," one of Lovat's people, in whose father's house Agnes Fraser, Mackenzie's wife, was fostered, hearing of the advance of the Macdonalds to the Mackenzie territory, started with a few followers in the direction of Conan, but arrived too late to take part in the fight. They were, however, in time to meet those few who managed to ford or swim the river, and killed every one of them so that they found an opportunity "to do more service than if they had been at the battle."
This insurrection cost the Macdonalds the Lordship of the Isles, as others had previously cost them the Earldom of Ross. In a Parliament held in Edinburgh in 1493, the possessions of the Lord of the Isles were declared forfeited to the Crown. In the following January the aged Earl appeared before King James IV., and made a voluntary surrender of everything, after which he remained for several years in the King's household as a Court pensioner. By Act of the Lords of Council in 1492 Alexander Urquhart, Sheriff of Cromarty, had obtained restitution for himself and his tenants for the depredations committed by Macdonald and his followers. According to the Kilravock Papers, p.162, the spoil amounted to 600 cows and oxen, each worth 13s 4d, 80 horses, each worth 26s 8d; 1000 sheep, each worth 2s; 200 swine, each worth 3s; with plenishing to the value of L300 and also 500 bolls of victual and L300 of the mails of the Sheriff's lands.
The Earl of Cromarty says of Kenneth, "that he raised great fears in his neighbours by his temper and power, by which he had overturned so great ane interest as that of Macdonald, yet it appearit that he did not proceid to such attemptts but on just resentments and rationall grounds, for dureing his lyfe he not only protected the country by his power, but he caryed so that non was esteemed a better neighbour to his friends nor a juster maister to his dependers. In that one thing of his caryadge to his first wife he is justly reprowable; in all things else he merits justly to be numbered amongst the best of our Scots patriots." The same writer continues - "The fight at Blairnapark put Mackenzie in great respect through all the North. The Earl of Huntly, George, who was the second Earle, did contract a friendship with him, and when he was imployed by King James 3d to assist him against the conspirators in the South, Kenneth came with 500 men to him in summer 1488; but erre they came the lengthe of Perth, Mackenzie had nottice of his father Alexander's death, whereupon Huntly caused him retire to ordor his affaires, least his old enemies might tack advantage of such a change, and Huntly judgeing that they were rather too numberous than weak for the conspirators, by which occasion he (Kenneth) was absent from that vnfortunat battle wher King James 3d wes kild, yet evir after this, Earl George, and his son Alexander, the 3d Earl of Huntly, keipt a great kyndness to Kenneth and his successors. From the yeir 1489 the kingdom vnder King James 4d wes at great peace, and thereby Mackenzie toock opportunity to setle his privat affaires, which for many yeirs befor, yea severall ages, had bein almost still disturbed by the Earls of Ross and Lords of the Illes, and so he lived in peace and good correspondences with his neighbours till the yeir 1491, for in the moneth of February that yeir he died and wes buried at Bewlie. All his predecessors wer buried at Icolmkill (except his father), as wer most of the considerable chieffs in the Highlands. But this Kenneth, after his marriage, keipt frequent devotiones with the Convent of Bewlie, and at his owin desyre wes buried ther, in the ille on the north syd of the alter, which wes built by himselfe in his lyftyme or he died; after that he done pennance for his irregular marieing or Lovit's daughter. He procured recommendationes from Thomas Hay (his lady's uncle), Bishop of Ross, to Pope Alexander the 6, from whom he procured a legittmatione of all the cheildrein of the mariadge, daited apud St Petri, papatus nostri primo, anno Cristiano 1491."
Bishop Hay strongly impressed upon Mackenzie the propriety of getting his marriage with Agnes of Lovat legitimized, and to send for a commission to the Pope for that purpose. Donald Dubh MacChreggir, priest of Kirkhill, was despatched to Rome with that object, and, according to several of the family manuscripts, procured the legitimation of the marriage. "This priest was a native of Kintail, descended from a clan there called Clan Chreggir, who, being a hopefull boy in his younger days, was educat in Mackenzie's house, and afterwards at Beullie be the forementioned Dugall Mackenzie, pryor yrof. In end he was made priest of Kirkhill. His successors to this day are called Frasers. Of this priest is descended Mr William Fraser and Mr Donald Fraser." [Ancient MS.] Another writer describes the messengers sent to Rome as Mr Andrew Fraser, priest of Kintail, a learned and eloquent man, who took in his company Dugal Mackenzie, natural son to Alexander Inrig, who was a scholar. The Pope entertained them kindly and very readily granted them what they desired and were both made knights to the boot of Pope Clement the VIII., but when my knights came home, they neglected the decree of Pope Innocent III. against the marriage and consentrinate of all the clergy or otherwise they got a dispensation from the then Pope Clement VIII., for both of them married - Sir Dugall was made priest of Kintail and married nien (daughter) Dunchy Chaim in Glenmorriston. Sir Andrew likewise married, whose son was called Donald Du Mac Intagard, and was priest of Kirkhill and Chaunter of Ross. His tack of the vicarage of Kilmorack to John Chisholm of Comar stands to this day. The present Mr William Fraser, minister of Kilmorack, is the fifth minister in lineal and uninterrupted succession." [Ardintoul MS.]
Anderson, in his 'Account of the Family of Fraser,' also says that "application was made to the Pope to sanction the second marriage, which he did, anno 1491." Sir James D. Mackenzie of Findon (note, p. 19) however says that he made a close search in the Vatican and the Roman libraries but was unable to find trace of any document of legitmation.
Of Roderick, Sir Kenneth's fourth son, who was an exceedingly powerful man, the following interesting story is told: - He was a man of great strength and stature, and in a quarrell which took place between him and Dingwall of Kildun, he killed the latter, and "that night abode with his wife." Complaint was made to King James the Fifth, who commanded the Baron of Kintail to give Rory up to justice. His brother, knowing he could not do so openly and by force without trouble and considerable danger, went to Kintail professedly to settle his affairs there, and when he was about returning home he requested Rory to meet him at Glassletter, that he might privately consult and discourse with him as to his present state. Rory duly met him on the appointed day with fifty men of his "coalds," the Macleays, besides ordinary servants and some Kintail men. While the two brothers went to discourse, they passed between the Kintail men and the Macleays, who sat at a good distance from one another. When Mackenzie came near the Kintail men, he clapped Rory on the shoulder, which was the sign between them, and Rory was immediately seized. Gillecriost MacFhionnla instantly ran to the Macleays, who had taken to their arms to relieve their Coald Rory Mor, and desired them in a friendly manner to compose themselves, and not be rash, since Rory was seized not by his enemies, but was in the hands of his own brother, and of those who had as great a kindness for him, and interest in him as they had themselves; and further he desired them to consider what would be the consequences, for if the least drop of blood was shed, Rory would be immediately put to death, and so all their pains would be lost. He thus prevailed upon them to keep quiet. In the meantime Rory struggled with the Kintail men, and would not be taken or go along with them, until John Mor, afterwards agnamed Ian Mor nan Cas, brother to Gillecriost MacFhionnla, took Rory by the feet and cast him down. They then bound him and carried him on their shoulders, until he consented to go along with them willingly, and without further objection. They took him to Ellandonnan, whence shortly after he was sent south to the King, where he had to take his trial. He, however, denied the whole affair, and in the absence of positive proof, the judges declined to convict him; but the King, quite persuaded of his guilt, ordered him to be sent a prisoner to the Bass Rock, with strict injunctions to have him kept in chains. This order was obeyed, and Rory's hands and legs were much pained and cut with the irons. The governor had unpleasant feuds with one of his neighbours, which occasioned several encounters and skirmishes between their servants, who came in repeatedly with wounds and bruises. Rory, noticing this to occur frequently, said to one of them, "Would to God that the laird would take me with him, and I should then be worth my meat to him and serve for better use than I do with these chains." This was communicated to the governor, who sent for Rory and asked him if he would fight well for him. "If I do not that," said he, "let me hang in these chains." He then took his solemn oath that he would not run away, and the governor ordered the servants to set about curing Rory's wounds with ointments. He soon found himself in good condition to fight, and an opportunity was not long delayed. The governor met his adversary accompanied by his prisoner, who fought to admiration, exhibiting great courage and enormous strength. He soon routed the enemy, and the governor became so enamoured of him that he was never after out of his company whenever he could secretly have him unknown to the Court. About this time an Italian came to Edinburgh, who challenged the whole nation to a wrestling match for a large sum of money. One or two grappled with him, but he disposed of them so easily that no one else could be found to engage him. The King was much annoyed at this, and expressed himself strongly in favour of any one who would defeat the Italian, promising to give him a suitable reward. The governor of the Rock having heard of this, thought it an excellent opportunity for his prisoner to secure his freedom, and at the same time redeem the credit of the nation, and he informed the King that a prisoner committed to the Bass by his Majesty if released of his irons would, in his opinion, match the Italian. The King immediately answered, "His liberty, with reward, shall he have if he do so." The governor, so as not to expose his own intimate relations with and treatment of the prisoner, warily asked that time should be allowed to cure him of his wounds, lest his own crime and Rory's previous liberty should become known. When sufficient time had elapsed for this purpose a day was appointed, and the governor brought Rory to Holyrood House to meet the King, who enquired if he "would undertake to cast the Italian for his liberty?" "Yes, sir," answered Rory "it will be a hard task that I will not undertake for that; but, sir, it may be, it will not be so easy to perform as to undertake, yet I shall give him a fair trial." "Well" said the King, "how many days will you have to fit yourself?" "Not an hour" replied Rory. His Majesty was so pleased with his resolution that he immediately sent to the Italian to ask if he would accept the challenge at once. He who had won so many victories so easily already did not hesitate to grapple with Rory, having no fear as to the result. Five lists were prepared. The Italian was first on the ground, and seeing Rory approaching him, dressed in his rude habit, without any of the usual dress and accoutrements, laughed loudly. But no sooner was he in the Highlander's grasp than the Italian was on his knee. The King cried with joy; the Italian alleged foul play, and made other and frivolous excuses, but His Majesty was so glad of the apparent advantage in his favour that he was unwilling to expose Rory to a second hazard. This did not suit the Highlander at all, and he called out, "No, no, sir; let me try him again, for now I think I know his strength." His Majesty hearing this, consented, and in the second encounter Rory laid firm hold of the foreigner, pulled him towards him with all his might, breaking his back, and disjointing the back-bone. The poor fellow fell to the ground groaning with pain, and died two day's after. The King, delighted with Rory's prowess, requested him to remain at Court, but this he refused, excusing himself on the ground that his long imprisonment quite unfitted him for Court life, but if it pleased his Majesty he would send him his son, who was better fitted to serve him. He was provided with money and suitable clothing by Royal command. The King requested him to hasten his son to Court, which he accordingly did. This son was named Murdoch, and His Majesty became so fond of him that he always retained him about his person, and granted him, as an earnest of greater things to follow, the lands of Fairburn, Moy, and others adjoining, also the Ferry of Scuideal; but Murdoch being unfortunately absent from the Court when the King died, he missed much more which his Majesty had designed for him. [Ardintoul and Cromartie MS. Histories of the Mackenzies.]
The following, told of Roderick and Kenneth, the fifth son, is also worth a place: - Kenneth was Chaunter of Ross, and perpetual Curate of Coinbents, which vicarage he afterwards resigned into the hands of Pope Paulus in favour of the Priory of Beauly. Though a priest and in holy orders he would not abstain from marriage, for which cause the Bishop decided to have him deposed. On the appointed day for his trial he had his brother Rory at Chanonry, when the trial was to take place, with a number of his followers. Kenneth presented himself before the Bishop in his long gown, but under it he had a two-edged sword, and drawing near his Lordship, who sat in his presiding chair, whispered in his ear, "It is best that you should let me alone, for my brother Rory is in the churchyard with many ill men, and if you take off my orders he will take off your head, and I myself will not be your best friend." He then coolly exposed his penknife, as he called his great sword, "which sight, with Rory's proximity, and being a person whose character was well enough known by his Lordship, he was so terrified that he incontinently absolved and vindicated the good Chaunter," who ever after enjoyed his office (and his wife) unchallenged.
Sir Kenneth of Kintail, who was knighted by James IV. "for being highly instrumental in reducing his fierce countrymen to the blessings of a civilized life," was twice married; first, to Lady Margaret, daughter of John, Lord of the Isles and Earl of Ross, with issue -
I. Kenneth Og, his heir and successor.
He married secondly, Agnes or Anne Fraser, daughter of Hugh, third
Lord Lovat, with issue -
II. John, who succeeded his brother Kenneth Og.
III. Alexander, first of the family of Davochmaluag.
IV. Roderick, progenitor of the families of Achilty, Fairburn,
Ardross, etc.
V. Kenneth, better know as "the Priest of Avoch," from whom the families of Suddie, Ord, Corryvulzie, Highfield, Inverlaul, Little Findon, and others of lesser note.
VI. Agnes, who married Roderick Macleod, VII. of Lewis, with issue.
VII. Catherine, who married Hector Munro of Fowlis, with issue.
There has been a considerable difference of opinion among the family genealogists as to the date of Sir Kenneth's death, but it is now placed beyond doubt that he died in 1491, having only ruled as actual chief of the clan for the short space of three years. This is clearly proved from his tomb in the Priory of Beauly, where there is a full length recumbent effigy of him, in full armour, with arms folded across his chest as if in prayer, and on the arch over it is the following inscription "Hic Jacet, Kanyans, m. kynch d'us de Kyntayl, q. obiit vii. die Februarii, a. di. m.cccc.lxxxxi." Sir William Fraser, in his history of the Earls of Cromartie, gives, in his genealogy of the Mackenzies of Kintail, the date of his death as "circa 1506," and ignores his successor Kenneth Og altogether. This is incomprehensible to readers of the work; for in the book itself, in various places, it is indubitably established that Sir William's genealogy is incorrect in this, as in other important particulars." [Sir William Fraser appears to have adopted Douglas in his genealogies, who, as already shown, in many instances, cannot be depended upon.]
The following, from the published "Acts of the Lords of Council," p. 327, under date 17th June, 1494, places the question absolutely beyond dispute. "The King's Highness and Lords of Council decree and deliver that David Ross of Balnagown shall restore and deliver again to Annas Fresale, the spouse of THE LATE Kenneth Mackenzie of Kintail, seven score of cows, price of the piece (each), 20s; 30 horses, price of the piece, 2 merks; 200 sheep and goats, price of the piece, 2s; and 14 cows, price of the piece, 20s; spuilzied and taken by the said David and his complices from the said Annas out of the lands of Kynlyn (? Killin or Kinellan), as was sufficiently proved before the Lords; and ordain that letters be written to distrain the said David, his lands and goods therefor, and he was present at his action by this procurators." It is needless to point out that the man who, by this undoubted authority, was THE LATE Kenneth Mackenzie of Kintail, in 1494 could not have died about or "circa 1506," as Sir William Fraser asserts in his Earls of Cromartie. Kenneth died in 1491, and was succeeded by his only son by his first wife, Margaret of Isla,
VIII. KENNETH OG MACKENZIE,
Or KENNETH THE YOUNGER, who was also known as Sir Kenneth. He was fostered in Taagan, Kenlochewe. [Ancient MS.] When, in 1488, King James the IV. succeeded to the throne, he determined to attach to his interest the principal chiefs in the Highlands. "To overawe and subdue the petty princes who affected independence, to carry into their territories, hitherto too exclusively governed by their own capricious or tyrannical institutions, the same system of a severe but regular and rapid administration of civil and criminal justice which had been established in his Lowland dominions was the laudable object of the King; and for this purpose he succeeded, with that energy and activity which remarkably distinguished him, in opening up an intercourse with many of the leading men in the northern counties. With the Captain of the Clan Chattan, Duncan Mackintosh with Ewen, the son of Alan, Captain of the Clan Cameron with Campbell of Glenurghay; the Macgilleouns of Duart and Lochbuy; Mackane of Ardnamurchan the Lairds of Mackenzie and Grant; and the Earl of Huntly, a baron of the most extensive power in these northern districts, he appears to have been in habits of constant and regular communication - rewarding them by presents, in the shape either of money or of grants or land, and securing their services in reducing to obedience such of their fellow chieftains as proved contumacious, or actually rose in rebellion." [Tytler, vol. iv., pp. 367-368.]
To carry out this plan he determined to take pledges for their good behaviour from some of the most powerful clans, and, at the same time, educate the younger lairds into a more civilized manner of governing their people. Amongst others he took a special interest in Kenneth Og, and Farquhar Mackintosh, the young lairds of Mackenzie and Mackintosh, who were cousins, their mothers being sisters, daughters of John, last Lord of the Isles. They were both powerful, the leaders of great clans, and young men of great spirit and reckless habits. They were accordingly apprehended in 1495 ["The King having made a progress to the North, was advised to secure these two gentlemen as hostages for securing the peace of the Highlands, and accordingly they were apprehended at Inverness and sent prisoners to Edinburgh in the year 1495, where they remained two years." - Dr George Mackenzie's MS. History,] and sent to Edinburgh, where they were kept in custody in the Castle, until a favourable opportunity occurring in 1497, they escaped over the ramparts by the aid of ropes secretly conveyed to them by some of their friends. This was the more easily managed, as they had liberty granted them to roam over the whole bounds of the Castle within the outer walls; and the young chieftains, getting tired of restraint, and ashamed to be idle while they considered themselves fit actors for the stage of their Highland domains, resolved to attempt an escape by dropping over the walls, when Kenneth injured his leg, so as to incapacitate him from rapid progress; but Mackintosh manfully resolved to risk capture himself rather than leave his fellow-fugitive behind him in such circumstances. The result of this accident, however, was that after three days journey they were only able to reach the Torwood, where, suspecting no danger, they put up for the night in a private house.
The Laird of Buchanan, who was at the time an outlaw for a murder he had committed, happened to be in the neighbourhood, and meeting the Highlanders, entertained them with a show of kindness; by which means he induced them to divulge their names and quality. A proclamation had recently been issued promising remission to any outlaw who would bring in another similarly circumstanced, and Buchanan resolved to procure his own freedom at the expense of his fellow-fugitives; for he knew well that such they were, previously knowing of them as his Majesty's pledges from their respective clans. In the most deceitful manner, he watched until they had retired to rest, when he surrounded the house with a band of his followers, and charged them to surrender. This they declined; and Mackenzie, being of a violent temper and possessed of more courage than prudence, rushed out with a drawn sword "refusing delivery and endeavouring to escape," whereupon he was shot with an arrow by one of Buchanan's men. His head was severed from his body, and forwarded to the King in Edinburgh; while young Mackintosh, who made no further resistance, was secured and sent a prisoner to the King. Buchanan's outlawry was remitted, and Mackintosh was confined in Dunbar, where he remained until after the death of James the Fourth at the battle of Flodden Field. [Gregory, p.93; and MS. History by the Earl of Cromartie.] Buchanan's base conduct was universally execrated, while the fate of young Mackenzie was lamented throughout the whole Highlands, having been accused of no other crime than the natural forwardness of youth, and having escaped from his confinement in Edinburgh Castle.
It is admitted on all hands that Kenneth Og was killed, as above, in 1497, and he must, therefore - his father having died in 1491 - have ruled as one of the Barons of Kintail, though there is no record of his having been formally served heir. He was not married, but left two bastard sons - one, known as Rory Beag, by the daughter of the Baron of Moniack; and the other by the daughter of a gentleman in Cromar, of whom are descended the Sliochd Thomais in Cromar and Glenshiel, Braemar, the principal families of which were those of Dalmore and Renoway. ["In his going to Inverness, as I have said, to meet the King, he was the night before his coming there in the Baron of Muniag's house, whose daughter he got with child, who was called Rory Begg. Of this Rory descended the parson of Slate; and on the same journey going along with the King to Edinburgh he got a son with a gentleman's daughter, and called him Thomas Mackenzy, of whom descended the Mackenzies - in Braemar called Slyghk Homash Vic Choinnich. That is to say Thomas Mackenzie's Succession. If he had lived he would be heir to Mackenzie and Macdonald (Earl of Ross)." - Ancient MS.] He was succeeded by his eldest brother by his father's second marriage with Agnes or Anne, daughter of Hugh, third Lord Lovat,
IX. JOHN MACKENZIE OF KILLIN,
Known by that designation from his having generally resided at that place. He was, as we have seen, the first son of Kenneth, seventh Baron of Kintail, by his second wife Agnes, or Anne of Lovat, and his father being never regularly married, the great body of the clan did not consider John his legitimate heir. Hector Roy Mackenzie, his uncle, progenitor of the House of Gairloch, a man of great prudence and courage, was by Kenneth a Bhlair appointed tutor to his eldest son Kenneth Og, then under age, though Duncan, an elder brother by Alexander's first wife, had, according to custom, a prior claim to that honourable and important trust. Duncan is, however, described as one who was "of better hands than head" - more brave than prudent. Hector took charge, and on the death of Kenneth Og found himself in possession of valuable and extensive estates. He had already secured great popularity among the clan, which in the past he had often led to victory against the common enemy. He objected to John's succession on the ground that he was the illegitimate son of Lovat's daughter, with whom his father, Kenneth, at first did "so irregularly and unlawfully cohabit," and John's youth encouraging him, it is said, [MS. History by the Earl of Cromartie.] Hector proposed an arrangement to Duncan, whom he considered the only legitimate obstacle to his own succession, by which he would transfer his rights as elder brother in Hector's favour, in return for which he should receive a considerable portion of the estates for himself and his successors. Duncan declined to enter into the proposed agreement, principally on the ground that the Pope, in 1491, the year in which John's father died, had legitimised Kenneth a Bhlair's marriage with Agnes of Lovat, and thereby restored the children of that union to the rights of succession. Finding Duncan unfavourable to his project, Hector declared John illegitimate, and held possession of the estates for himself; and the whole clan, with whom he was a great favourite, submitted to his rule. [Though we have given this account on the authority of the MS. histories of the family, it is now generally believed that Duncan was dead at this period, and that his son Allan, who would have succeeded, failing John of Killin's legitimacy, was a minor when his father died.]
It can hardly be supposed that Lord Lovat would be a disinterested spectator of these proceedings, and in the interest of his sister's children he procured a precept of clare constat from James Stewart, Duke of Ross, [After the forfeiture of the ancient Earls of Ross, the district furnished new titles under the old names, to members of the Royal family. James Stewart, second son of King James the Third, was created in 1487 Duke of Ross, Marquis of Ormond, Earl of Ardmanach, and Lord of Brechin and Navar. The Duke did not long hold the territorial Dukedom of Ross. On the 13th of May 1503, having obtained the rich Abbey of Dunfermline, he resigned the Dukedom of Ross into the hands of the King. The Duke reserved for his life the hill of Dingwall beside that town for the style of Duke, the hill of Ormond (above Avoch) for the style of Marquis, the Redcastle of Ardmanach for the style of Earl, and the Castle of Brechin, with the gardens, &c., for the name of Brechin and Navar. The Duke of Ross died in 1504. It was said of him by Ariosto, as translated by Hoole - "The title of the Duke of Ross he bears, No chief like him in dauntless mind compares." The next creation of the title of the Duke of Ross was in favour of Alexander Stewart, the posthumous son of King James the Fourth. The Duke was born on the 30th April 1514, and died on the 18th December 1515. In the reign of Mary Queen of Scots, John, Earl of Sutherland, acquired from Mary, the Queen Dowager, a certain right in the Earldom of Ross, which might ultimately have joined in one family both Sutherland and Ross. Lord Darnley, on the prospect of his marriage with Queen Mary, was created Earl of Ross, a title by which he is little known, as it was only given to him a short time before he obtained the higher titles of Duke of Albany and King of Scotland. - Fraser's Earls of Cromartie.] and Archbishop of St Andrews, in favour of his grandson, John, as heir to the estates. The document is "daited the last of Apryle 1500 and seasin thereon 16 Mey 1500 be Sir John Barchaw and William Monro of Foulls, as Baillie to the Duk." [MS. History by the Earl of Cromartie.] This precept included the Barony of Kintail, as well as the lands held by Mackenzie off the earldom of Ross, for, the charter chest being in the possession of Hector Roy, Lovat was not aware that Kintail was held direct from the Crown; but notwithstanding all these precautions and legal instruments, Hector kept possession and treated the entire estates as his own.
Sir William Munro of Fowlis, the Duke's Lieutenant for the forfeited earldom of Ross, was dissatisfied with Hector's conduct, and resolved to punish him. Munro was in the habit of doing things with a high hand, and on this occasion, during Hector's absence from home, he, accompanied by his Sheriff, Alexander Vass, went to Kinellan, where Hector usually resided, held a court at the place, and as a mulct or fine took away the couples of one of Hector's barns as a token of his power. When Hector discovered what had taken place in his absence, he became furious, and sent a messenger to Fowlis telling him that if he were a man of courage and a "good fellow" he would come and take away the couples of the other barn when their owner was at home.
Munro, greatly offended at this message, determined to accept the bold challenge conveyed in it, and promptly collected his vassals, including the Dingwalls and the MacCullochs, who were then his dependants, to the number of nine hundred, and with this force started for Kinellan, where he arrived much sooner than Hector, who hurriedly collected all the men he could in the neighbourhood, anticipated. Hector had no time to advise his Kintail men nor those at a distance from Kinellan, and was consequently unable to bring together more than one hundred and forty men. With this small force he wisely deemed it imprudent to venture on a regular battle, but decided upon a stratagem which if it proved successful, as he anticipated, would give him an advantage that would more than counterbalance the enemy's superiority of numbers. Having supplied his small but resolute band with provisions for twenty-four hours, Hector led them secretly, during the night, to the top of Knock-farrel, a place so situated that Munro must needs pass near its north or south side in his march to and from Kinellan. Early next morning Fowlis marched past on his way to Kinellan, quite ignorant of Hector's position, and expecting him to have remained at home to implement the purport of his message. Sir William was allowed to pass unmolested, and imagining that Hector had fled, he proceeded to demolish the barn at Kinellan, ordered its couples to be carried away. Broke all the utensils about the place, and drove out all the cattle, as trophies of his visit. In the evening he returned, as Hector had conjectured, carrying the plunderin front of his party, accompanied by a strong guard, while he placed the rest of his picked men in the rear, fearing that Hector might pursue him, little thinking that he was already between him and his destination.
On his way to Kinellan, Munro bad marched through Strathpeffer round the north side of Knock-farrel, but for some cause he returned by the south side where the highway touched the shoulder of the hill on which Hector's men were posted. He had no fear of attack from that quarter, and his men feeling themselves quite safe, marched loosely and out of order. Hector seeing his opportunity, allowed them to pass until the rear was within musket shot of him. He then ordered his men to charge, which they did with such furious impetuosity, that most of the enemy were cut to pieces before they were properly aware from whence they were attacked, or could make any effectual attempt to resist the dashing onset of Hector's followers. The groans of the dying in the gloaming, the uncertainty as well as the unexpectedness of the attack, frightened them so much that they fled in confusion, in spite of every attempt on the part of Fowlis, who was in front in charge of the spoil and its guard, to stop them. Those from the rear flying in disorder soon confused the men in front, and the result was a complete rout. Hector's men followed, killing every one they met for it was ordered that no quarter should be given, the number being so large that they might again turn round, attack and defeat the victors. In this retreat almost all the men of the clan Dingwall and MacCullochs capable of bearing arms were killed, and so many of the Munroes were slain that for a long time after "there could not be ane secure friendship made up twixt them and the Mackenzies, till by frequent allyance and mutuall beneffets at last thes animosities are setled and in ordor to a reconciliation, Hector, sone to this William of Foulls, wes maried to John Mackenzie's sister Catherine."
At this conflict, besides that it was notable for its neat contrivance, the inequality of the forces engaged, and the number of the slain, there are two minor incidents worth noting. One is that the pursuit was so hot that the Munroes not only fled in a crowd, but there were so many of them killed at a place on the edge of the hill where a descent fell from each shoulder of it to a well; and most of Hector's men being armed with battle-axes and two-edged swords, they had cut off so many heads in that small space, that, tumbling down the slope to the well, nineteen heads were counted in it and to this day the well is called "Tobar nan Ceann" or the Fountain of the Heads. The other incident is that Suarachan, better known as "Donnchadh Mor na Tuaighe," or Big Duncan of the Axe, previously referred to as one of the heroes of the battle of Park, pursued one of the enemy into the Church of Dingwall, to which he had fled for shelter. As he was entering in at the door, Suarachan caught him by the arm, when the man exclaimed, "My sanctuary saves me!" "Aye," returned Suarachan, "but what a man puts in the sanctuary against his will he can take it out again; and so, pushing him back from the door, he killed him with one stroke of his broadsword. [MS. History by the Earl or Cromartie.]
Sir William Munro returned that night to Fowlis, where happened to be, passing the evening, a harper of the name of MacRa, who, observing Sir William pensive and dispirited, advised him to be more cheerful and submit patiently to the fortunes of war, since his defeat was not his own fault, nor from want of personal courage and bravery, but arose from the timorousness of his followers, who were unacquainted with such severe service. This led Sir William to take more particular notice of the harper than he had hitherto done, and he asked him his name. On hearing it, Munro replied, "You surely must have been fortunate, as your name imports, and I am sure that you have been more so than I have been this day; but it's fit to take your advice, MacRath." This was a play on the minstrel's name - MacRath literally meaning "Son of Fortune" - and the harper being, like most of his kind, smart and sagacious, made the following impromptu answer -
Eachainn le sheachd fichead fear,
Agus thusa le d'ochd clad,
Se Mac Rath a mharbh na daoine
Air bathaois Cnoc faireal,
Which may be rendered in English as follows:
Although MacRath doth "fortunate" import,
It's he deserves that name whose brave effort
Eight hundred men did put to flight
With his seven score at Knockfarrel. [Ardintoul MS.]
In 1499, George, Earl of Huntly, then the King's Lieutenant, granted warrant to Duncan Mackintosh of Mackintosh, John Grant of Freuchie, and other leaders, with three thousand men, to pass against the Clan Mackenzie, "the King's rebels," for the slaughter of Harold of Chisholm, dwelling in Strathglass, "and for divers other heirschips, slaughters, spuilzies, committed on the King's poor lieges and tenants in the Lordship of Ardmeanoch," [Kilravock Papers, p. 170.] but Hector Roy and his followers gave a good account of them, and soon defeated and dispersed them. He seems to have held undisturbed possession until the year 1507, when John and his brother Roderick were on a visit in the Aird, at the house of their uncle, Lord Lovat, when a fire broke out at the castle. According to the Earl of Cromartie, when the house took fire, no one was found bold enough to approach the burning pile but John, who rushed boldly through the flames and carried away the Lovat charter chest "a weight even then thought too much for the strongest man, and that cheist, yett extant, is a load sufficient for two. His uncle, bothe obleiged by the actione, and glad to sie such strength and boldnes in the young man, desyred (him) to do as much for himself as he haid done for him, and to discover his (own) charter cheist from his uncle, and that he should have all the concurrance which he (Lovat) could give to that effect." Anderson's "History of the Family of Fraser" ascribes this bold act to Roderick, for which he was "considered amply recompensed by the gift of a bonnet and a pair of shoes." It matters little which is the correct version, but it is not unlikely that Lovat's valuable charter chest was saved by one or other of them, and it is by no means improbable that his Lordship's suggestion that they should procure their own charter chest and his offer to aid them in doing so was made and determined to be acted upon on this occasion.
John, who had proved himself most prudent, even in his youth, was satisfied that his uncle Hector, a man of undoubted valour and wisdom, in possession of the estates, and highly popular with the clan, could not be expelled without great difficulty and extreme danger to himself. Any such attempt would produce feuds and slaughter among his people, with the certain result of making himself personally unpopular with the clan, and his uncle more popular than ever. He therefore decided upon a more prudent course resolving to strike only at Hector's person, judging that, if his uncle failed, his claims and the personal respect of his followers would fall with him. To carry out his resolution, he contrived a scheme which proved completely successful. Having secured an interview with Hector, who then resided at Wester Fairburn, he pleaded that since he had taken his estates from him, and left him in such reduced circumstances, it was not in accordance with his feelings and his ambition for fame to remain any longer in his native country, where he had neither position nor opportunities of distinguishing himself. He therefore begged that his uncle should give him a galley or birlinn, and as many of the ablest and most determined youths in the country as should voluntarily follow him in his adventures for fame and fortune in a foreign land. With these he should pass to Ireland, then engaged in war, and "there purchase a glorious death or a more plentiful fortune than he was likely to get at home." The idea pleased Hector exceedingly, and he not only gave him his own galley, then lying at Torridon, but furnished him with all the necessary provisions for the voyage, at the same time assuring him that, if he prosecuted his intentions, he should annually transmit him a sufficient portion to keep up his position, until his own personal prowess and fortune should place him above any such necessity whereas, if he otherwise resolved or attempted to molest him in what he called his rights, he would bring sudden and certain ruin upon himself.
Thirty brave and resolute young men joined the supposed adventurer, after having informed them that he would have none except those who would do so of their own free will, from their affection for him, and determination to support him in any emergency; for he well judged that only such were suitable companions in the desperate aims which he had laid out for himself to accomplish. These he dispatched to the galley then at Torridon, one of the most secluded glens on the West Coast, and distant from any populated place; while he himself remained with his uncle, professedly to arrange the necessary details of his journey, and the transmission of his portion, but really to notice "his method and manner of converse." John soon took farewell of Hector, and departed with every appearance of simplicity. His uncle sent a retinue to convoy him with becoming respect, but principally to assure himself of his departure, and to guard against surprise or design on John's part. Accompanied by these, he soon arrived at Torridon, where he found his thirty fellow adventurers and the galley awaiting him. They at once set sail, and with a fair wind made for the Isles, in the direction of, and as if intending to make for, Ireland. The retinue sent by Hector Roy returned home, and informed their master that they saw John and his companions started before a fair wind, with sails set, in the direction of Ireland when Hector exclaimed, referring to Anne of Lovat, "We may now sleep without fear of Anne's children."
John, sailing down Loch Torridon, and judging that Hector's men had returned home, made for a sheltered and isolated creek, landed in a wood, and dispersed his men with instructions to go by the most private and unfrequented paths in the direction of Alit Corrienarnich, in the braes of Torridon, where he would meet them. This done, they followed Hector's men, being quite close up to them by the time they reached Fairburn. John halted at some little distance from Hector's house until about midnight, when, calling his men together, he feelingly addressed them thus: "Now, my good friends, I perceive that you are indeed affectionate to me, and resolute men, who have freely forsaken your country and relations to share in my not very promising fortune but my design in seeking only such as would voluntarily go along with me was that I might be certain of your affection and resolution, and since you are they whom I ought only to rely upon in my present circumstances and danger, I shall now tell you that I was never so faint-hearted as to quit my inheritance without attempting what is possible for any man in my capacity. In order to this I feigned this design for Ireland for three reasons; first, to put my uncle in security, whom I have found ever hitherto very circumspect and well guarded; next, to find out a select, faithful number to whom I might trust and thirdly, that in case I fail, and that my uncle shall prevail over my endeavours, that I might have this boat and these provisions as a safe retreat, both for myself and you, whom I should be loath to expose to so great a danger without some probability in the attempt, and some security in the disappointment. I am resolved this night to fall on my uncle for he being gone, there is none of his children who dare hope to repose themselves to his place. The countrymen who now, for fear, depend on him and disown me, will, no doubt, on the same motives, promoved with my just title, own me against all other injurious pretenders. One thing I must require of you, and it is that albeit those on whom we are to fall are all related both to you and to me, yet since on their destruction depends the preservation of our lives, and the restitution of my estate, you must all promise not to give quarter to my uncle or to any of his company."
To this inhuman resolution they all agreed, disregarding the natural ties of blood and other obligations, and, marching as quietly as possible, they arrived at Hector's house, surrounded it, and set fire to it - guarding it all round so that not a soul could escape. The house was soon in flames, and the inmates, Hector and his household, were crying out for mercy. Their pitiful cries made an impression on those outside, for many of them had relatives within, and in spite of their previous resolution to give no quarter, some of them called out to their nearest friends to come out and surrender, on assurance of their lives being spared. John seeing so many of his followers moved to this merciful conduct, and being unable to resist them, exclaimed, "My uncle is as near in blood to me as any in the house are to you, and therefore I will be as kind to him as you are to them." He then called upon Hector to surrender and come forth from the burning pile, assuring him of his life. This he did; but Donald Dubh MacGillechriost Mhic Gillereach, a Kenlochewe man, made for the door with his two-edged sword drawn, whereupon Hector seeing him called out to John that he would rather be burned where he was than face Donald Dubh. John called the latter away, and Hector rushed out into his nephew's arms and embraced him. That same night John and Hector, without "Dysman," saving God and such commons as were then present, agreed and condescended that Hector should have the estate till John was twenty-one years of age, and that John should live on his own purchases till then, Hector was to set the whole estate immediately, as tutor to John, which next day he went about. "I cannot forget what passed betwixt him and the foresaid Donald at the set of Kenlochewe, who was one of the first that sought land from him, which when he sought, Hector says to him: 'I wonder, Donald, how you can ask land this day, that was so forward to kill me the last day.' Donald answered that 'if he had such a leader this day as he had that night he should show him no better quarters, for Kenneth's death (meaning Kenneth Aack) struck nearer my heart than any prejudice you can do me in denying me land this day.' Hector said, 'Well Donald, I doubt ye not if you had such coildghys (coldhaltas - fosterage) to me as you had to that man but you would act the like for me. Therefore you shall have your choice of all the land in the country.' Hector having set the whole estate as tutor, all things seemed fair, only that Allan and his faction in Kintail, who previously urged John to possess himself of Ellandonnan Castle, were not satisfied with the arrangement, as John was still kept out of the stronghold, 'which Hector would not grant, not being condescended on (and as he alleged) lest John should fail on his part but the factions - the commons - within that country could not be satisfied herewith, being, as it was said, moved hereto by an accident that fell out a year or two before.'" [Ancient MS.] This "accident" is described further on, and refers to Hector's alleged attempt to get Allan assassinated at Invershiel.
Donald Dubh was Kenneth Og's foster-brother, and Imagining that Hector was accessory in an underhand way to Kenneth's captivity in Edinburgh Castle, and consequently to his death in the Torwood, he conceived an inveterate hatred for him, and determined to kill him in revenge the first opportunity that presented itself. Hector, knowing that his resolution proceeded from fidelity and affection to his foster-brother and master, not only forgave him, but ultimately took an opportunity of rewarding him and, as we have seen, afterwards gave him his choice of all the lands in Kenlochewe.
John immediately sent word of what had taken place to his uncle of Lovat, and next day marched for Kintail, where all the people there, as well as in the other parts of his property, recognised him as their chief. The Castle of Ellandonnan was delivered up to him, with the charter chest and other evidences of his extensive possessions.