HISTORY
OF
THE ZULU WAR.

HISTORY OF THE ZULU WAR.

(Facsimile of his Signature on the last Draft drawn by him through the Standard Bank on Messrs. Rothschild & Co.)

HISTORY

OF

THE ZULU WAR.

BY

A. WILMOT, F.R.G.S.

LONDON:
RICHARDSON AND BEST, PATERNOSTER ROW;
AND
A. WHITE AND CO.,
"SOUTH AFRICAN MAIL" OFFICE, 17, BLOMFIELD STREET.
CAPE OF GOOD HOPE:
TO BE HAD OF ALL BOOKSELLERS THROUGHOUT THE COLONY.
1880.

LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.

PREFATORY NOTE.

The salient features and the principal events of the Zulu war are referred to in this volume. Long and uninteresting details respecting minor operations are omitted, and an attempt is made to furnish a readable book, which gives a fair view of the causes, origin, and progress of the war. It must be borne in mind that South African Kafir wars constitute one tragedy in various acts. The Zulu campaigns are merely last links of a chain. The war with Cetywayo is identical in principle with those waged with Gaika, T'Slambie, Dingaan, Kreli, and Sandilli. The tide of savagery has been periodically rolled back, and it was either necessary that this should be done, or that white men should abandon Southern Africa. The fatuous policy of Lord Glenelg caused the wars of 1846 and 1852, and there is in essence no difference between it and the policy advocated by the opponents of Sir Bartle Frere. In order not to load this introductory note with lengthy observations, a paper will be found in the Appendix treating upon this subject.[1]

Blue Books and correspondents' letters necessarily form the principal authorities. The preliminary portion of the book has been really requisite, and it is hoped that it will be found not the least interesting portion of the volume. No doubt, in the first connected narrative of the Zulu war, many omissions and inaccuracies may be discovered, but every effort has been made to collect the truth from the most reliable authorities, and to tell it without fear, favour, or prejudice.

Port Elizabeth,

25th September, 1879.

CONTENTS.

HISTORY OF THE ZULU WAR.

CHAPTER I.

EARLY HISTORY OF THE ZULU NATION AND OF NATAL.

Two different races met in Southern Africa about the middle of the seventeenth century. One had migrated from the centre of the continent; the other sent out settlers from one of the most civilized and prosperous countries of Europe. These races were the Kafirs and the Dutch. The former arrived at the banks of the Great Fish River about the same time that Surgeon Van Riebeek landed on the shores of Table Bay for the purpose of establishing "a place of refreshment for the outward and homeward bound fleets of the chartered Dutch East India Company." The progress of the new colony was so gradual and slow that it was not until the nineteenth century that Kafir irruptions were effectually checked, and then the British Government had assumed sovereignty over the Cape of Good Hope. Different causes, to which it is not necessary to refer, made the descendants of the Dutch settlers so dissatisfied with our rule that a portion of them, in the year 1837, passed into that easterly portion of Southern Africa styled Natal. There they came in contact with the bravest and best-organized portion of the great Kafir race. The Ama-Zulus were originally a small and despised tribe. They were "tobacco sellers," or pedlars, and carried on this occupation at the beginning of the present century in the country between the Black and White Umvolosi rivers. In contradistinction to the nature of their employment, and as an emblem of the ambition of the people, the name they gave themselves was one of the proudest they could have chosen, as "the Zulus" in the Kafir tongue signifies "the Celestials." At an early period in this century a great leader arose among them, who became the Genghis Khan of Southern Africa. This chief was fitly named "Utskaka"—"Chaka," or "Break of Day;" and it was in consequence of his efforts and of his success that a new era commenced for his countrymen.

Chaka and his army.

Chaka was never defeated, and never fled before a foe. Having ascended the throne by means of the murder of his uncle, he proceeded at once to convert a nation of pedlars into a nation of warriors. Immense care was taken with military training, and the weapon by means of which the Roman soldiers conquered the world was adopted for the use of the army. The short sword, or stabbing assegai, was supplied, with the command that each warrior should carry but one, and either bring it back from the battle-field or be put to death as a coward. Marriage was forbidden, although the gratification of brutal lust was allowed. No warrior could have a wife or child to imbue him with any tender sentiment. The practice of circumcision, although one of the most ancient and important rites, was abandoned, so that everything, no matter how sacred or how important, was sacrificed in order to create invincible legions. The army consisted of three divisions. The first was composed of veterans, styled "amadoda," or men; the second of youths, "ebuto;" and the third of "ezibuto," or carriers. It was in the last division that conquered enemies were frequently enrolled. The king was the commander-in-chief, and under him were the principal indunas, or ministers of state. Each regiment was at least 1500 strong, and was led by a captain, who had under him numerous subalterns. Military kraals were scattered over the country, generally of an oval shape, and of large dimensions. Reviews took place at the great place of the king, where songs, dances, and chivalrous games were all made use of to increase the military enthusiasm of the warriors. When war was determined upon, extreme secrecy was observed, spies were sent out, and the usual incantations and sacrifices performed by the priest or witch-doctor. A herald, dressed in the skins of wild beasts, so as to present a terrific appearance, then was sent to the army, and cried with a loud voice, "Maiku-puke!"—"Go up!" An inspiring oration was delivered by the king, and they went forth to conquer or to die, fifty thousand well-organized, determined savages, giving no quarter, slaying men, women, children, and even domestic animals. Thus has a warrior described the onset of one of these savage armies:—"The Matabele lions raised the shout of death, and fell upon their victims. It was the shout of victory. Their hissing and hollow groans told their progress among the dead. A few moments laid hundreds on the ground. The clash of shields was the signal of triumph. They entered the town with the roar of the lion; they pillaged and fired the houses, speared the mothers, and cast their infants to the flames. They slaughtered cattle; they danced and sang till the dawn of day; they ascended and killed till their hands were weary of the spear."

Chaka not only led his army in person, but was accustomed himself to seize the first victim, and to kill him with his spear. After subduing the petty tribes around, he bore his victorious arms further, and carried fire and sword along the slopes of the Drakenberg Mountains. One of his greatest conquests was over the Undwandwa people, and this was followed by the destruction of the Umtetwas. An attack was then made upon the brave Amaquabi, who occupied both sides of the Tugela river, which forms the present boundary of Natal. Merciless slaughters followed victory, and the tide of conquest only ceased on the banks of the Umsimvoboo.

In the year 1828, Lieutenant Farewell, Mr. H. Fynn, and a few others, were permitted to visit Chaka, who then resided at a distance of about 150 miles in a north-north-east direction from D'Urban, Port Natal. The Englishmen were received by the mighty Zulu potentate with great ceremony. Nine thousand armed warriors stood around, and the despotic character of the monarch was reflected in the servile submission with which he was treated by his subjects. Chaka munificently granted a large tract of country to Mr. H. Fynn, and subsequently conferred a similar favour upon Lieutenant King. These grants—and all grants of this nature—were, strictly speaking, mere feudal investitures, paramount rights being retained by the monarch. The first European settlement in Natal was thus formed. An act of treason on the part of one of Chaka's greatest lieutenants alienated him from his native land, and became the means of carrying fire and sword north of the Drakenberg Mountains as far as Bamangwato. Moselekatsi, whom Captain Harris styles the "Lion of the North," was this lieutenant. Wherever he moved destruction and death marked his path, and he soon succeeded in rearing another cruel military despotism over the graves of those whom he had conquered.

Assassination of Chaka.

The last army of Chaka which went forth to destroy was itself destroyed by one of those strange judgments which bear analogy to that inflicted on the hosts of Sennacherib. A nation dwelling close to the Palula river had to be conquered, but before this place was reached a frightful disease, styled "blood sickness," broke out, and was so fatal in its results that only a few men of the great army were able to return to tell the tale. Scarcely had this event occurred, when the tyrant was himself assassinated. Chaka was seated peacefully in his kraal, near the Umvoti river, surrounded by his councillors and principal officers, when a band of desperate men, headed by his brother Dingaan, rushed among them, and each, seizing his victim, plunged a spear into his heart. Thus perished the Napoleon of the Zulu race, by the hand of his own nearest relative, and at a moment when he did not suspect treachery or dream of any insurrection against his well-consolidated power.

Dingaan—"poor fellow!"—was no doubt secretly encouraged by a large portion of the Zulu people. A number of the principal captains and friends of the late monarch fled, and several were put to death. The new capital was removed from the Umvati river to the White Umvolosi river, distant 45 miles in a direct line from the sea, and about 160 miles from D'Urban. The favour that had been extended by Chaka to the few Englishmen who arrived in Natal with Mr. H. Fynn was a sufficient reason for the adoption by his successor of an exactly opposite policy. An army of 3000 men was sent to D'Urban, and the few English settlers escaped with the utmost difficulty. Every vestige of property was destroyed. Quietness was, however, restored in a few years afterwards, and in the year 1833 Dingaan sent down spies to find out what progress had been made by the intruders.

Captain Allen Gardiner arrived in 1835, and proceeded to the great place of the king. This missionary traveller mentions incidentally that, according to treaty, he brought back several men who had fled from the cruel despotism of the Zulu monarch. These captives fully calculated upon being put to death. Captain Gardiner pleaded for them, and was able to assure them that the king had promised to spare their lives. Nowha, one of the unfortunate prisoners, mournfully replied, "They are killing us now;" and they were all cruelly tortured to death by starvation.[2]

Dingaan and the Boers.

In consequence of various causes, among which discontent with British rule requires prominent mention, a number of Dutch farmers left the Cape Colony in 1835, and, under the command of Pieter Retief, crossed the Drakensberg Mountains in 1837, and entered Natal. Their leader proceeded to Dingaan's capital, for the purpose of negotiating a treaty of peace and obtaining a formal cession of territory. In the last week of January, 1838, Pieter Retief, accompanied by seventy picked horsemen, crossed the Buffalo river, and on the 2nd of February arrived at Dingaan's kraal. The Zulu monarch fixed the 4th of February as the day for signing a formal cession of an immense district in Natal to the emigrant Boers. The necessary document, drawn out by the Rev. Mr. Owen, missionary, with Dingaan, was duly signed, and business having been satisfactorily concluded, the Dutchmen were invited into the king's kraal to take leave of Dingaan. As requested, Retief and his followers left their arms outside. The Zulu monarch, surrounded by his favourite regiments, conversed in the most friendly manner, and while a "stirrup cup" of maize beer was in course of being drunk, suddenly cried out, "Bulala matagati!"—"Kill the wizards!" These words were the signal for a cruel massacre. More than 3000 savages beat to death, with knobkerries, the unfortunate Dutchmen who had been weak enough to trust to Zulu promises and Zulu honesty. The corpses of the slaughtered men were dragged out of the kraal to an adjacent hillock, and there allowed to become the prey of wolves and vultures.

Dingaan looked upon the massacre of the farmers who had vainly trusted to his honour as only a commencement of hostilities. Ten regiments were immediately ordered out to exterminate all the Dutch emigrants. While these people were, without suspicion, waiting for the return of their husbands and relatives, a Zulu army crawled up to their nearest camp, near the Blaauwkrantz river, close to the present commemorative town of Weenen, or "Weeping." A sudden surprise at the dawn of day was effected, and then ensued the barbarous murder in cold blood of every man, woman, and child. Other detachments surprised other parties, and few escaped. The destroying army moved swiftly southward and towards the sea. Wherever the "laager" plan was adopted, it was successful; and at "Necht Laager," on the Bushmans river, a few determined men succeeded in defending themselves against an overwhelming force of savages. The engagement lasted all day, but when the farmers' ammunition was nearly exhausted, the fire from a 3-pounder, rigged at the back of one of the waggons, killed several Zulu chiefs, and caused a precipitate retreat. The men who were afterwards able to visit the principal scenes of slaughter discovered frightful scenes of horror and misery. Waggons were demolished, and by their ruins lay the corpses of men, women, and children abandoned to the wild beasts. Among the heaps of dead found at Weenen two young girls were picked out, one of whom had been pierced by nineteen assegai stabs, and the other by twenty-one. Both survived, although they remained cripples for life. It is estimated that in one week 600 white settlers were sacrificed as victims to the savage treachery of Dingaan.

Slaughter of English.

Vengeance was determined upon by the Dutch emigrants, and a party of 400, having placed themselves under the command of Piet Uys and of Hendrik Potgieter, advanced from the Klip River Division against Dingaan. This took place in April, 1838; but unfortunately, shortly before, a party of Englishmen from D'Urban, with 700 friendly Zulus, having crossed the Tugela river near its mouth and destroyed a native town, the army of Dingaan, which had been kept in reserve, suddenly surrounded them and killed nearly every European.[3] The conquerors followed up their success as far as D'Urban, and forced the few white people then resident there to take refuge on board a vessel named the Comet, fortunately lying at anchor in the bay. Dingaan, with his principal forces, watched the Dutch emigrants, and learned that Piet Uys and Hendrik Potgieter had placed themselves at the head of 400 men, with the object of invading Zululand. The wily savage allowed the Dutchmen to advance to a place closed in between two hills, within a few miles of his capital, and thence led them to a valley, where a desperate hand-to-hand combat took place. The farmers had been accustomed to fight by firing from horseback, and then falling back rapidly to reload. They were so hemmed in by their position, that this mode of procedure was impossible, and they were at last, in desperation, compelled to concentrate their fire on one portion of the Zulu host. They then charged through the gap thus made, and escaped. Unfortunately, Piet Uys did not succeed in cutting his way through, and died with his son, fighting bravely against terrible odds. After this disastrous engagement, the Boers were so disheartened that hostilities were for some time suspended. They were renewed in August, 1838, when Dingaan attacked the Dutch in their laagers, but was in all cases repulsed with loss. Towards the close of that year, an army of 10,000 Zulus attacked the Dutch farmers in a strongly intrenched position at the Umslatoos river. The engagement took place on Sunday, the 16th of December. For three hours overwhelming masses of natives endeavoured to force the emigrant camp, until Pretorius, finding that ammunition was beginning to fail, ordered 200 men to sally forth on horseback, and take the enemy in flank. This manœuvre was successful, and the forces of Dingaan were compelled to fly, after leaving a large number on the field.[4] After this decisive battle 5000 head of cattle were captured, and an advance was made to the hillock where lay the mortal remains of Retief and the brave men who perished with him. A frightful and ghastly spectacle was beheld: broken skulls, on which could be seen the marks of the knobkerries and stones with which they had been fractured, bones of legs and arms, and, strange to say, the skeleton of Retief, recognizable by a leathern pouch or bandoleer, in which was found the deed signed by Dingaan, resigning to the emigrant farmers "the place called Port Natal, together with all the land annexed; that is to say, from the Tugela to the Umzimvoboo river, and from the sea to the north, as far as the land may be useful and in my possession."

Arrival of Major Charteris.

On the return of the emigrant Boers from this very successful attack on the Zulus, they were surprised to find that a small detachment of Highlanders, under the command of Major Charteris had taken possession of the Bay of Natal. This was done by order of Sir George Napier, Governor of the Cape Colony, from a desire[5] "to put an end to the unwarranted occupation of parts of the territories belonging to the natives by certain emigrants of the Cape Colony, being subjects of his Majesty." No conflict, however, took place at this time. The Dutch were busily employed during the year 1839 in laying out the towns of Pietermaritzburg[6] and D'Urban, as well as in appointing landrosts or magistrates, and establishing regulations for the government of the country. Dingaan frequently sent in ambassadors charged with messages of peace, but it was soon discovered that this was merely a plan for carrying out a system of espionage.

A brother of Dingaan, named Panda, who had been generally looked upon with contempt as a mere sensualist who was undisposed for the fatigues of warfare, became an object of jealousy to the king, in consequence of a large party among the Zulus, who were tired of constant fighting and bloodshed, showing some disposition to prefer him to his brother. An attempt to capture and kill Panda was followed by his flight across the Tugela into Natal, and his application to the Dutch emigrant farmers for assistance. Such an opportunity was gladly seized upon; and in the next year (1840) an army of Panda's, 4000 strong, was joined by 400 mounted farmers, under the command of Andries Pretorius. While the forces were mustering in Pietermaritzburg, an ambassador from Dingaan, named Tamboosa, arrived, bringing proposals for peace. Upon being seized and questioned, this messenger admitted that one of the objects of his mission was to obtain every possible information, with a view of reporting it to his master. This, however, by no means justified the blunder and crime committed by the Dutch farmers, who put Tamboosa to death, and would not even listen to his prayer for mercy on behalf of his young attendant, who suffered with him. Scarcely was this execution over when the armies of Dingaan and Panda met in battle. In this fierce encounter two regiments were entirely destroyed, and the fortune of the day declared in favour of Panda, merely in consequence of a portion of his brother's army deserting in his favour. The Dutch farmers vigorously followed up this success, and forced Dingaan to take shelter among a small tribe close to Delagoa Bay, who killed him in order to secure the favour of his conquerors.

Panda proclaimed king.

On the 14th of February, 1840, and on the banks of the Umvolosi river, the emigrant Boers proclaimed Panda king of the Zulu people, and at the same time declared that their own sovereignty extended from St. Lucia Bay to the Umzimvoboo (St. John's). Shortly previous to this date, Sir George Napier had ordered the British garrison to abandon D'Urban, and Captain Jervis, who held the local command, said, on the occasion of his departure, that he wished the inhabitants peace and happiness, hoping that they would cultivate these beautiful regions in quiet and prosperity, "ever regardful of the rights of the people whose country you have adopted, and whose home you have made your own." We cannot be surprised that, under all the circumstances, the emigrant Boers looked upon Natal as rightfully their country, and that the British Government had even abandoned it in their favour. Having assisted in conquering Dingaan, and placed Panda upon the throne, there was no reason to fear native aggressions. No fewer than 36,000 head of cattle were given in by the new monarch as an indemnity, so that the Boers were able to settle down not only in peace, but with considerable additional means at their disposal.

The government adopted by this society of farmers was of an exceedingly ill-concerted character, and soon proved to be essentially anarchic and unworkable. The legislative, executive, and judicial powers were centred in a Volksraad of twenty-four members, who were required to assemble every three months at Pietermaritzburg. All the members performed their duties gratuitously, but landrosts, each of whom enjoyed a salary of £100 per annum, were appointed at the chief town, as well as at D'Urban and Weenen. Two or three members of the Volksraad, who happened to live near Pietermaritzburg, formed what was styled the Commissie Raad, to whom executive functions requiring immediate despatch were entrusted; but whatever they did had to be submitted for approval to the entire Volksraad. Besides, a federal bond of union existed with the Winburg, Caledon, and Madder districts of the Orange Free State, from which places delegates were sent. The acts of the Commissie Raad, as well as those of the permanent officials, were so assailed in the Volksraad, and such personal and offensive attacks were indulged in by this body, that good government became impossible; and so little was law respected, that Judge Cloete informs us that when he arrived as Commissioner in 1843, the landrost of Pietermaritzburg informed him that a judgment which he had passed several months before, against a respectable inhabitant living only a few miles from that town, ordering him to return cattle which he had illegally withheld from a Hottentot, was still a dead letter, as the defendant had openly declared he would shoot the first messenger of the law who should dare to come on his premises.

The English and the Boers.

The Volksraad of the Boers had applied to the Governor of the Cape Colony for acknowledgment and recognition of the State as free and independent, and Sir George Napier had returned an answer by no means unfavourable, but their conduct soon made it evident that it would be impossible to grant their petition. Stock was stolen from Natal farmers towards the end of the year 1840, and armed burghers, under Andries Pretorius, were instructed to pursue the thieves. Traces of cattle, supposed to be those stolen, were followed to some kraals of the Amabaka tribe, and without any delay these people were attacked, several killed, 3000 head of cattle and 250 sheep and goats carried off. At the same time seventeen children were seized—in fact, captured as slaves. The conduct of Pretorius was approved by the Volksraad, but Sir George Napier found himself obliged to reprobate it in the strongest language. British troops were immediately sent to the Umgasi river, between the Kei and the Umzimvoboo, and his Excellency declined any further intercourse with the emigrant Boers, unless they distinctly acknowledged that they were subjects of the Queen of England. Although the Home Government was at that time very reluctant to extend its colonial possessions, a despatch was sent to Sir George Napier, in which he was informed that her Majesty could not acknowledge the independence of her own subjects, but that the trade of the emigrant Boers would be placed upon the same footing as that of any other British settlement, upon their receiving a military force to exclude the interference with the country by any other European power. It was then within the option of the Boers to secure all the substantial advantages of self government; but as in the Transvaal now, so in Natal at the period in question—obstinate folly animated the councils of the people, and an ultimatum was sent, stating their intention "to remain on the same footing as heretofore." Upon this, Sir George Napier issued a proclamation, in which it was stated that as the emigrant farmers had refused to be recognised or treated as British subjects, and had recently passed a resolution by which all Kafirs inhabiting Natal were to be removed, without their consent, into the country of Faku (Pondoland), military occupation of the colony would be resumed. Shortly afterwards, the troops stationed at the Umgazi camp were ordered to march to Natal. This small force, consisting of 250 men, besides a small party of the Cape corps and two field-pieces, arrived safely at D'Urban, and a few days afterwards the brig Pilot came to anchor in the bay, bringing them stores and provisions, as well as two 18-pounders and ammunition. This vessel was soon afterwards followed by the schooner Mazeppa.

The Volksraad of the emigrant Boers was astonished and indignant at the military occupation of D'Urban, and more than 300 men, under Andries Pretorius, were immediately ordered out. The capture of some cattle, and the receipt of a letter ordering him to quit Natal, so enraged the commander of the small English force, that he led a night attack against the Dutch camp at Congella. So ill managed, however, was the expedition, that Captain Smith was repulsed and his guns captured. Out of 140 men whom he led in this unfortunate affray no fewer than 103 were killed, wounded, and missing. He then saw that his little force was reduced to extremities, but exerted himself most indefatigably and perseveringly to resist to the last. A fortification something similar in character to a laager was formed at D'Urban, by means of the numerous waggons in the camp, with the requisite trenches and mounds. The Dutch Boers fortunately allowed the time in which they should have taken advantage of their victory to pass by, and soon saw that, in consequence of their inertness, a conquest which in the first instance would have been easy was now converted into a siege. In the mean time Captain Smith was able to send off for assistance to the Cape Colony. Richard King, then living in a hut at D'Urban, volunteered to carry the despatches. Mr. G. C. Cato conveyed him and his horses across the channel to the Bluff, and then he rode off, leading a spare horse, and before daybreak succeeded in passing the Umcomas river. There he was safe from the danger of pursuit, but had to face the perils of crossing two hundred rivers, and of traversing a wild country inhabited by savages. Upon this slender thread hung the destinies of the British in Natal.

The English besieged.

Encouraged by their success, the Boers overpowered the detachment of British troops stationed at the Point, and took most of the English residents prisoners to Pietermaritzburg.[7] Then all their efforts were directed against the fort, in which Captain Smith had been able to mount an 18-pounder and to secure provisions and ammunition. The farmers, who had three field-pieces, carried on a heavy cannonade for three days, and when they had exhausted their ammunition, turned the siege into a rigorous blockade. Two sorties made by the garrison were unavailing, and at last the rations were reduced to the smallest quantity sufficient to sustain life; dried horseflesh became the principal article of food, and the utmost anxiety prevailed as to the success of Richard King, and the arrival of reinforcements from the Cape Colony. Many a time eyes were strained for some sign of assistance; at last, on the night of the 24th of June, they saw, with inexpressible relief, the rockets and blue lights which announced that a vessel with reinforcements had arrived.

Dick King had succeeded. After a ride of many hundreds of miles over trackless, unknown, and savage regions, he had safely reached the Cape Colony. It was on the ninth day after he left the Bluff at Natal that he arrived, almost exhausted, in Graham's Town. Colonel Hare, the Lieutenant-Governor of the Eastern Province, immediately sent the grenadier company of the 27th Regiment, in the schooner Conch, from Port Elizabeth, and when Sir George Napier heard the news in Cape Town, he lost no time in persuading Admiral Percy to despatch the flagship Southampton, with the 25th Regiment on board, under the command of Colonel Cloete. The ship of war arrived at Natal only one day after the Conch. A landing was immediately effected with very trifling loss; the Boer force was driven back to the Congella. A gale of wind drove the Southampton to sea, and supplies became so scarce that Colonel Cloete was obliged to obtain the services of Zulus to secure cattle. Some of these killed two Dutch farmers, and this gave occasion to a panic among the Boers, who precipitately fled to Pietermaritzburg.

Dismay of the Boers.

Amidst great consternation and great confusion, a meeting of the Volksraad was held in the church at Pietermaritzburg, when recriminations, quarrelling, and loud talking occupied the entire Sunday. At last it was resolved to propose terms of peace to Colonel Cloete; but the ignorance and simplicity of the Boers were displayed by their holding out as a threat the succour they might receive from the King of Holland, to whom letters had some time previously been sent by the hands of a trader named Smellekamp. After negotiations, Colonel Cloete granted an amnesty to all except four ringleaders, and Natal was peaceably once more under the rule of the British Crown. These transactions took place in 1842; and in the following year the Honourable Henry Cloete, afterwards a Judge of the Supreme Court of the Cape Colony, was sent to Natal as her Majesty's Commissioner, with ample authority to inaugurate a settled system of government, and to put an end to the anarchy and confusion which prevailed. By the exercise of great tact and judgment he was successful. A powerful radical faction in the Volksraad opposed submission in the most outrageous and foolish manner. They even adopted a plan to assassinate the leading members of the peace party; but Andries Pretorius, one of the latter, and a wise, true friend of his adopted country, having discovered the plot, exposed it publicly, and brought its authors to shame. Judge Cloete tells us that this patriot addressed the meeting in a strain of impassioned extemporaneous eloquence not unworthy of Cicero when denouncing Cataline, and turned the tide so powerfully against the would-be assassins as to entirely defeat their plot. Entire submission to the British Government followed. Major Smith was succeeded by Colonel Boys, of the 45th Regiment, as military commandant, and his Honour Martin West, resident magistrate of Graham's Town, was appointed the first Lieutenant-Governor of Natal.

CHAPTER II.

NATIVE POLICY IN NATAL. LAWS, CUSTOMS, AND RELIGION OF THE ZULUS.

The protection of the natives was the professed object of the British Government in taking possession of Natal. The conquests of Chaka had driven no fewer than 100,000 fugitives to the westward of the Tugela river, and how to rule this vast and fast increasing number of natives soon became a problem fraught both with difficulty and danger. Mr. Theophilus Shepstone, son of a Wesleyan missionary, thoroughly conversant with the Kafir language, customs, manners, and habits, was appointed to take charge of the numerous natives of Natal. His policy can be very briefly described. It was to keep all the coloured races entirely distinct from the white population. They were collected in locations, and governed by their own laws, through their own chiefs, under Mr. Shepstone as the great chief. Large tracts of country, rugged and mountainous, were set apart for the various tribes, and there, in an Italian climate, and in the lap of a most productive and generous soil, they increased and multiplied. Christianity and real civilization were ignored, and a most dangerous imperium in imperio created. The wretched refugees who fled from the Zulu tyrant found their lot in Natal incomparably more happy than in the precarious existence of former days. Their easy, savage, sensuous life made them useless citizens, and when labour was required for the sugar plantations on the coast, it had to be obtained from India. However smoothly and well the native policy seemed to work, it soon became very evident that the 20,000 white people of Natal were really seated on a political volcano. Three hundred thousand heathen savages of an alien race had the power to rise and destroy them at any moment, and it was impossible to be sure that they might not at any time have the inclination. All the checks which religion and civilization place on men had been deliberately cast aside. No doubt the Zulu monarch was feared; but there can be no doubt also that if the dread paramount ruler of the Zulu race had at any time crossed the Tugela as a conqueror, tens of thousands of his own race in the colony would have joined him out of fear, and hastened to prove their loyalty by the massacre of every white inhabitant of Natal. This is no fanciful idea, but sober earnest fact.[8]

The Shepstone native policy.

There was no difficulty at first in subjecting to proper control the broken, dispirited bands of refugees, who sought shelter, food, and protection in Natal; and if right methods had been adopted, one of the finest races of the African continent would have been raised from a state of loathsome degradation to one of civilization—saved from heathenism themselves to become coadjutors with the white races in raising the country to real prosperity. In place of this, the cruel slavery of polygamy was permitted, which allows the men to live in independent idleness by means of the severe drudgery of their oppressed wives. Grossly impure and inhuman laws and practices, including the vile superstitions of witchcraft, were tolerated and allowed. No country could advance under such circumstances, and the colony of Natal, therefore, remains at the present day what it has always been—immeasurably behind the Cape of Good Hope; a land of samples in which nothing really succeeds, and where sugar, which forms its principal export, is even now a doubtful experiment, on which labour imported from India at enormous cost has to be employed; a lovely country, whose fertility is almost as great as its beauty, but cursed by a most unchristian, wicked, and foolish system of government, so far as the great bulk of the population is concerned. It would have been very easy at the outset to establish comparatively small locations, presided over by British magistrates, who would have administered justice according to British law. If, in addition, title-deeds had been given in such a manner as to give individual rights, then, in the words of the Rev. W. C. Holden,[9] the large number of natives within the colony might have been converted into men who would take a real interest in the country and soil, for the defence of which they would fight and die. They would have become a strong wall of defence against the Zulu on the east, and the Amaxosa on the west, instead of a source of continual danger and alarm.[10] Slavery was abolished everywhere throughout the British dominions, with the one exception of Natal. There 50,000 women were sold for wives to the highest bidder, as horses, cattle, and goods at an auction mart, under the special sanction and special arrangement of the Queen's Government.

Before proceeding further, it is necessary to pass briefly in review the laws, manners, and customs of the Zulu race. Without a knowledge of this subject it will be perfectly impossible to appreciate the policy of Sir Bartle Frere, or to understand either the real causes of the war, or of many events in its progress. We have seen that Chaka, the Zulu conqueror, formed a great military nation. His successors were specially warriors, and as the people chose similar weapons to those with which the ancient Romans conquered the world, so, like that people, were they fully animated with the feeling that virtus, or the highest possible merit, consisted in bravery in the field of battle. The Boers despised the enemy, and hundreds of their bravest men fell victims. Almost about the same time, the English settlers at D'Urban made the same mistake, and 2000 of their Kafir allies, as well as several of their own number, were slaughtered and left to be devoured by beasts of prey on the hills of Zululand. History repeats itself: Lord Chelmsford made the same mistake, which was expiated in the blood of hundreds of British soldiers on the field of Isandhlwana.

Zulu customs.

Among the Zulus every female child is so much property, and in this respect treated exactly like a chattel or beast of burden. Her life is one of the grossest degradation and slavery. When she has reached the age of puberty disgusting ceremonies are performed, and there is no idea or appreciation of chastity. The most brutal lust is not only tolerated, but actually enforced by law. When a girl is married, she is merely sold to the highest bidder, entirely without reference to her own consent, and then becomes the slave of her husband, for whom she has to labour in the field and perform menial work. The day after the party of a bride has arrived at her owner's hut, the peculiar ceremony takes place of the woman being allowed and enjoined to tax her powers to the utmost to use abusive language to her lord. She pours every insulting and provoking epithet she can think of upon him, this being the last time in which she is permitted to act and speak independently. At last she takes a certain feather out of her head, by means of which the act of marriage, or rather of going into slavery, becomes complete. Mr. Holden speaks of the great obscenity at "marriage" celebrations, and remarks that "no respectable pages can be defiled with a description of what then takes place, especially in connection with the marriage of men of rank and chiefs. There is full licence given to wholesale debauchery, and both men and women glory in their shame."[11] It is impossible to pursue this subject further. This is certain, that the very grossest and most filthy obscenities and immoralities are absolutely enjoined and required by Zulu law and custom. Marriage is entirely a misnomer. To quote from an excellent authority, "No word corresponding to the Saxon word 'wife' is found in the Zulu language. The term most nearly approaching to it is umkake, and its correlatives umkako and umkami, which means his she or female. The man owns his wives as truly, according to native law, as he does his spear or his goat, and he speaks of them accordingly." The owner of the woman says, "I have paid so many cattle for you; therefore you are my slave, my dog, and your proper place is under my feet." One of these poor slaves, when seen standing by a load far too great for her strength, was asked if she could carry it. She stood up and ingenuously remarked, "If I were a man I could not, but I am a woman." There is no slavery in the world more sad or deplorable than that to which the poor women of the Zulu nation are subjected.[12]

Religion of the Zulus.

Spiritualism is the religion of the Zulu, and witchcraft is the machinery by means of which it is practised. Only a very vague idea exists about a Supreme Being, and the definite national faith embraces only a belief in the influence of the spirits of deceased ancestors. The ghosts of departed chiefs and warriors are specially respected and feared. It is to these spirits that they attribute all the power given by Christians to God, and the witch-doctors are the mediums or priests of the worship. A knowledge of subtle and powerful vegetable poisons exists, and so common is the practice of secret poisoning that universal safeguards are used against it. Every one who gives food to another takes a part himself, in proof that it contains no poison. Besides deadly drugs, there is what is styled the "ubuti," or bewitching matter, which is supposed to be deposited in some secret place, and to be made the instrument of evil by means of supernatural agency. The "isanusi," or witch-doctors, are the go-betweens, whose duty it is to discover and to avert evil. These men fill the threefold office of doctors, priests, and soothsayers. They heal diseases, offer sacrifices, and exercise the art of divination. As they are assumed to have full power over the invisible world, their influence is enormous, and is readily taken advantage of by chiefs and powerful men, for the purpose of destroying enemies and promoting schemes of war and plunder. A youth who aspires to be enrolled among the isanusi gives early signs of being destined for the office. He dreams of the spirits of the departed chiefs of his people, sees visions, falls into fits of frenzy; he catches snakes and twists them round his person, seeks out medicinal roots, and goes for instruction to experienced isanusi. At last what is called a "change in the moon" takes place within him; he becomes a medium fitted to hold converse with spirits, and is able to communicate with them. One of the greatest authorities who has ever lived with and studied the Kafir races—Mr. Warner—says, "It is impossible to suppose that these priests are not, to a considerable extent, self-deceived, as well as the deceivers of others; and there is no difficulty, to one who believes the Bible to be a divine revelation, in supposing that they are also to a certain extent under Satanic influence; for the idolatrous and heathen nations of the earth are declared in the inspired volume to be, in a peculiar manner, under the influence and power of the devil."

Witch doctors.

Every illness and misfortune is supposed to be caused by witchcraft. It usually happens that the suspected person is a rich man, or some one on whom it is thought desirable to wreak vengeance. The people of the kraal and neighbourhood go in a body to the isanusi, who, before their arrival, foretells their approach, and makes other revelations, frequently so extraordinary that the Rev. Mr. Holden,[13] who is thoroughly conversant with the subject, states that there is much greater difficulty in explaining these phenomena by ordinary means than by supernatural interposition. The whole company, on arrival, sit down and salute the witch-doctor; they are then told to beat the ground with their sticks, and while this is in course of being done, he repeatedly shouts out, "Yeswa!"—"He is here!" He discloses secrets about the accused, and at last, fixing his eyes upon the doomed one, charges him with the crime. Generally the isanusi succeeds in selecting the suspected person; but if he fail, a circle is formed, and a wild, frenzied dance performed, amidst most frightful gesticulations and cries. Among the Zulus, not only is the unfortunate person killed whom the witch-doctor declares guilty, but his wife and children are murdered, and his property seized. Among the Amaxosa Kafirs, the most frightful tortures are used to induce the unfortunate victim to confess.[14] It is difficult to appreciate adequately the enormous power of the witch-doctors. It was in 1857 that Umhlakaza was made a willing tool in the hands of Kreli, Sandilli, and Umhala for the purpose of a war of extermination against the whites. It was prophesied that if the people destroyed their cattle and corn, the whole would rise again with vast increase, and that their enemies would be utterly destroyed. Sir George Grey had taken every precaution, and war was therefore made impossible. Like the witches in "Macbeth," the prophet had merely lured on his victims to destruction. Having burned their ships, by destroying all their resources there was no escape, and, in spite of the humane exertions of the colonists, 70,000 human beings perished of famine in a land of plenty. It will thus be seen how an entire people can easily be induced to embark in the most desperate undertakings by the skilful use of the superstitious means at the disposal of their chiefs. Sacrifices of beasts are offered by the priests, according to prescribed rules. These are made to the spirits of the departed. A hut is sacredly cleaned and set apart, in which the sacrifice is shut up during the night, in order that the "isituta," or spirits, may drink in its flavour. On the next day the place is opened, and the meat devoured by the people. All sacrifices, with trifling exceptions, must be offered by priests. The blood is never spilt, but caught in a vessel, and it is necessary to burn the bones. The frenzy or inspired madness characteristic of the priests of the ancient oracles is commonly assumed by the priests of the Zulu spiritualists, and many of their ceremonies are occult, and have never been made known to Europeans.

Great military rite.

The Zulu government is thoroughly despotic. The will of the tyrant is law, and he has unlimited power of life or death. We have seen that Chaka sacrificed everything to military power, and in order to succeed, banished even circumcision, and refused to allow his warriors to marry. Women's love and children's tenderness were forbidden to the stern soldiers of the new empire. Medicines composed of various plants and roots were used to purify the body and make it strong, and ordinarily sacrifices were offered for the same purpose. The great national sacrifice to make the army invulnerable is styled "ukukufula," when flesh is cut off the shoulder of a living beast and roasted on a fire into which certain charms have been thrown. Each man bites off a mouthful, and passes on the meat to the next, while the priest makes incisions in parts of their bodies, into which he inserts the powdered charcoal of the charms. The poor animal is left in torture all this time, and is not killed until the ceremonies are ended. A decoction is also prepared from medicinal roots, and sprinkled by means of the tail of an ox over the bodies of the warriors. All this is designed to make the Zulus either invulnerable, or to enable them, if they do fall in battle, to join triumphantly the heroes of their race in the spirit world. The three great divisions of the army already referred to, comprising "men," "young men," and "carriers," were sub-divided into regiments with a proper staff of officers. The Zulu strength is in attack, when with ferocious yells they throw themselves with undaunted bravery upon their enemy. Two horns advance and endeavour to flank the foe, while the main body follows quickly to their support. Virtus—military bravery—is their summum bonum, and death is the immediate penalty of any form of cowardice. Extreme cunning and dissimulation are considered essential qualifications of a general, so that to lure a foe into ambush, or to deceive him by illusory promises or messages of peace, are considered proofs of wisdom and ability. Honour, humanity, and generosity are perfectly unknown, and merely considered signs of weakness. When an enemy is defeated, prisoners are never taken, and those not killed in the heat of battle are cruelly tortured and mutilated, with every mark of indignity and contempt. Women and children are not spared, and the most cruel destruction of the most cruel northern barbarians, who devastated Europe, pales before the complete and effectual ruin which marks the progress of a Zulu conqueror.

Sir Bartle Frere.

In times of peace the army remains at military kraals, and is occasionally called up to the great place of the king for review. It is always in a state of readiness, and burning for employment. War is the pastime, glory, and wish of the men, who eagerly desire to wash their spears in blood, that they may obtain the only glory for which they care to live, and secure that plunder which can enable them to acquire wives and cattle. Nothing could be more dangerous, or a more awful threat to a colony, than an army of this description under the orders of a despotic savage, without the slightest principle, and urged on to fight by all the traditions and ideas of his race. Let it be remembered also that the country of Natal was once owned by the Zulus, and that, while held by a garrison of only 20,000 whites, there were no fewer than 300,000 savage heathen inhabitants in it of similar colour, race, and religion to the people of Cetywayo. Once let the flood-gates be lifted and a conquering "invulnerable" army enter Natal, nothing could prevent the general rising of the vast masses of natives within that colony. If that had occurred, British dominion would have set in an ocean of blood, and every white man, woman, and child in the settlement must have been slaughtered. It was one wise, good man who averted that catastrophe, and his name was Bartle Frere. Slowly, but most certainly, will the mists of prejudice be lifted from the minds of the English people, and they will learn to know that the policy they so much vilified saved the British name from dishonour, and the British people and British interests in South Africa from destruction.

CHAPTER III.

EVENTS PRELIMINARY TO ZULU WAR—COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES.

The Transvaal in danger.

Thirty-six years had elapsed since the eventful ride of Dick King from D'Urban to Graham's Town. The British colony of Natal had grown slowly. Immigrants arrived; a representative Constitution was granted. During this period numbers of people of Dutch extraction formed settlements in the Orange Free State and Transvaal Republic. The British Government in the first instance established sovereignty over the former country, but abandoned it on the 23rd of February, 1854. The Republic commenced from that date. So far as the Transvaal is concerned, Potgieter established the town of Potchefstroom in 1839, and soon after enormous territory, extending from the Vaal to the Limpopo, came under the dominion of the South African Republic. The first session of Volksraad was held in 1848, and it was in 1852 that Pretorius succeeded in obtaining the treaty at Sand river, by means of which the independence of the Republic was recognized by the British Crown. One of the first Acts of the Volksraad was to repeal a former resolution fixing their southern boundary at the twentyfifth degree of south latitude, because the Volksraad has no means of determining where the said degree of south latitude is. Amongst the people civilization made slow progress. "Not many years ago," wrote Mr. Thomas Baines in his valuable work on the Gold Regions of South Africa, "their own Surveyor-General was mobbed for using a theodolite in the streets of Potchefstroom instead of stepping off the distance like the Veldt Valkt miester of the good old times." Sir Arthur Cunynghame, in his recent narrative, gives us yet more amusing and striking illustrations of the utter simplicity and ignorance of the Boers. As was to be expected under the circumstances, the Government was extremely narrow and objectionable; in proof of which it is only necessary to state that no Englishman or German was allowed to possess landed property, it was forbidden to discover or work minerals, while slavery really existed, and was practised under what was styled the Apprentice Law, passed in 1856.[15] In spite of the discovery of gold-fields at Pilgrim's Rest, the country became insolvent, wars with the natives took place, and at last such a state of insolvency and danger was attained that the British Government found it imperatively necessary to intervene. The Zulus, under Cetywayo, intended to overrun the country, and this would have threatened all British South Africa. The northern territory of the State had already been abandoned to the natives; the Government was powerless, and all confidence in it had fled; commerce was destroyed, and the country was bankrupt. Under these circumstances, Sir Theophilus Shepstone, on the 12th of April, 1877, found himself imperatively obliged to place the Transvaal territory under the protection of the British flag.

In Natal, under the administration of Sir Benjamin Pine, during the year 1873, a rebellion broke out on the part of a chief named Langalibalele, which was only prevented from becoming a general war by the admirably prompt action of the local Government. The philanthropic societies in England, with Bishop Colenso, championed the cause of this rebel, and Sir B. Pine was, in consequence of their exertions, recalled. Sir Garnet Wolseley, who succeeded that officer, says, "Langalibalele, as I am informed by all classes here, official and non-official (a small knot of men of extreme views excepted), is regarded by the native population at large as a chief who, having defied the authorities, and in doing so occasioned the murder of two white men, is now suffering for that conduct. In their opinion his attempts to brave the Government have been checkmated, and his banishment from the colony, regarded as a lenient punishment by the natives at large, cannot fail to be a serious warning to all other Kafir chiefs, not only in Natal but in the whole of South Africa, to avoid imitating his example."[16]

Sir Garnet Wolseley effected an important change in the colonial legislature, by adding eight nominee members to the Council, which previously consisted of five ex-officio and fifteen elected members. The annexation of the Transvaal followed; and, speaking of this, Sir Benjamin Pine says that "the strong ground taken in defence of the measure is that its hostilities with the native tribes seriously imperilled the peace of our colonies—that it was, in fact, a next-door neighbour's house in flames, which might any moment set ours on fire. In this respect, the ground for annexing the Transvaal Republic was very much stronger than that which justified our taking possession of Natal. The latter country did not at that time touch our boundary at any point. It was a house several streets off."

Diamonds and guns.

The discovery of diamonds in South Africa, in 1867, exercised by degrees an enormous influence upon the attitude of the natives throughout Southern Africa. When the success of the dry diggings at the New Rush caused the formation of Kimberley, that town became the centre of an enormous gun trade. From north and east, thousands of Kafirs of various tribes flocked to a place where they could obtain, for the reward of their labour, the means of exterminating the hated white man in South Africa. The Gealekas under Kreli, the Gaikas of Sandilli, as well as the Zulus beyond Natal, were not slow to seize such an opportunity. For years the trade continued, and the weapons purchased were soon used against the Government which permitted their sale. Wars were waged upon the eastern and northern borders of the Cape Colony during 1877, 1878, and 1879. Sir Benjamin Pine, with some fancy and a great deal of truth, styles the diamond of the Kimberley mines the bloodstone of South Africa. As the Zulu system makes war a necessity constantly thirsted for by the army, advantage was taken of the easy opportunity of getting firearms afforded by the inconceivable blindness and fatuity of the British Government. In the year 1877, Cetywayo had quite made up his mind for a deadly conflict with the white man. Guns were purchased, preparations were made, and the army crouched like a tiger in its lair, ready to spring.

Since the first establishment of the colony of Natal, and of the Transvaal Republic, the Governments of these countries had the Zulu military power suspended, like the sword of Damocles, as a perpetual threat over their heads. Of course, by the annexation of the latter State in 1877, all its responsibilities devolved upon her Majesty's Government. Cetywayo, the son of Panda, succeeded his father in the year 1872, and it formed part of Sir T. Shepstone's policy to conciliate and please him in every possible manner. That officer went so far as to attend his coronation, which was celebrated with the grandest forms of savage ceremonial.[17] At the same time a number of promises and engagements were received from the king. All this was, of course, merely a solemn farce. The descendant of Dingaan, who first signed a deed giving Natal to the Dutch, and then murdered in cold blood the men who had trusted to his honour, was not likely to depart from the traditions and policy of his race. Dissimulation, fraud, and cunning are characteristic qualities of every Zulu ruler, and Cetywayo excelled in them all. The Government of Natal was lulled into security, while Bishop Colenso and the well-meaning but profoundly ignorant men who form the self-styled philanthropical societies in England have, even up to the present moment, been completely hoodwinked and deceived. Sir Bartle Frere, writing of Cetywayo's solemn promises, says, "None of these promises have been since fulfilled; the cruelties and barbarisms which deformed the internal administration of Zululand in Panda's reign have been aggravated during the reign of Cetywayo, and his relations with his neighbours have been conducted in a spirit fatal to peace and security beyond the Zulu border."[18]

Natal in danger.

The well-organized and peculiarly formidable military power of the Zulus was still further consolidated and strengthened by Cetywayo, so that a standing menace and threat of a very serious nature existed against both Natal and the Transvaal. Nothing can better prove the danger than the fact that the Zulu monarch formally and repeatedly requested the consent of the British Government to wars of aggression, which he proposed for the ostensible purpose of initiating his young soldiers in bloodshed, and reviving the system of unprovoked territorial aggression which had been so successfully carried out by the model and demi-god of the nation—Chaka.

A large tract of land on the western boundary of Zululand, between the Buffalo and Pongolo rivers, which had long formed part of the Transvaal, was claimed by the Zulus, and they had requested the Natal Government to arbitrate in this matter. Eventually a Commission was appointed, which decided that Cetywayo's cession of a tract of land relied on by the Transvaal claim was promised when he was only heir apparent, and that the cession had not been subsequently formally ratified by his father Panda, nor by the great council of the Zulu nation; therefore the country in question had never ceased to belong to them. Private rights of bonâ fide settlers, which could not in justice be abrogated, were confirmed, but otherwise the sovereignty of the territory was ceded to the Zulus. Since his installation the tone of Cetywayo had become entirely altered. When a remonstrance was sent against a barbarous murder of young women by the king, replies of extreme insolence were sent to the Natal Government, and the opportunity was taken to state that no responsibility was admitted; at the same time, the solemn installation promises were distinctly denied, and Cetywayo affirmed his intention of shedding blood in future on a much greater scale. In the latter part of July, 1878, the Zulu chief Sirayo entered British territory, carried off two women—British subjects—and forcibly put them to death. Redress was demanded, but not given.

On the 11th of December, 1878, a final message was sent to Cetywayo, in which the reasonable and just demands of the Government were summarized. He was called upon to give up the offenders who had violated British territory, and to effect various reforms in the administration of his government, in accordance with the solemn promises made at his installation. A few informal messages made and retracted only served to show the cunning and deceit of Cetywayo, and it was clear to demonstration that the Zulu potentate and the Zulu army had determined upon war.

Hostile attitude of the Zulus.

The High Commissioner writes (30th September) to the Imperial Government:—"It is difficult to give any adequate idea of the strength of evidence of the state of feeling. Zulu regiments are reported as moving about on unusual and special errands, several of them organizing royal hunts on a great scale in parts of the country where little game is to be expected, and where the obvious object is to guard the border against attack. The hunters are said to have received orders to follow any game they may rouse across the border, which it appears is, according to Zulu custom, a recognized mode of provoking or declaring war. Unusual bodies of armed men are stated to watch all drifts and roads leading into Zululand, and these guards are occasionally reported as warning off Natal natives from entering the Zulu territory, accompanying the warning with contemptuous intimation that orders have been given to kill all Natalions if they trespass across the border. Zulu subjects came hastily into Natal to reclaim cattle which they had sent hither to graze, giving as their reason that Zululand is so disturbed that they know not what will happen. Serious alarm is expressed because three large ships have been seen on the coast making for Delagoa Bay, and great irritation is expressed by Zulus at the stoppage of the supplies of arms and ammunition they used to receive through that port.

"The reports first received of raids into Natal territory by large bodies of armed men, who dragged two refugee women out of the huts of British subjects, with expressions of contemptuous disregard for what the English Government might think, or say, or do, and the murders of the women directly they were on the other side of the boundary line, appear to be confirmed in every particular.

"There seems to be no doubt that the parties were headed by two sons of Sirayo. This chief lives near the Natal border, and was well known as extremely anti-English in his feelings. Until quite lately he was so little in favour with Cetywayo, that he had not for some time attended to any summons to the royal kraal. He was nevertheless appointed by Cetywayo to represent him at the Boundary Commission. Partly, it was said, on account of his rank and influence and known antipathy to Europeans, and partly because he could not refuse to attend at the royal kraal to give an account of his stewardship, he did so attend, and in the absence of the prime minister, was appointed to act for him, a proceeding which, considering his known anti-English feeling, is regarded as significant.

"It is to be remembered that the facts, of which a brief summary is here given, have been sifted from a mass of very alarming rumours, current during the month, which his Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor considered more doubtful, or unworthy of credit, but which are circulated in a manner to increase agitation and excitement on both sides of the border."

Firmness of Sir Bartle Frere.

The only question remained—Were we to allow the enemy to wait for a favourable opportunity and attack us at an advantage, or protect Natal and British South Africa by a policy of firmness and consistency? The latter alternative was chosen by her Majesty's High Commissioner; and on the 4th of January, 1879, Sir Bartle Frere placed in the hands of Lieutenant-General Lord Chelmsford, commanding in South Africa, the further enforcement of all demands.[19] There can be no doubt whatever that this course was the only possible one consistent with the safety of Natal and British South Africa. Cetywayo had been long preparing for war, and had most fully determined upon it, urged on by the irrepressible warlike organization and the army, which thirsted for an opportunity of exertion and could not safely be balked. Self-preservation and self-defence rendered it absolutely necessary that an army should enter Zululand.

Early in January, 1879, four columns crossed the Tugela. The line of advance described a crescent, of which one horn rested on Luneberg, or the Pongolo, and the other, or base, terminated at the lower drift of the Tugela, close to the sea. Colonel Pearson was in command of the first column, whose centre was an intrenched camp on the summit of a bluff directly overlooking the Tugela river.

It consisted of—

Regular infantry.—1500, comprising eight companies of the Buffs under Colonel Parnell, and six companies of the 99th under Colonel Welman.

Royal Engineers.—One company, with two 7-pounder guns, under Lieutenant Lloyd.

Naval Brigade.—200 blue jackets and marines, under Captain Campbell, from H.M.S. Active and Tenedos, with three Gatling guns.

Mounted infantry.—200 of Captain Barrow's.

Mounted volunteers.—200 belonging to the D'Urban Mounted Rifles (Captain W. Shepstone); Alexander Mounted Rifles (Captain Arbuthnot); Victoria Mounted Rifles (Captain Sauer); Stanger Mounted Rifles (Captain Addison); the Natal Hussars (Captain Norton). To all this must be added a native contingent of 2000, under Major Graves, and two companies of the 99th, posted at Stanger and D'Urban. This was the coast column.

The second column was planted at a commanding position called Krantz Kop, inaccessible except on the Natal side. It comprised 3300 natives, with 200 European officers, supported by two rocket tubes under Lieutenant Russell, R.E., and 250 mounted natives.

Lord Chelmsford's advance.

The head-quarters of the third column was at Helpmakaar, situated on high and open ground commanding an extensive prospect. The depôts were at Grey Town and Ladysmith. This column was exceptionally strong, and consisted of seven companies of the 1-24th, and eight of the 2-24th; six 7-pounder guns with special Kaffrarian carriages; a squadron of mounted infantry under Captain Browne; the Natal Mounted Police, 150 strong; the Natal Carbineers (Captain Shepstone); the Buffalo Border Guard (Captain Robson); the Newcastle Mounted Rifles (Captain Bradstreet); 2000 of the Native Contingent, 2nd Regiment, under Commandant Lonsdale, and 2000 natives under Colonel Glyn. General Lord Chelmsford, commander-in-chief, accompanied the column.

The fourth column had Utrecht as its base, and rested its line on the Blood river, thus covering the disputed Transvaal border. It comprised the 13th and 90th Regiments, six guns, Buller's Light Horse, and a number of natives. It consisted of about 2000 well-seasoned, reliable men, exclusive of the natives, and was under the command of Colonel Evelyn Wood, V.C.

On the 10th of January, 1879, the full period expired for the Zulu king to meet the demands of her Majesty's High Commissioner. On the 11th of January No. 3 column, under Colonel Glyn, crossed the Buffalo river into Zululand. Heavy rains had made the roads very bad, and caused the Tugela to rise so much that a barrel-raft, a pont, and a boat had to be made use of for the passage of the troops. No opposition whatever was made by the enemy. In the mean time the fourth column, under Colonel Wood, had been halted at Bemba's Kop, distant about thirty-five miles from Rorke's Drift.

On the 11th of January, Lord Chelmsford, with the bulk of the mounted men of No. 3 column, met Colonel Wood with his "irregulars" about twenty miles from Rorke's Drift, and was completely satisfied with the efficiency of the latter force, and attributed the satisfactory state of Wood's column to its commander's energy and military knowledge.[20]

Burning of Sirayo's kraal.

On the 12th of January, Lord Chelmsford wrote: "We have had our first fight to-day. I ordered the whole force out this morning to reconnoitre the road along which we shall eventually have to pass. In passing by the Nkudu hill, we noticed that some herds of cattle had been driven up close under the krantz where one of Sirayo's strongholds was said to be. I ordered Colonel Glyn, with four companies 1-24th, and the 1-3rd Native Contingent, to work up under the krantz in skirmishing order. On the approach of this force near the krantz, fire was opened upon them out of the caves, and the fight commenced. It lasted about half an hour, and ended in our obtaining possession of all the caves and all the cattle. Colonel Degacher, who had been sent for from camp when we found that the krantz was occupied by the enemy, came up towards the end of the affair with half-battalion 2-24th, and about 400 of the 2-3rd Native Contingent. This force went forward to Sirayo's own kraal, which is situated under a very steep krantz filled with caves. The British soldiers and natives skirmished, or rather clambered, up the steep mountain-side, and entered all the caves, which were found empty. I ordered Sirayo's kraal to be burned, but none of the other huts were touched. The Native Contingent behaved very well, and not a native touched a woman or child, or killed the wounded men."[21] Subsequently Colonel Russell, with a small detached force, was attacked by sixty of the enemy, but his men dismounted and succeeded in killing nine or ten, among whom was one of Sirayo's sons. This action was, in fact, the storming of the stronghold of one of Cetewayo's principal chiefs, and was accompanied by the capture of 500 cattle. Lord Chelmsford says of this engagement, "I have visited two wounded Zulus who were in our hospital, and have seen that they are well looked after. Directly they are well enough I shall let them go, so that they may tell their friends how the British make war."

Both previous to the successful and unresisted crossing of the Tugela, as well as subsequently, frequent rains had caused great discomfort to the troops, as well as immensely increased the difficulties of transport. The impedimenta of the large force in the field was exceedingly great, and the want of knowledge of the character of the roads, or tracks, and the capacity of oxen to do the work, resulted in many delays and difficulties. Large masses of infantry were moved into the enemy's country, whose entire dependence for supplies was placed upon heavy waggons drawn by numerous oxen. No system of carriers was established, and, with the exception of the fourth (Wood's) column, the movement of the troops was necessarily exceedingly slow. On the march each column was exposed to be attacked at a disadvantage, so enormous was the train of waggons which had to be guarded, and the knowledge of these facts evidently enabled the Zulus to perceive the best opportunity of striking a fatal blow. At a very early stage in the war, Lord Chelmsford saw the difficulties connected with the mode of supplies adopted, as he writes on the 16th of January, "It would be impossible to keep a long line of road passable for a convoy of waggons, and were we to advance far into the country it would be almost certain that, instead of our supplies coming to us, we should have to return for our supplies."

Zulu tactics.

The country into which the British troops had entered was one in which the mountain-sides are furrowed by deep kloofs or ravines, generally covered by luxuriant vegetation. The euphorbia, the cactus, the aloe, and mimosa grow in profusion, and the bush in many places forms a natural fortress, in which savages can easily lie in wait to surprise an enemy. It was in such native fastnesses that the Kafirs of the Cape Colony loved to wait—panther-like—either in war to attack the white man, or in peace to rob his flocks and herds. The Zulus, however, fortunately adopted tactics of a different character. Their plan was to attack in the open field, and, by means of bravery and overwhelming numbers, to entirely crush the enemy. It was thus that Chaka had conquered, and it was upon the same system that Cetywayo relied.

CHAPTER IV.

LORD CHELMSFORD'S PLANS—THE BATTLE OF ISANDHLWANA—THE HEROIC DEFENCE OF RORKE'S DRIFT—PANIC IN THE COLONY—REQUEST FOR REINFORCEMENTS—REPLY FROM THE QUEEN—THE MINISTRY—SIR BARTLE FRERE—LORD CHELMSFORD.

It is desirable for the sake of justice that the plans of Lord Chelmsford in commencing the campaign should be given in his own words. They are contained in a memorandum dated 16th January, 1879, and are as follows:—

"The reports which I receive from officers commanding the several columns now operating against Cetywayo show clearly that at this season of the year a rapid advance into the heart of Zululand is absolutely impossible.

"The present state of the roads in Natal will be sufficient to bring home to the mind of every one what difficulties must stand in the way of those who are endeavouring to move forward into the enemy's country, over tracts which have never been traversed, except by a very few traders' wagons.

Lord Chelmsford's plans.

"No. 3 column at Rorke's Drift cannot possibly move forward even eight miles, until two swamps, into which our waggons sank up to the body, have been made passable.

"This work will occupy us for at least four days, and we shall find similar obstacles in front of us, in every march we are anxious to make.

"Accepting the situation, therefore, it remains for me to determine what modification of the plan of campaign at first laid down will be necessary.

"I consider that my original idea of driving, as far as possible, all the Zulus forward towards the north-east part of their country, is still thoroughly sound.

"Without, therefore, attempting to push forward faster than our means will admit of, I propose with Nos. 1, 2, and 3 columns to thoroughly clear or subjugate the country between the Buffalo and Tugela rivers and the Umhlatoosi river, by means of expeditions made by those columns from certain fixed positions.

"No. 1 column will, as already instructed, occupy Etshowe.

"Instead, however, of crossing the Umhlatoosi river to Mr. Samuelson's mission station (St. Paul's), it will move a portion of its force to Entumeni, and occupy that position as well as Etshowe.

"Having established itself firmly in those two positions, the main object of this column will be to clear the Inkandhla bush and forest, or to induce the chiefs and headmen of the tribes residing or specially stationed in that part of the country to tender their submission.

"No. 3 column will first advance to a position near the Inkandhla hill, and from there, assisted by a portion of No. 2 column, will clear the Equideni forest, or induce the chiefs, etc., to submit.

"This work completed, the portion of No. 2 column under Lieutenant-Colonel Durnford will move towards the mission station near the Empand-leni hill, whilst No. 3 column advances to a fresh position near the Isipezi hill, detaching, if necessary, part of its force to support No. 2 column.

"These combined moves will, I hope, have the effect of removing any dangerously large body from the Natal border.

"Colonel Wood, commanding No. 4 column, has been informed of these intended movements, and has been instructed to act together independently about the head waters of the White Umvoloosi river.

"When Cetywayo has either surrendered or been defeated, which can only take a few more days to decide, Colonel Wood will take up a position covering Utrecht and the adjacent Transvaal border, wherever he considers his force can be most usefully employed. He will not attempt to advance towards the Inhlazatze mountain until an advance by the other three columns across the Umhlatoosi river has become possible.

"By these movements I hope to be able to clear that portion of Zululand which is situated south of the Umhlatoosi river, and behind a straight line drawn from the head waters of that river to the head waters of the White Umvoloosi river.

The fatal twenty-second of January.

"Should the Swazies come down to the Pongolo river, that part of Zululand which is behind a straight line drawn from the head waters of the Umvoloosi river to the junction of the Bevan and Pongolo rivers, will also, no doubt, be abandoned, and possibly as far as the Lebombo mountains.

"I trust that this plan of campaign will meet with the approval of the High Commissioner.

"From a military point of view I am convinced that it is the only practicable one at this time of year, and if successfully carried out, is capable of producing very satisfactory results.

"I am equally confident that, politically, it will also have good results.

"We shall occupy a large extent of Zululand, and shall threaten the portion which remains to the king. We shall completely cover the Natal border, and shall to a considerable extent do the same for the Transvaal. We expect Cetywayo to keep his army mobilized, and it is clear his troops will have difficulty in finding sufficient supplies."

On the 20th of January, 1879, the camp of the third column was at the Isandhlwana mountain. This force was under the command of Colonel Glyn, C.B., and the general commanding had accompanied it from the Tugela river. On the date just quoted, orders were given to Commandant Lonsdale and Major Dartnell to go out the following morning, and make a forward movement with a force composed of Native Contingent, Police, and Volunteers. On the next day (21st January), Major Dartnell sent in word that the enemy was near him in considerable force. Upon this Lord Chelmsford ordered the 2nd Battalion, 24th Regiment, the mounted infantry, and four guns, to be under arms at once, and this force left so soon as there was light enough to see the road. Before Lord Chelmsford left, he sent the following order to Lieutenant-Colonel Durnford, commanding No. 2 column:—"Move up to Isandhlwana camp at once with all your mounted men and rocket battery. Take command of it. I am accompanying Colonel Glyn, who is moving off at once to attack Matyana and a Zulu force said to be twelve or fourteen miles off, and at present watched by Natal Police, Volunteers, and Natal Native Contingent. Colonel Glyn takes with him 2-24th Regiment, four guns R.A., and Mounted Infantry."[22] Major Clery, senior staff officer to the third column, says—"Before leaving the camp I sent written instructions to Colonel Pulleine, 24th Regiment, to the following effect:—'You will be in command of the camp during the absence of Colonel Glyn. Draw in' (I speak from memory) 'your camp, or your line of defence,'—I am not certain which—'while the force is out. Also draw in the line of your infantry outposts accordingly; but keep your cavalry vedettes still far advanced.' I went to Colonel Pulleine's tent just before leaving camp, to ascertain that he had got those instructions, and I again repeated them verbally to him."[23] Captain Alan Gardiner, of the 14th Hussars, states that he left the camp with Lord Chelmsford on the 22nd of January, and was sent back into camp with an order from the general, between 10 and 11 a.m. that day. Colonel Pulleine was informed that the camp of the force out was to be struck, and sent on immediately; "also rations and forage for about seven days." This order came too late. At the moment of its receipt Colonel Durnford was falling back and begging Colonel Pulleine to send him reinforcements, and the enemy began to appear in large numbers.

Intentions of the Zulus.

In order to make the proceedings of this fatal day more easily understood, it is now necessary to advert to the proceedings of the Zulu army. This was 20,000 strong, and consisted of the Undi corps, the Nokenke and Umcityu regiments, and the Nkobamakosi and Inbonambi regiments. These comprised the flower of Cetywayo's troops. During the night of the 21st of January they were ordered to move in small detached bodies to a position about a mile and a half to the east of the camp at Isandhlwana, on a stony table-land, only about 1000 yards distant from the spot visited by Lord Chelmsford and Colonel Glyn on the afternoon of the 21st of January. No fires were lighted, and the stillness of death was preserved. The centre was occupied by the Undi corps, the right wing by the Nokenke and Umcityu, and the left by the Inbonambi and the Nkobamakosi regiments. The king's orders comprised a simple command to drive the third column back into Natal. But there was no intention whatever of making an attack upon the 22nd of January. The state of the moon was unfavourable, the usual medicine sprinkling had not taken place, nor had the war-song been chanted. What superstition forbade was, however, conceded to expediency. When the division of the British forces was noticed, and their gross ignorance and carelessness observed, the Zulu leaders felt like Cromwell, when he exclaimed, with reference to the Scottish army, "The Lord has delivered them into our hands."

On the morning of the 22nd of January, the mounted Basutos sent out under the command of Colonel Durnford fired upon the Umcityu regiment. This was too favourable an opportunity to be neglected. Here was a portion only of the third column, with an unfortified camp, whose defenders were scattering themselves over a large space, utterly ignorant and careless of the fact that the overwhelming and concentrated Zulu force was close beside them. The charge of the Umcityu regiment was immediately and vigorously followed by that of the Nokenke, Inbonambi, and Nkobamikosi regiments, the Undi corps holding its ground. Up to this time in the day there had been no fighting. Early in the morning, not long after the departure of the general, a body of the Native Contingent had been sent out to scout, and either did not see or pretended not to see any enemy. About 9 a.m. Colonel Durnford, R.E., arrived with 250 mounted men and 250 native infantry, who were at once divided into three bodies and scattered to the left east, the left front, and the rear. So far from a plan of concentration being adopted, the very opposite course was pursued. It was the force sent to the left east that was attacked by the Zulu army. No further concealment was now necessary, and messengers arrived informing Colonel Durnford that an enormous force was advancing. A consultation then took place between that officer and Colonel Pulleine, when some difference of opinion seemed to prevail. A company of the 1st Battalion, 24th Regiment, was then immediately moved up to a distance of about a mile and a half from the camp, where, at a neck of the Isandhlwana hill, an attempt was made to check the advance of the Zulu army. For a very short time only this manœuvre was successful.

The Zulu attack.

The Zulu army now advanced in a steady, quiet, and determined manner. The Umcityu regiment formed the right centre, and was engaged with one company of the 1st Battalion, 24th Regiment, and about 200 of Colonel Durnford's natives; the left centre was composed of the Nokenke regiment, which was shelled by the two guns as it advanced. Next on the left, came the Imbonambi regiment, with the Nkobamakosi regiment outside of it, both making a turning movement and threatening the front of the camp, while driving before them a body of Colonel Durnford's mounted men, supported by a patrol of volunteers.[24] The Undi corps, on seeing that the other four regiments had commenced the attack, concealed themselves on the north side of the Isandhlwana mountain, and so turned as to arrive at the western front where the waggon road crosses the neck. On the left front of the camp our infantry behaved with extreme gallantry, and succeeded in thrice repulsing the Nkobamakosi regiment; but the Inbonambi regiment coming up as a reinforcement, enabled the Zulus to push forward along the south front of the camp and accomplish their turning movement. The guns were moved to the right of the Native Contingent, and troops lined the nullah below; three companies of the 1-24th remained on the left of the camp, supported by Durnford's mounted Basutos, who had been driven back. The single company of the 1-24th, which had been thrown out a mile and a half from the camp, was retiring, fighting to the best of their ability, and, of course, was cut off to a man.

The Zulu army was fast surrounding the camp. They had been held only partially in check by our fire, and their own was remarkably ineffective. Their overwhelming numbers and their extremely advantageous position filled them with redoubled courage. In place of advancing steadily and in silence, they now began to double and to shout exultantly to each other. The Native Contingent and camp-followers fled in all directions, seized by panic; the Undi corps showed itself on the right rear of the camp, cutting off retreat to Rorke's Drift, and a hand-to-hand combat against overwhelming odds was imminent. Like the sea breaking against land, the Zulu host came on invincibly, with overwhelming power and strength. Then took place one of the most awful tragedies ever recorded in the pages of history. With short stabbing assegais, on rushed the naked savages, accompanying the death groans of their victims with yells and shouts of triumph. No mercy was either expected or granted. Hundreds of men, overpowered by brute force, fell at their posts, and their fate was rendered more pitiable, as well as more blamable, by a failure in the supply of ammunition.

The camp at Isandhlwana.

From first to last, nothing could have been worse managed than the defence of our camp at Isandhlwana. Profound ignorance and rashness caused the dispersion of a force which, if formed in hollow square—or better still, laagered in accordance with the Dutch custom—would have defied the enemy, at least until such time as the general, with the rest of the third column, could have arrived. The lamentable spectacle was seen at Isandhlwana of brave soldiers sacrificed through the most glaring incompetency and folly. For the British infantry there was no opportunity of escape—death at their post on the field of battle was inevitable; but for the mounted men a chance occurred in consequence of the Nkobamakosi regiment neglecting to make a junction with the Undi. This was taken advantage of by a crowd of fugitives. In the flight many were killed before the Buffalo river was reached, and many were drowned and shot when trying to cross it. The Zulus, however, had themselves suffered severely. The Umcityu lost heavily from the fire of the single company of the 24th Regiment which was sent out from camp never to return, the Nkobamakosi fell in heaps, and the hill down which the Nokenke came was covered with slain. As regards the British troops, our loss comprised 62 men of the N Battery, 5th Brigade, Royal Artillery; 7 of the Royal Engineers, including Colonel Durnford; 405 of the 1st Battalion, 24th Regiment, including Lieutenant-Colonel Pulleine, Captains Degacher, Mostyn, Wardell, and Younghusband (Lieutenant and Adjutant Melvill was killed on the western side of the Buffalo river, when most gallantly defending the colours of his regiment, which were afterwards found wrapped round his body); 165 men of the 2nd Battalion, 24th Regiment; Surgeon-Major Shepherd, Army Medical Department; 12 Mounted Infantry; 26 Natal Mounted Police; 22 Natal Carbineers; 7 Newcastle Mounted Rifles, and 3 Buffalo Borderguard; 37 of the 1st Battalion, 3rd Regiment, Natal Native Contingent; 37 of the 2nd Battalion, 3rd Regiment, Natal Native Contingent. Among the Carbineers and other volunteer corps were the sons of many of the leading inhabitants of Natal, and in the Police also were many relatives of colonists. The official lists comprising white men killed, publish more than 770 names; but there is no doubt that, including the loyal natives, quite 1000 of our men must have been slain. All the baggage, guns, and ammunition became the property of the enemy, and in the incredibly short space of one hour from the beginning of the general attack, one of the most signal victories possible had been gained by the Zulu army. The number of white men who escaped across the Buffalo river was about forty, in addition to natives on horseback and foot. Of the former, about twenty-five or thirty arrived at Helpmakaar between 5 and 6 p.m. The Undi corps, believing that the camp had been plundered by the other portions of their army, thought it desirable to advance quickly on Rorke's Drift to secure the booty there, and hurried off for this destination, little dreaming of the possibility of any resistance.

Ignorance of Lord Chelmsford.

While these occurrences had been taking place, Lord Chelmsford, with Colonel Glyn and a large portion of the third column, were absent in advance. On the 20th of January, the general had made a reconnoissance as far as a place called Matyana's stronghold—a deep valley, full of caves. Not having time to examine this place thoroughly, two separate parties were ordered out to bring back a full description of it. One of these, under Major Dartnell, reported that he found the enemy in force, and would be able to attack if three companies of infantry were sent to him. This was not acceded to. At 2.30 a.m. on the 22nd of January, Colonel Glyn was ordered to move to Dartnell's assistance with six companies 2-24th, four guns, and the mounted infantry. Colonel Durnford was at the same time ordered up to strengthen the Isandhlwana camp. The general followed Colonel Glyn's reinforcements, and reached Major Dartnell at 6.30 a.m. The enemy shortly showed at a distance, but retreated when a general advance was made. All this was, no doubt, part of the Zulu plan of amusing this portion of our forces, and keeping them from the Isandhlwana camp. The only actual engagement that took place was at the extreme right, where 500 Zulus were cut off, of whom 30 were killed. At 9 a.m. a short note was received from Lieutenant-Colonel Pulleine, stating that firing had been heard, but giving no further particulars. Lieutenant Milne, A.D.C., was sent by the general to the top of a high hill from which the camp could be seen, and he remained there for at least an hour, with a very powerful telescope, but could detect nothing unusual in that direction. A site for a new camp was then fixed upon, and the troops were ordered to bivouac there that night. The general then started to return to camp with the mounted infantry under Colonel Russell. When within six miles from Isandhlwana, Lord Chelmsford found the 1st Battalion, Native Contingent, halted, and shortly after Commandant Lonsdale rode up to report that he had ridden into camp, and found it in possession of the Zulus. Intimation had been received so far back as between 9.30 and 10 a.m.[25] that there was a force of the enemy in the close neighbourhood of the camp. Major Clery at this time received a half sheet of foolscap from Lieutenant-Colonel Pulleine, giving him that information, and as the force was only twelve miles from camp, an immediate rapid advance would have saved the day. The exact words of this letter are not given in the evidence, and are clearly of the utmost consequence. It was after this, however, that Lieutenant Milne, A.D.C., descended the hill, with the report that he noticed nothing except the cattle being driven into camp. This fact, however, was of great consequence, taken in connection with the pressing nature of the despatch from Colonel Pulleine. Notwithstanding all this, nothing was suspected until the dreadful news came like a thunderclap, that the camp had been taken and its defenders killed. So soon as the general heard the awful news, he sent back Major Gossett, A.D.C., to order Colonel Glyn to advance with all his force. He was six miles off, and it was then 4 p.m. The advance party, with the general, continued to go forward, until they were within two miles from the camp, when they halted. Colonel Russell went to the front to reconnoitre, and returned about 5.45 with a report that "all was as bad as could be." The Zulus held the camp. At 6 p.m. Colonel Glyn came up with his troops, which, having been formed into fighting order, were addressed by the general. No sign of wavering was perceptible. They advanced with steady courage, determined to attack and go through any enemy. Guns in the centre; three companies 2-24th on each flank in fours; Native Contingent; mounted infantry on extreme right, Natal Mounted Volunteers on the extreme left; Mounted Police in reserve;—in this order the force went forward with great speed. The artillery shelled the crest of the narrow neck over which the line of retreat lay, and positions were seized without opposition. The curtain of night had fallen over the dreadful scene of carnage, and the entire force, tired and dispirited, lay down amidst the débris of the plundered camp and the corpses of men, horses, and oxen. The weariness and sorrow of these hours of darkness will never be forgotten. The troops fully expected to be attacked in front and rear; but fortunately the Zulus knew better how to gain than how to improve a victory, and although there were several alarms, not a shot was fired, and Lord Chelmsford, with the remnant of his forces, was able at dawn of day to hurry on to the relief of Rorke's Drift.

The disaster discovered.

On the 22nd of January, Lieutenant Chard, R.E., was left in command at Rorke's Drift by Major Spalding, who went to Helpmakaar to hurry on the company of the 24th Regiment ordered to protect the ponts. About 3.15 p.m. of that day, two men came riding furiously from Zululand, and shouted to be taken across the river. These were Lieutenant Adendorff, of Lonsdale's regiment, and a carbineer. The former remained to assist in the defence; the latter galloped off to take the intelligence to Helpmakaar. The news was of the frightful disaster at Isandhlwana—that the Zulus were advancing on the colony in force, and that Rorke's Drift must, therefore, be held at all cost. Lieutenant Bromhead, who commanded the company of the 24th Regiment at the camp near the commissariat stores, had just then received a note from the third column, and sent for Lieutenant Chard. Preparations for defence were made with the utmost vigour. Separate buildings were connected by walls of mealie-bags and two waggons; the store building and hospital were loopholed and barricaded. All available materials were made use of, and the brave little garrison determined to repulse the enemy or die behind their frail entrenchments.

At the river the ferryman, Daniells, and Sergeant Milne, 3rd Buffs, offered to moor the pont in the middle of the stream, and with a few men fight from its deck; but this offer was declined, and the brave fellows who made it were enrolled among the garrison.

Rorke's Drift.

The sound of firing was heard at 4.20 p.m. Previously, an officer of Durnford's had been requested to send outposts in the direction of the enemy, and to check their advances as much as possible. His men, however, would not obey orders, and rode off, 100 in number, to Helpmakaar. About the same time, Captain Stephenson, with his detachment of Natal Native Contingent, left the little garrison. The line of defence was at once seen to be too extended for the small number of men that were left, and a new entrenchment of biscuit-boxes had at once to be commenced. The wall had only been built two boxes high, when, at 4.30 p.m., 600 Zulus were seen advancing at a run against the south wall. They were met by a well-sustained fire, but, notwithstanding their heavy loss, continued to advance within fifty yards. Here they encountered the additional cross-fire from the store and were checked. Unfortunately, however, some were able to take advantage of the shelter afforded by the cook-house ovens, etc. By far the larger number never stopped, but moved to the left, round the hospital, and made a rush at the north-west wall of mealie-bags. A desperate bayonet struggle took place here, which resulted in the repulse of the enemy with heavy loss.

The bush in the immediate neighbourhood, which had not been cut down, enabled the Zulus to advance under cover close to the wall. A number of desperate assaults were made, all of which were most splendidly met and repulsed by the bayonet.

A very harassing fire was encountered from the rocks, which caused severe loss, and about 6 p.m. obliged a retreat behind the entrenchment of the biscuit-boxes. While all this was going on, the Zulus had been attempting to force the hospital, and shortly afterwards set fire to its roof. The garrison there most gallantly defended the building from floor to floor, bringing out all the sick that could be moved. Four privates of the 24th Regiment (Williams, Hook, R. Jones, and W. Jones) were the last men to leave, holding the doorway with the bayonet, their own ammunition being exhausted.

Mealie-bags were then converted into a sort of redoubt, which gave a second line of fire all round. While this was being done, the hospital was in flames, and the enemy continued to make desperate attempts to fire the roof of the stores. Shortly before darkness came on, the gallant little force was completely surrounded, and, after repulsing several attacks, felt compelled to retire to the centre of their entrenchments. The vigour of the siege continued until after midnight, and then it lapsed into a desultory fire, which was kept up all night.

About 4 a.m. on the 23rd of January, the firing ceased, and at daybreak the enemy was out of sight over the hill to the south-west. The number of the defending force was exactly 104,[26] and that of the Zulus who attacked about 3000. No fewer than 350 of the enemy were killed. Thus was the colony of Natal saved by the undaunted resolution of a little band of heroes whose conduct rivals that of the men of Thermopylæ.

At about 7 a.m. a large body of the enemy were seen advancing. No reinforcements had arrived from Helpmakaar, although they had been specially sent for, and the ammunition was almost expended. At about 8 a.m. the third column providentially appeared in sight, and Lord Chelmsford and staff soon afterwards galloped up to Rorke's Drift and warmly congratulated its gallant defenders. They had by their undaunted bravery and firm attitude before an overwhelming force of the enemy done much to neutralize the effect of the disaster at Isandhlwana, and, Lord Chelmsford himself officially reports, "no doubt saved Natal from a serious invasion." He adds, "The cool, determined courage displayed by the gallant garrison is beyond all praise, and will, I feel sure, receive ample recognition."

Natal saved.

The disaster at Isandhlwana, looked at correctly, confirms most strongly the arguments advanced by the High Commissioner in favour of the war. It became perfectly evident that the Zulu king had an army at his command which could, almost any day, unexpectedly invade Natal; and, owing to the great extent of frontier and character of the natives within the colony, they might have devastated the country without the possibility of being adequately checked. To use the words of Sir Bartle Frere, it would have been vain—almost criminal—to ignore the fact that there had grown up by our sufferance alongside Natal a very powerful military organization, directed by an irresponsible, bloodthirsty, and treacherous despot. This extraordinary power simply made the existence of a peaceful English community so precarious as to prevent its safe continuance in any other form than that of an armed camp. So soon as the news of Isandhlwana reached the colony, a terrible panic was the result. The inhabitants fled to the towns, laagers were formed in every direction, while in D'Urban and Pietermaritzburg entrenchments and fortifications were at once erected. The heroic defence of Rorke's Drift and the providential flooding of the Tugela river were the means of saving the colony. Flushed with victory, nothing would have been able to withstand the Zulu armies, if they had crossed the boundary and, in their well-organized form, entered Natal.

As a result of the Isandhlwana disaster, the native allies could no longer be trusted, and melted away by means of desertion. Lord Chelmsford was obliged to report that large British reinforcements were absolutely required if the operations against the Zulus were to be carried to a successful issue. Three British infantry regiments, two cavalry regiments, and one company of Royal Engineers, as well as 100 artillerymen, were asked for. When the request reached England, it was immediately granted, but a fearful period of suspense and anxiety intervened. It is difficult to pourtray in words the feelings of the white inhabitants of Natal, who every moment expected to hear that a savage, ruthless foe was in full march for the purpose of utterly exterminating the hated white race. Sixty miles only intervened between D'Urban and the Tugela river; Pietermaritzburg was still more exposed. Numbers of people fled to the seaboard, and thence to the neighbouring colony; while, behind laagers and hastily constructed fortifications, the people waited in expectant terror for every item of news from the theatre of war. In the Cape colony, the most vigorous measures were adopted by its Government. Two hundred volunteers from Cape Town, and 100 from Port Elizabeth, proceeded immediately to King William's Town and relieved the 88th Regiment, ordered to Natal; 900 mounted yeomanry were called out to occupy certain positions on the border, in conjunction with 800 Cape Mounted Riflemen. Two thousand Europeans were thus placed under arms, 1700 of whom were mounted men. This was really necessary in order to keep down possible insurrections of Pondos, Basutos, and Griquas. All the black races throughout Southern Africa had to be feared, as they only waited an opportunity to make common cause against the Europeans. Already in detail had the Gealekas and the Gaikas been thoroughly defeated, but the Basutos and Pondos had hitherto hung back. The Zulu war was watched by them with lively feelings of interest and their sympathies were, of course, enlisted on the side of Cetywayo.

Feeling in England.

Her Majesty the Queen, with the utmost sympathy and promptness, caused the Secretary of State to telegraph, on the 18th of February, her sorrow at the loss of so many brave officers and men of the regular and colonial forces, and her full confidence that Lord Chelmsford would be able to meet the difficulties in which he was placed. The message ended with the words, "Full reinforcements of all arms will be sent with the utmost despatch."

The Imperial Ministry was fiercely attacked in England for having entered upon the Zulu war, and succumbed to the pressure of public opinion so far as to blame Sir Bartle Frere for taking, without their full knowledge and sanction, a course almost certain to result in war, which every effort should have been used to avoid. The High Commissioner, under his commission, was not only empowered, but really authorized and obliged, to enter upon this war. His Excellency knew that it was necessary to open the campaign at once in Zululand; and the mild, modified rebuke of the Conservative Ministry was evidently wrung from them more by the exigencies of party than by the actual circumstances. A disaster always evokes a cry for victims, and the British populace were loud in the usual væ victis clamour. Sir Bartle Frere, however, stood firm, strong in the confidence of eventually obtaining justice; while the Ministry at home were sufficiently powerful and sufficiently noble to refuse to sacrifice Lord Chelmsford to the ferocious outcry that was raised against him.

CHAPTER V.

PEARSON'S COLUMN—MARCH TO EKOWE—BATTLE OF INYEZANE—EKOWE—ZULU ARMY—WOOD'S COLUMN—ZULU RAIDS—REINFORCEMENTS FROM ENGLAND—THE COLONISTS—THE NAVY.

We have now to advert to the proceedings of No. 1 column, comprising 1200 British troops, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Pearson. Having crossed the Tugela river, an advance was commenced towards Ekowe on the 18th of January. No fewer than 130 waggons, as well as a number of other vehicles, accompanied this column, whose order of march was as follows:—

The difficulties of transport were considerable, and the immense train of waggons not only delayed progress, but made an attack, when the troops were in motion, more difficult to resist. Nothing of consequence occurred on the march, excepting the destruction of a large military kraal. The enemy, however, hovered about the column, and only waited for a favourable opportunity.

Lieutenant-Colonel Pearson's column.

At last, on the 22nd of January, the day of Isandhlwana, the march was commenced at 5 a.m. After passing five miles along a fertile valley, the path turned suddenly to the left, and the ascent of the high land on which Ekowe is situated commenced. The head of the column reached the turning, and was preparing to halt for breakfast, when it was suddenly attacked along the entire right flank and on both fronts. The Zulus had been lying in ambush. Rushing from bush to bush, and firing with great rapidity, they advanced in extended order so as to come within a distance of 150 yards. Their advance was checked by the heavy fire from two 7-pounders, Royal Artillery, and two 24-pounder Naval Brigade rockets, placed on a knoll at the foot of the pass commanding the valley from which the flank attack proceeded. Two companies of the Buffs, as well as A and B companies of the Naval Brigade, assisted in holding this position, and poured in a steady fire. While these proceedings were going on under the personal direction of Colonel Pearson, the waggons continued to park, and as soon as the length of the column had sufficiently decreased, two companies of the Buffs, which had been guarding the waggons, were directed to clear the enemy out of the bush. Led by Captains Harrison and Wild, they got into skirmishing order, and in good style drove the Zulus back into the open plain, where they were effectually swept by rockets, shells, and musketry. The main body of the mounted infantry, under Major Barrow and Captain Wynne, were now able to move forward. An attempt to outflank on the part of the enemy was defeated by the Naval Brigade and a part of the Native Contingent. Shortly afterwards, a brilliant and successful attack was made upon heights where a considerable body of Zulus were posted. The Zulus then fled in all directions, and a complete victory was gained.

The plan of fighting by the Zulus was in accordance with their usual well-organized scheme. The formation of their attack is in the figure of a beast, with horns, chest, and loins. They usually make a feint with one horn, whilst the other, concealed by long grass or bush, sweeps round for the purpose of encompassing its enemy. The chest then advances, and endeavours by its vast power to crush opposition. The loins are kept at a distance and only join in pursuit.

The action of Inyezani lasted exactly one hour and a half, commencing at 8 a.m. and the last shot being fired at 9.30 a.m. The British loss was 12 killed and 16 wounded, while of the Zulus 300 were slain. It is conjectured that the attacking force comprised nearly 5000 men.

After the battle was over the column calmly resumed the even tenor of its way, and at night bivouacked on a high ridge distant only three miles from the battle-field. The road led up a winding and steep ascent, and on the 23rd of January, after marching six miles further, Ekowe was reached. The intention was to leave surplus stores here, with a small garrison, and push on to Cetywayo's kraal at Ulundi. But these plans had to be completely changed. On the 29th of January, about noon, a messenger galloped in from Lord Chelmsford with the news of the fearful disaster at Isandhlawana, and that the entire Zulu army might be expected to attack them. Colonel Pearson had to decide either to hold the fort, or to march back, at once and quickly, to the Tugela river. A council of war was assembled, and, by a small majority, it was resolved to maintain their position at all costs. The result proved that this was a wise determination.

The camp at Ekowe.

In order to husband resources, all the cavalry, with the two battalions of Native Contingent, were sent back, and by this means the garrison lost all means of obtaining information of the enemy's movements. The Victoria, Stanger, and D'Urban Mounted Rifles, as well as the Natal Hussars, and two battalions of the Natal Native Contingent, rode away at 2 p.m. of the day on which the order was given, and at midnight arrived safely on the banks of the Tugela, not having seen a Zulu on the way. Colonel Ely, en route with supplies, was directed to hasten on to Ekowe, and, in order to do so more effectually, abandoned eight waggons, with their contents of flour, biscuit, lime-juice, sugar, etc. On the 30th of January, all the troops came inside the embryo fort; tents were no longer allowed, and officers and men were obliged to huddle together under waggons. The garrison consisted of 1339 whites and 355 blacks, of whom 47 whites and 290 blacks were non-combatants. The armament comprised 1200 Martini rifles, with 330 rounds per rifle; 1 Gatling, with 127,000 rounds; 2 rocket tubes, with 83 rockets; and 2 7-pounders, with 500 rounds.

The garrison had 3000 oxen, but were obliged to drive away a large number, and soon learned, by the loss of 90 slaughter oxen from the ditch of the parapet, that large numbers of Zulus were close at hand. The fort soon attained a respectable appearance. It was oblong in shape—east and west sides, 300 yards each; north side, 120 yards; south, 180 yards. Waggons were placed round the inside of the parapet, a few yards distant. The church was converted into a hospital, the schoolroom and parsonage into storerooms, and all other buildings were demolished. All hands were up at réveille, and engaged all day in making the fort, and, when that was completed, in making roads. At 8 p.m. the "last post" sounded, and then all gave themselves to sleep, often broken by the alarm of the church bell, when the parapets were manned at once. A few irregular horse had been enrolled, who did outpost duty during the day. At this time an army of 20,000 Zulus was lying in wait between Ekowe and the Tugela.

Lord Chelmsford desired Colonel Pearson to reduce his garrison, and to establish a portion of it at the Tugela forts; but this was clearly impossible, and it is very surprising that such an order could ever have been issued. On the 6th of February, Colonel Pearson wrote, suggesting that twenty waggons, with a convoy, should be sent. In reply, the general sent word that there would not be a force at Lower Tugela for six weeks sufficient to insure a convoy to Ekowe, but wished the garrison there reduced and a flying column formed. This was quite out of the question, and, of course, was not attempted. On the 10th of February the fort was completed, with ditches seven feet deep and twelve feet wide, flanked by caponnières or by the parapet itself; wire entanglements on the glacis, and stakes in the ditch. The two 7-pounders were at the south-east and south-west angles, the rocket battery at the north-west, and the Gatling on the east face of the parapet.

The stench, at night particularly, was absolutely sickening, although every effort was made to keep the camp clean. Rations soon had to be reduced. A bottle of pickles fetched 25s.; sardines, 12s.; tin of milk, 23s.; a ham, £7 10s. There was always, however, a sufficient quantity of food of a coarse description, and the only famine that the garrison really suffered from was a dearth of news. Intelligence of how the war was going on, and of the outside world, was greedily and earnestly thirsted for. Convoys were always looked for and never arrived. No attack was ever made upon the fort by the wily Zulus, although they lay in wait for any opportunity.

Life at the camp.

The defence of Rorke's Drift had not only saved Natal from destruction, but Ekowe from attack. Affairs dragged on in a dull, monotonous manner all through February until the beginning of March. From a slight elevation near the camp the Lower Tugela could be seen, and H.M.S. Active cruising on the coast. Many a time were eyes stretched over the thirty-five miles of country intervening between Ekowe and Natal for some sign of relief and of succour.

An officer in Ekowe says, "The troops inside consisted of three companies of the 99th Regiment, five companies of the 2-3rd Buffs, one company Royal Engineers, one company of the Pioneers, the Naval Brigade, a body of artillery, and nineteen of the Native Contingent, amongst them being several non-commissioned officers, whom we found exceedingly useful, two of them being at once selected as butchers, whilst two others were 'promoted' to the rank of 'bakers to the troops.' Others attended to the sanitary arrangements of the garrison, and altogether they were found to be also exceedingly useful. As a portion of the column the company of pioneers under the command of Captain Beddoes did a great deal of very important work. This company was composed of ninety-eight natives, one captain, and three lieutenants, and their proceedings in connection with the making of the new road were watched with much interest. They worked with the Naval Brigade, about three companies of soldiers, and several men of the Royal Artillery. This road was found useless in consequence of the numerous swampy places at the foot of each of the numerous hills which occurred along the route. Very thick bush had to be cut through, and at first but slow progress was made. The road, as is generally known, took a direction towards the Inyezane. Whilst out on one occasion, the road party saw a torpedo explosion, which took place about three miles from where the party was working. It had been accidentally fired by Kafirs, who were unaware of the dangers connected with the implement, and it is believed that several of them were killed. The road was altogether a bad one. The relief column used it on their way up, but only the pioneers and the mounted men went by that route on the way back. In fact, it would have been useless to have attempted to use it for the passage of waggons. Whenever the road party went out they were fired on by Kafirs, but of course shots were returned, and many a Zulu warrior was knocked over whilst the work was being proceeded with. Everything in camp was conducted in a most orderly manner. We were roused at half-past five, sharp, and at eight o'clock, sharp, lights were out. For one month we existed very comfortably on full rations, but at the end of that time we were put on short rations, made up as follow:—One pound and a quarter of trek oxen beef, six ounces of meal, one ounce and a quarter of sugar, third of an ounce of coffee, onesixth of an ounce of tea, one-ninth of an ounce of pepper, and a quarter of an ounce of salt. Life of course was very monotonous. The bands of the two regiments played on alternate afternoons, and every morning they were to be heard practising outside the entrenchment. The most pleasant part of the day was just after six o'clock, when we used to be enlivened in the cool of the evening by the fife and drum band, playing the 'retreat.' The water with which we were supplied was indeed excellent, and the bathing places, I need not say, were very extensively patronized. The grazing was not nearly sufficient for the cattle, and from the first they must have suffered very much from want of nourishment. You will have heard of the fate of the 1100 head of oxen and the span of donkeys which we sent away from the camp in expectation of their reaching the Lower Tugela. They left us in charge of nineteen Kafirs; but at the Inyezane they were attacked by a large body of Kafirs. The natives in charge of the cattle decamped and reached the fort in safety, and the enemy got possession of the whole of the cattle, which they drove off. The donkeys were all killed, with the exception of one, and this sagacious animal surprised everybody in camp by returning soon after the Kafirs had come back."

Movements of Cetewayo.

Shortly after the disaster at Isandhlwana, the main body of the Zulu army went up to the king to be doctored with charms taken from the mutilated bodies of the killed of the English army. The intended movements of Cetywayo were described as follows:—"When the doctoring is done, the king will order a still stronger force than that of 22nd January; perhaps 20,000 or 30,000 to attack in one mass Colonel Glynn's column, and if they succeed, then attack Colonel Wood's column; but if they do not succeed in doing this, he will try to check and harass the English columns in Zululand by manœuvring a sufficient number of soldiers around them, and simultaneously make strong impetuous raids into the colony, as he has prohibited his people making raids in small numbers; he has furthermore plainly and repeatedly expressed himself to the effect that if he is to lose his life and kingdom, he will first make such havoc in Natal that it for ever shall be remembered." The truth is that something little short of a universal panic prevailed, which only by degrees subsided as time passed on without any invasion, and leisure was allowed for reflection. It does not seem to have been remembered that in every direction except one, and by all the columns except that of Colonel Glyn, the Zulus were defeated. Isandhlwana was a purely exceptional case, entirely attributable to blundering of the most gross and evident character. The defence of Rorke's Drift and the battle of Ineyezani were most significant. At the former a handful of infantry defended themselves successfully behind mealie-bags and biscuit-boxes against three times their number; at the latter, an overwhelming force was easily defeated in the field by the simple strategy of common sense.

No. 4 column, under Colonel Wood, operated in the north and acted as a means of defence to Utrecht and the Transvaal. It was assisted from the first by a number of irregulars and volunteers. Successful forays were made on various occasions, but it would be tedious to do more than refer to these, although the greatest gallantry and skill were exhibited. Colonel Wood most deservedly increased his reputation as a brilliant and successful leader. A fort was established at Kambula hill, entrenched in such a manner as to defy the attacks of a savage enemy.

Discontent among the Boers.

February was a month of suspense. Cetywayo had an opportunity of which he did not avail himself, but was contented with reorganizing and reanointing his armies. Colonel Pearson remained at Ekowe; forts were placed on the Tugela river; mounted forces were distributed along the border from Fort Pearson to Thring's Post. There was, in addition, a border guard of white officers and natives, about 1500 strong. "Stanger"—fifteen miles on the Natal side—as well as D'Urban, Maritzburg, and every town of the least consequence, was fortified, and then volunteer and citizen soldiers prepared themselves for any emergency. The High Commissioner, Sir Bartle Frere, who had proceeded to Natal on the outbreak of hostilities, still remained at Pietermaritzburg, and was there in the best possible position for giving that advice and assistance so necessary in the serious emergencies in which a British colony and a British general were placed. Unfortunately, many of the people of Dutch extraction in the Transvaal seemed to take the opportunity for loudly protesting against the annexation of that territory to the Crown, then recently effected by Sir Theophilus Shepstone. A people's committee was appointed, and a firm determination expressed to regain that republican liberty of which they believed they had been unjustly deprived. One of the most satisfactory events of this month was the evident desire of the king's brother, Oham, to be regarded as our friend. His country lay in the north-west of Zululand, and at an interview held with Colonel Wood, conditions of surrender were arranged. Early in March he came in with more than 600 people.

Under the orders and with the connivance of Cetywayo, the chiefs Umbellini and Manyanyoba perpetrated the most horrid cruelties. Atrocious outrages had been committed long previously, but the Transvaal republican authorities had not apparently considered it expedient to report them fully. The little town of Luneberg was undoubtedly saved by a company of troops sent there by Colonel Wood. This officer had it in his power, when passing through Manyanyoba's country, to crush him and his warriors, but accepted in good faith the statement of that chief, professing a desire to come under the British Government. In spite of this, on the 10th of February, a Zulu war party, led by Umbellini, crossed the Pongolo, and was joined on the north by a strong force of Manyanyoba's people, led by Manyanyoba himself.[27] The combined force consisted of 1500 men. At half-past 3 a.m. of the 11th February, they reached the mission station of the Rev. Mr. Wagner, only four miles from Luneberg, and then commenced a scene of most atrocious murder. Men, women, and children were massacred. The houses of the Christian natives were given to the flames, and no fewer than seven children were burnt alive. From Wagner's they went to Nomapela's kraal, where they killed two men, eleven women, and fifteen children. Thence they proceeded to Luhlanya's kraal, where they murdered one man, two women, and two children. But it is unnecessary to prolong the narrative; suffice it to say that they went through the country with fire and sword, sparing neither age nor sex, and plundering wherever they had an opportunity. Bodies of women and children were found frightfully mutilated, and at Mr. Wagner's house a woman was found still alive, who bore thirty-seven assegai wounds on her body.

Life at Helpmakaar.

The movements of the main Zulu army were mysterious. One day scouts arrived with the information that the enemy was in force between the Tugela and Ekowe; another day information was received that there was an army beyond the later place. The plan adopted on our side was simply to entrench and wait. A dull, monotonous round of garrison duty had to be performed at a number of posts, while the danger was so great and imminent as to turn every citizen into a soldier, and every town into a barrack. As a specimen of life at a fort, we quote from a correspondent who writes in February from "Helpmakaar:" "Here we are, foot artillery, police, and contingent, about 500 strong, living in tents during the day and going into the fort at night. With the exception of a stink of rotten mealies and the rain continually swelling through and through, the fort is not so bad, being so strong and well built that the men here now could hold it against the whole of the Zulu army. It is not healthy. Hospital leaks. What with guards, vedettes, etc., the duties are very heavy." What was said at Helpmakaar might have been said with very little variation at every other fort. The most active operations were carried on from Colonel Wood's column, whose head-quarters were entrenched at Kambula. Among its brilliant exploits was the capture, on the 20th February, of the almost inaccessible Makkatees mountain. One of the captured natives said that our troops had not come a day too soon, as Cetywayo had promised to send reinforcements.

Arrival of reinforcements.

The first ship to arrive with reinforcements was H.M.S. Shah, which anchored at Port Natal on Thursday, the 6th of March. The troops available by her were 392 men of the Naval Brigade and 200 men from the St. Helena garrison.[28] Baker and Lonsdale's Light Horse, as well as other irregulars, were recruited in the Cape Colony, and sent on by degrees. The first steamer from England to arrive with reinforcements was the Pretoria, of the Union Royal Mail Steam Shipping Company's fleet. She made the run to Natal in less than twenty-four days, and had on board 34 officers, 7 staff officers, and 890 men of the 71st Highlanders. The British soldiers were received in Natal with the utmost enthusiasm, as saviours of the country. Each ship and each regiment was eagerly looked for and gladly welcomed. Previous to the Pretoria, the 57th Regiment had arrived from Ceylon in H.M. troopship Tamar. The Secretary of War telegraphed, on the 13th of February, to Lord Chelmsford that the following reinforcements had been placed under immediate orders for Natal:—Two regiments of cavalry, each 648 men and 480 horses; two field batteries of artillery, 336 men and 220 horses; one field company of Engineers; five regiments of infantry from home, each 806 men; 57th Regiment from Ceylon; three companies Army Reserve Corps, 140 men, 380 horses; Army Hospital Corps, 140; drafts for the 57th, the 24th, and Royal Artillery. The steamers employed to bring out these troops were—

Staff of the Troops.

These magnificent steamships used the utmost despatch, and in little more than twenty days[30] from England each one arrived at the Cape of Good Hope. The voyage thence to Natal only occupies three days. Immense enthusiasm prevailed as each noble steamer and well-known regiment arrived. The landing at D'Urban was performed in the most expeditious manner, and without the slightest accident. In the midst of all these arrivals and the excitement connected with them, apprehensions of Zulu inroads were at an end; but it was felt that the retrieval of the disaster at Isandhlwana would be a serious work, and that energy and ability were requisite to bring the war to a speedy and satisfactory termination. The 12th of March was observed throughout the colony of Natal as a day of humiliation, and in every church prayers were offered up to the God of battles, that He would bless our arms. The people of Natal had, in proportion to their numbers, sent out a considerable force across the Tugela. There was mourning in many families for sons, brothers, husbands, slain at Isandhlwana; and the losses caused to sugar estates and other interests by the war were neither small nor unimportant. The war was entirely an imperial act—levied by the High Commissioner, and carried on in Zululand for the protection of the Transvaal and of British South Africa generally, as well as of Natal.

The colonists maligned.

When transport prices increased in accordance with the inexorable laws of supply and demand, immense sums were obtained by waggoners as well as by owners of oxen and waggons. Other classes also greatly benefited by the large military expenditure. It stands to reason that very large sums of money spent in South Africa must have permeated through all classes of the community. At the same time, it is incorrect to charge the people with special greed and rapacity. They have been libelled by more than one person; and with reference to various charges, the Rev. Mr. de Witt, at an early stage of the war, publicly stated in London that the people of Natal treated the Zulus worse than dogs, while, at a subsequent period, Mr. Archibald Forbes, correspondent of the Daily News, maligned them in the most insulting manner. It is so well known as to be beyond question that the Zulus are extremely well-treated—too well-treated frequently—by the colonists; and to those conversant with the subject, the missionary's statement at once is seen in its true light, as a mere attempt to obtain a little popularity by joining the usual successful outcry against the oppression of coloured races by the "cruel white men," so constantly echoed by people who have never lived among blacks, and are perfectly ignorant of the facts of the case. Philanthropy obtained at this price, and by means of calumnies against our fellow-countrymen at a distance and in a most trying position of danger, cannot be estimated at a high price. Mr. Forbes was so very short a time in Natal as to be perfectly incompetent to judge of the entire character of the people. His sweeping condemnations must be attributed to bad temper, occasioned by petty inconveniences or rudeness; but it is a pity that a man of his eminence and ability should permit such considerations to affect his judgment or guide his pen. The fact is that the people of the colonies, and of Natal very especially, are, in proportion to their number, quite superior to the people of Europe. There is more education and more intelligence; consequently, quite as much honesty. Let any man who is really qualified to speak by a real knowledge of the colonies say whether or not this is the truth. Of course, it must be admitted that there is a greater spirit of independence and more freedom, with less conventionality; but this is merely a sequence of the circumstances in which colonists are necessarily placed.

Intelligent and influential public writers in England have gone so far as to assert that "it would not be safe to rely on the energetic co-operation of the Cape." His Excellency the Governor and High Commissioner thus disposes of this subject:—"I fear that possibly, in the press of work, I may have omitted to do justice to the patriotic and energetic spirit shown by the Cape ministry, who in this respect represent, I believe, very faithfully the feeling of the colony generally.

"The Cape Government, indeed, appears to me to have done all and much more than could have been expected from it. It has spared a regiment and a half of her Majesty's forces, taken its own recently subdued rebellious districts entirely under its own charge, and is sending to Natal very useful contingents of volunteers, native levies, waggon drivers, supplies of arms, and means of transport in mules, horses, etc.

Public spirit at the Cape.

"The tone and spirit generally shown by the Cape Government and people will naturally be compared with that shown by the sister colony of Natal, whose interests are so much greater; and without any reflection on Natal, the population of which has risen to the occasion, the comparison will be by no means unfavourable to the Cape.

"It must not be forgotten that the nearer we approach the seat of war, actual or threatened, the greater will be the natural disinclination of colonists to volunteer for any but home service, and to leave their houses defenceless. This is, I feel sure, the principal reason of any disinclination to encourage volunteering for service in Zululand; and the threatened disturbance in Basutoland will naturally disincline the Cape colonists to weaken too far their own means of defence."

The services of the navy during the entire war were of the utmost value. In a despatch dated the 15th of February, the High Commissioner brings specially to the notice of her Majesty's Government the excellent service performed by the naval brigades landed from H.M.S. Active and Tenedos by Admiral Sullivan, and subsequently from the Boadicea. These men, in arduous and prolonged military operations, earned most thoroughly the title of "bravest of the brave." No sailor ever turned his back on an enemy during the war, and it was with difficulty that their impetuous heroism could be checked. The Active men helped to win the battle of Ineyezane, and were with Colonel Pearson at Ekowe; Fort Tenedos was manned by the men of the ship of that name. This important fort commanded the crossing of the Tugela river near its mouth. Men-of-war cruising on the coast produced an excellent effect, but it is the services of the gallant "blue jackets" in the field which are specially deserving of eulogium.

So soon as the news of the Isandhlwana disaster had been received at St. Helena, Governor Janisch obtained the consent of the military and naval authorities to send off at once every available man to Natal. This was done with promptitude. And the first real ray of sunshine from home reached our troops in Zululand when they heard that 650 gallant men in H.M.S. Shah, Captain Bradshaw, had arrived in Natal to assist them.

CHAPTER VI.

THE ZLOBANE MOUNTAIN—PIET UYS—THE BATTLE OF KAMBULA—THE INTOMBE DISASTER—BATTLE OF GHINGHELOVO—RELIEF OF EKOWE.

It is now necessary to refer to the operations of Colonel Wood's column.

On the 27th of March a force started from the Kambula camp to attack the Zlobane mountain, consisting of detachments of the Frontier Light Horse, Raaff's Corps, Weatherley's Rangers, Baker's Horse, Major Tremlett with rocket tube, and the burgher force. The number of horsemen was 400, and in addition a large body of the Native Contingent was sent, under Major Leet, 1-13th, and Lieutenant Williams, 58th Regiment. Another column was despatched, consisting of mounted infantry, Kaffrarian Mounted Rifles, and Wood's Irregulars, under Commandant Schermbrucker. Colonel Wood, chief in command, and staff followed. We will go with the first column under Colonel Buller, which halted at noon on the south side of the Zinquin neck. Colonel Weatherley, with his troopers, arrived half an hour afterwards. As the column passed the south side of the Zlobane mountain, two shots were fired from an elephant gun, and three fires were instantaneously lit on a shelf of rock near the summit. Commandant Uys, a brave Dutch burgher, who had already frequently distinguished himself in the war, acted as guide, and the march onward took place in perfect silence. Moving forward in the stillness of death, the east side of the mountain was reached. As the time of action approached, the front post of danger and of honour was taken by Commandant Uys, Colonel Buller, Majors Leet and Tremlett. When 500 yards from the top, the enemy opened a furious fire, in which Lieutenant Williams was killed; but our gallant fellows pressed on without faltering for an instant, and gained the top of the mountain, although the ascent was extremely steep and trying. The fight continued at this point for another hour, and during the entire time the British force was exposed to a most galling fire from Zulus stationed behind rocks and in caves. When Colonel Wood was within 100 feet from the summit, Mr. Lloyd, his interpreter, fell mortally wounded, and his own horse was shot under him. Colonel Weatherley was desired to dislodge one or two Zulus who were causing most of the loss; but as his men did not advance rapidly, Captain Campbell, Lieutenant Lysons, and three men of the 90th, jumping over a low wall, ran forward and charged into a cave, where Captain (the Hon. R.) Campbell, leading in the most gallant and determined manner, was shot dead. Lieutenant Lysons and Private Fowler followed closely on his footsteps, and one of them, for each shot fired, killed one Zulu and dislodged another, who crawled away by a subterraneous passage, reappearing higher up the mountain.

The Zlobane mountain.

After silencing the fire of the Zulus at the top of the Zlobane mountain, Colonel Buller and Commandant Raaff rode to the westward end, where the track divides it. The Zulus had fortified the pass with stone walls, and from this position were annoying the rear of the attacking force. In the mean time parties of Raaff's and Baker's Horse, and the burgher force, kept up a hot fire on the enemy lurking under the krantzes on the north-west side, where the Zulu troops had built huts for encampment. After having been four or five hours on the summit, Colonel Buller, with Commandments Uys and Raaff, were returning from silencing the enemy's fire at the pass, when they noticed the arrival of a body of Zulus on the northern extremity of the mountain. Colonel Buller rode off to attack them, but before he could get half-way, he saw that troops of natives were climbing every available baboon-path, with the object of cutting off the retreat of our men from the only two passes by which it was possible to descend. At the same time, two great columns of the enemy were seen approaching along the top of the mountain to the eastward, and another dense mass of men advancing from the southward. Colonel Buller then gave the order to ride for the pass over the krantz at the neck, which was the only exit left open. Then ensued a scene which almost defies description. Down a descent fearfully steep and covered with boulders horses were ridden at full speed. Many who lost their steeds were saved on the cruppers of their comrades. At the foot, Colonel Buller, with other officers, did everything possible to rally sufficient men to cover the retreat of those still descending, but every effort was in vain. The retreat became a flight, and that even degenerated into a species of stampede, panic guiding the actions of the fugitives. It was when endeavouring to descend the mountain that the brave Commandant Uys was killed. He had already reached such a forward position as to be comparatively free from danger, when he learned that one of his sons was behind, and might probably fall into the enemy's hands. He returned immediately, but only to die. A ring of savages closed around him. True to the traditions of his race, he fought bravely to the last, and only succumbed to overwhelming force. He fell, stabbed to death by numerous assegais. The family of Piet Uys was celebrated in Kafir wars. He was born in the Humansdorp district of the Cape Colony, and his family left that neighbourhood for Natal in 1837. Both his father and brother were killed fighting against Dingaan, and he himself, determining to avenge their death, was among the first to offer his services. In one of his letters he writes, "I fight in a good faith and a righteous cause. I must avenge the death of my father and brother, although in doing so I am almost sure to lose my life; yet I cannot restrain myself when I remember how they were slain."

A similar fate was reserved for the gallant Colonel Weatherley. This officer, with his Rangers, delayed starting in retreat, and lost his way. Nearly every man of his force was cut off, while their brave leader, holding his son—a boy of fourteen—to his breast, fought manfully, until he fell pierced with numerous wounds.

Death of Uys and Weatherley.

Thus perished two of the most gallant officers who served in the war—one of Dutch extraction, the other an Englishman. The services of Commandant Uys were of such great value, in consequence of his bravery and thorough knowledge of the country, as to receive special recognition, and no more gallant officer fought under the British flag than poor Weatherley, of the Transvaal Rangers.

Among those killed at the Zlobane was a man named Calverley, whose antecedents were of a very peculiar and somewhat suspicious character. He had come as ambassador from Oham, the brother of Cetywayo, by whom he was evidently completely trusted. Shuffling and vacillation characterized the negotiations, and it was noticed in camp that Calverley rode the horse on which Lieutenant Coghill was killed at Isandhlwana. He likewise possessed property known to have been lost in that disaster. But for strict military discipline, Calverley would undoubtedly have been killed by our soldiers, and even after Oham came over he was still treated with suspicion. On this day, however, he expiated any faults he may have committed by his blood, and died fighting in the British ranks against the enemies of Oham and of England.

Colonel Wood was riding slowly under the Zlobane mountain to the westward, perfectly unconscious of the existence of a large Zulu force moving on the left across his front. When about half-way, at the centre of the mountain, one of the natives, named Umtanga, explained by signs that a large Zulu army was close upon them. From an adjacent hill they perceived that a great host was marching towards them, disposed in five columns, with horns and the usual dense "chest," in accordance with the rule of formation for attack. An order was sent to Colonel Russell, who was then ascending the western end of the range, to move eastward and cover the movement of our natives to the camp. At 7 p.m. Colonel Wood reached camp. Intelligence came in that Captain Barton's party were on foot about ten miles distant, and Colonel Buller at once started in heavy rain, and was able by means of led horses to bring in seven men, who were the sole survivors of the Border Horse and of Captain Barton's party. Thus terminated this disastrous affair, in which our loss amounted to about 120 men, and in which the enemy gained additional courage for the great attack on the camp so shortly to follow.

Captain D'arcy's escape.

Captain D'Arcy, of Irregular Horse, thus briefly and forcibly sums up his experience of Zlobane:—"Now to give you a short account. Three hundred and fifty of the mounted men had to take a very strong position, a hill called the Zlobane. We got up there, driving the natives back at every point, although they fought very well. Williams was killed as we charged up the hill, the baron on the top when he was in command of his troop; a Zulu spotted him from a hole, right through his head. Barton was sent down a hill with some of C Troop, and just as we got down we saw about 20,000 Zulus below us, trying to get between us and the camp. We at once crossed the hill to come down a most fearfully steep place; the Dutchmen got to the place, rushed down, and bolted as hard as they could go. My troop was leading, and Blaine, myself, and Hutton got them to go quietly down the hill, which was really a fearful place. I had, of course, to stop on the top of the hill, as we were retreating; the Zulus all this time were giving us awful pepper from Martini rifles. I saw, I thought, all our men down, and then considered I had to think of myself. I got half-way down, when a stone about the size of a small piano came bounding down. I heard a shout above, 'Look out below,' and down the beastly thing came right on my horse's leg, cutting it right off. I at the same time got knocked down the hill by another horse, and was nearly squeezed to death. I had taken the bridle off, and was about to take the saddle (I mean I was going up the hill to take it off my horse), when I heard a scream; I looked up, and saw the Zulus right in among the white men, stabbing horses and men. I made a jump for it, and got down somehow or other, and ran as hard as I could with seventy rounds of ball cartridge, a carbine, revolver, field-glass, and heavy boots. I went some 300 yards, when a fellow called Francis got a horse for me, but no saddle or bridle—a rein did for both; when one of the Frontier Light Horse got wounded through the leg, and I had to jump off, put him on my horse, and run again. Colonel Buller saved my life by taking me up behind him on his horse; then Blaine, who had been keeping the natives off in the rear, saw me (as after I got my breath I got off the colonel's horse), and he nearly cried when he met me, all the fellows thinking I had been killed on the top of the hill. He behaved as he always does, and stuck to me, and pulled me through the second time. The third time a major in the artillery, Tremlett by name, took me up behind. Our men and officers all behaved well, but the other volunteers were what Major Robinson would call a big rabble. We lost ninety-three white men and a number of natives. The Frontier Light Horse lost three officers and twenty-four non-commissioned officers and men, and sixty-six horses. Each of our men arrived in camp with another man behind him."

The great Zulu army which nearly succeeded in encircling Colonel Wood's mounted party at the Zlobane mountain, was discerned from the Kambula camp at 9 a.m. on the 29th of March. Flushed with the success of the previous day, and depending on their vast number and excellent organization, they had determined to sweep away for ever the small white force which had entrenched itself in their midst. For four hours the Zulu army continued to advance at a slow pace, executing the manœuvres considered necessary to surround Kambula. The left horn was seen marching in the direction of Balter Spruit for over three hours before the men of the right horn made their appearance. About 1 p.m. the enemy began to make a rapid advance to the right of the Kambula hill, facing Blood river. It was then time to prepare. Orders were given to eat dinners with haste. The alarm sounded, tents were lowered, positions were taken up on and underneath the waggons, boxes of ammunition were opened, and every preparation for defence was promptly made.

Zulu disaster at Kambula.

When the right horn of the Zulu army was within two miles distance, a mounted party went out amidst hearty cheers to give them battle. Having advanced and fired, the enemy became too numerous, and our men retired, drawing the Zulus after them, which was the real object of this manœuvre. The right horn of the enemy's army then commenced its attack in earnest, pressing on most bravely in spite of a tremendous fire from the artillery, the 90th Light Infantry, and the 1-13th. Shell ploughed their ranks, but they re-formed and steadily came on. At last, chiefly through the scathing fire of shot and shell from four of our big guns, the movements of the enemy became paralyzed, and a panic commenced. At the rear of the laager a body of the Zulus had gained the top of the hill, about 300 yards off, and kept up a galling fire upon the men of the 13th Regiment. All, however, was soon over, the Zulus wavered, hesitated, turned, and fled. Amidst lusty cheers our men followed in pursuit. F and G Companies of the 13th charged them down the ravine at the point of the bayonet. Shrapnel, case shot, etc., continued to pour from the field-pieces on the heavy masses of disorganized Zulus. The cavalry for seven miles pursued them, until it was too dark to see. Many were shot down at distances of ten and fifteen yards, while hand-to-hand encounters with the flying foe diversified the scene.

The strength of the Zulu army at Kambula exceeded 20,000, and their plan of battle was evidently to advance the right horn of their army so as to entice our troops to come out and attack it. The left horn would then have advanced up the ravine, and gaining the summit of the hill, charge and take possession of the waggons, thus completely surrounding our position. In fact, the Isandhlwana tactics were to be repeated. Fortunately, however, the lesson we learned there was not in vain, and Kambula proved this to demonstration. The Native Contingent ran away before the fight, but the Basutos stood steadily at their posts and fought well. The flower of Cetywayo's army, consisting of young unmarried men, was engaged in this attack, and more than 1200 were slain. No fewer than 785 bodies of Zulus were buried in the immediate vicinity of the camp. It is noteworthy that they had many kinds of breechloaders—Martini, Snider, and Mitford's patterns being all represented. It was a grand sight to see the great moving mass of more than 20,000 Zulu warriors advancing straight amidst a withering fire. They shouted out when near the camp, "We are the boys from Isandhlwana," and retreated under circumstances where no European forces in the world could have advanced. The victory was specially one of artillery. The first shot was fired at 1.25 p.m., and the last at 5.25 p.m. Three hundred and sixty-two shells and eighty-six charges of canister were expended. Many acts of gallantry were performed. Colonel Wood, as usual, was pre-eminent. The bravery and coolness of Captain Woodgate was the subject of admiration, while Colonel Buller greatly added to the laurels he had so deservedly earned in the retreat from the Zlobane mountain. It was on the latter occasion that he six times risked his life in carrying out of danger and saving six men who, being unhorsed, must otherwise have fallen into the hands of a remorseless and savage foe. Thirty killed and fifty wounded was the loss on our side at the battle of Kambula.

Intombe.

A description of the repulse of the Zulus from Kambula camp has been written by Commandant Schermbrucker, and this is what he says:—"As soon as we saw them turning their backs, I got all my Kaffrarians rapidly to mount the horses already saddled, and shortly afterwards all the mounted forces in camp were ready, and we raced helter-skelter after the flying Zulus. I took the extreme right, Colonel Buller led the centre, and Colonel Russell, with mounted infantry, took the left. For fully seven miles I chased two columns of the enemy, who tried to escape over the Umvolozi, but I came beforehand and pushed them off the road. They fairly ran like bucks; but I was after them like the whirlwind, and shooting incessantly into the thick column, which could not have been less than 5000 strong. They became exhausted, and shooting them down would have taken too much time; so we took the assegais from the dead men, and rushed among the living ones, stabbing them right and left, with fearful revenge for the misfortunes of the 28th inst. No quarter was given."

On the 12th of March a very serious disaster occurred at the Intombe river, where an escort of the 80th Regiment, under Captain Moriarty, was laagered. That officer commanded a party of 104 men convoying a train of eighteen waggons variously loaded, en route from Derby to Luneberg. The flooded state of the river caused detention for several days. A small party under Lieutenant Harward was stationed on the other side. That officer heard a shot fired at 4 a.m., and shortly afterwards was roused by an alarm, and saw, when the fog lifted, a dense mass of Zulus, about 4000 in number, extending across the valley and on the point of surprising the camp on the other side of the river. He immediately put his men, thirty-five in number, under arms, and directed their fire on the flanks of the enemy. With tremendous celerity, Captain Moriarty's force was surprised and the camp taken. An immediate retreat was made by Harward, but not before the awful sight was witnessed of the enemy slaughtering our men on the banks of the river and in the water. The Zulus crossed and came on in dense masses. A hand-to-hand fight ensued, and a vain attempt to rally was made; then, finding re-formation impossible, Lieutenant Harward put spurs to his horse and galloped into Luneberg. Forty-four men were killed.

Losses of the English.

An eye-witness, Mr. Josiah Sussons, says:—"I was in the waggon, sleeping, and early in the morning I got up to see if it was daylight, and saw the Kafirs swarming around within twenty yards of me. The alarm was given, and Captain Moriarty called out, 'Guards out.' I ran back to my waggon to get my rifle (which belonged to No. 1 Company, Transvaal Rifle Volunteers, of which corps I am a member), but in the confusion of the bullets flying about me, I could not get it out. I now found it so dangerous that I determined to try to bolt, if I could, without remaining to take my clothes. As I emerged from the waggon for the last time, I heard Captain Moriarty cry out, 'Fire away, men; I am done.' I then went to the adjoining waggon to call Whittington (also a Pretoria man), and I told him the niggers were around. He immediately came out and jumped down, but was caught almost as soon as he got to the ground, and assegaied. The poor fellow shrieked out, but without avail, as no assistance was at hand. Seeing that I was powerless to do anything, having no arms of any kind, I ran down between the oxen, and made for the river, which was about sixty yards off. I found the Zulus shooting and stabbing the people in all directions. The sight was a most horrifying one, and never to be forgotten. I had to dodge about to save myself, and am surprised that I managed to get through at all. As soon as I got to the river, I jumped in and made a dive, as swimming was too dangerous, the Zulus standing on the banks, and at the edge of the river, as thick as thieves, throwing assegais and aiming their guns wherever they saw a head. I came up about the middle of the river, but the moment my head was out, I saw several Zulus pointing their guns, and ready to fire. I therefore dived again, and came out on the other side. The river was very full at the time, and a strong current running. In crossing I had torn off my shirt, the only garment I possessed, and therefore when I landed I was entirely in a state of nudity. I now found that fighting was still going on on all sides of me, and that it was almost impossible I could get any further, and in my desperation I contemplated throwing myself in the water, to be drowned peaceably, rather than suffer the death by torture of many of those I saw around me. I, however, got into a courageous spirit again, and dashed off, keeping as much out of the way of the enemy as I could. Several shots were fired at me, and assegais were flying in all directions, but somehow I happened to be fortunate and got clear of the encampment. I made for Meyer's station as fast as I could, and overtook one soldier on the road, who was shot dead just as I got up to him. I overtook two others shortly after, who were also shot. Getting further on, I fell in with Sergeant Booth and about a dozen men, who were keeping up a retreating fire, and fighting very pluckily. I rested for a few minutes with them, during which time I espied the Zulus coming round the hill to intercept us. I informed Sergeant Booth of this, and he kept up a steady fire upon them, and made the enemy retire back into the hills. I cannot speak too highly of the conduct of Sergeant Booth on this occasion; he fought most pluckily, and lost four of his small band here. It was entirely owing to their doing so well that any of us managed to get through at all. The Zulus would have entirely surrounded us, and not a soul could have escaped. Seventeen leaders and drivers were killed altogether, amongst them being Whittington, Campbell, and Goss. As I got in camp, I met Major Tucker going out with his men to the relief."

Hair-breadth escape.

One of the most sensational events which occurred during April at the head-quarters camp of the fourth (Colonel Wood's) column, was the arrival there of a man whose hairbreadth escapes enable us to realize that truth is stranger than fiction. Captain Mayne Reid could scarcely venture on imagining what our readers will find stated below as sober fact. There may be exaggeration or colouring, but in the main the narrative is correct. Mr. Rudolph, landrost of Utrecht, when out scouting on the Zunguin Neck with five men, encountered a party of forty Zulus, of whom he killed four. He picked up about the same time a Frenchman named Grandier, who had belonged to Colonel Weatherley's troop of Border Horse, and was made prisoner by the enemy when so many of his comrades fell at the Zlobane mountain. The story was told to Colonel Wood and the staff—Captain Maude taking notes, the substance of which is as follows:—He (Grandier) was one of the very few who succeeded in charging through the mass of Zulus by whom they were beset in front and rear. He had got on to fairly good ground, and had set a comrade on his horse, he running by the side, when a Kafir caught him by the leg, and he was immediately overpowered by numbers and made prisoner. His captors took him to Umbellini's kraal, on the south side of the Zlobane, about half-way up. He saw that chief, who asked him where Shepstone was, and who was the commander of the commando to which he belonged. He was kept prisoner that night in a kraal, and sent out the next morning to work in the mealie fields. Soon after he was taken by two or three mounted men to the middle of a big commando, all of whom threatened him with death, while the chief, Manymane, ordered him to be sent prisoner to Cetywayo. He stopped one day after that at the Zlobane, starting the next day for Ulundi in charge of four men riding, while he was made to walk and carry their provisions. He was quite naked, all his clothes having been taken from him. They took four days to make the journey, arriving in the evening, when a messenger was sent forward to announce their coming to the king. He remained all that night and next day tied in a field. On the following day, at noon, he was taken to Cetywayo, where a half-caste Dutchman, with long hair, translated. Cetywayo asked what the English wanted coming in that way to his country. He asked after Oham, where he was stopping, and said he would kill him and Shepstone and everyone else, as he had plenty of men to do the work. He was very particular to learn the name of the commander of the Kambula column. After replying to these questions, Grandier was removed in custody to a kraal, where he was threatened and beaten with very little respite, and for four days had nothing but mealies to eat. Some messengers then came and reported to Cetywayo that Umbellini and his brother had been killed in the attack on Colonel Wood's camp. On this Cetywayo ordered Grandier to be sent back to Umbellini's Kafirs, that they might sacrifice him to the manes of their deceased chief. He was sent back next day with a guard of two Zulus, only one of whom had a gun, though plentifully supplied with assegais. On the 13th, about noon, they were resting, after a long tramp, and the Zulus being sleepy, Grandier watched his opportunity, snatched an assegai, and pinned one man to the earth; the other woke up in a fright and ran for his life. Grandier then made off in the direction of the camp, walking all night and steering a course by the stars, when this morning he was seen by Mr. Rudolph's party and brought in, so crippled in the feet that he is at present in hospital. He saw at Ulundi a Portuguese, who makes guns for Cetywayo, and on the morning of the 14th so large a force of Kafirs, driving cattle, passed him that he was obliged to remain hid all the morning to let them pass.

Relief of Ekowe.

About the beginning of April, everything was at last ready for the relief of Ekowe. Nearly six thousand troops of all arms started from Fort Tenedos, representing almost every branch of the service. The relieving column consisted as follows:—

EKOWE RELIEVING COLUMN.

First Division of the Column.

Lieutenant-Colonel Law, R.A., commanding.

There accompanied this division of the column the train of supplies for Ekowe (a month's supply for 1200 men, about 25 waggons); a train of supplies for both divisions of the column for 10 days, about 25 waggons.

Second Division of the Column.

Lieutenant-Colonel Pemberton, 60th Rifles, commanding.

On Saturday, the 30th of March, a start was made at daybreak, and the column halted within entrenchments for the night at Inyoni river. The force advanced without tents, and with only a blanket and waterproof sheet for each man. On Sunday, the Amatekulu river was reached, and here a considerable detention took place in consequence of difficulty in crossing. On Tuesday the column reached the hills which border the Inyezane valley, and then a site was selected for an entrenched laager. On this day mounted patrols and scouts of the enemy were seen for the first time. News was then received that a large force was marching down, and that an attack might be expected at any moment. The famous Ginghelovo camp was then constructed. It was made sufficiently large for 2000 cattle to be placed in the centre, trenches were dug, and the waggons laced together according to the approved method.

Camp at Ginghelovo.

About eight o'clock on Tuesday evening (2nd April), a false alarm took place, but nothing further noteworthy occurred until daybreak of the next day, when the mounted natives and scouts were sent out. A little before 6 a.m. (Wednesday, 3rd April) our men fell back shooting steadily, and immediately after two large columns of the enemy were seen coming down the Inyezane hills, while one came round the left by the Amatekulu Bush, and another smaller one from the direction of the old military kraal. In ten minutes' time the camp was surrounded and the attack commenced. The nature of the ground favoured the enemy, who came up with a rush to a distance of 400 yards; then they scattered and obtained shelter in long grass which grew about the camp. For one hour and a half, a heavy fusillade was kept up from both sides, and as the Gatlings, two 9-pounder guns, and the rocket tubes were all in action, such a tremendous fire was poured into the enemy as to prevent the possibility of their advancing. Many of our men, firing from waggons and high positions, were able to pick off Zulus with their rifles. This destructive fire evidently had a great effect upon the enemy. At half past seven o'clock, the mounted men and those of the Native Contingent went out amidst tremendous cheering, and drove the Zulus before them from the long grass, and continued the pursuit for a distance of four miles. Masses of the enemy then clustered upon the hills, but dispersed upon being shelled from the fort.

During the action, Lord Chelmsford and his staff went round the trenches, encouraging the men, and telling them to fire steadily and low. The general himself was not mounted, but the members of his staff were. Colonel Crealock received a wound in the arm, and lost a horse; a bullet went through Lieutenant Milne's clothes; and Captain Molyneux had two horses shot under him. No fewer than 773 dead bodies of the enemy were found within a distance of 1000 yards from the fort.

A flying column was now formed, consisting of the 57th, 60th, and 91st regiments, with 100 of the Naval Brigade, and a few of John Dunn's scouts. It ought to be mentioned that Dunn had already performed excellent service, and was attached to head-quarters as principal guide. The life of this man had been a very peculiar one. Born of English parents in the Cape Colony, he had been brought to Natal, and early in life entered Zululand as a trader. Eventually, he learned the language and adopted the manners and habits of the savages. He was made an induna or chief, acquired cattle, wives, and other property, and in many respects became the right-hand councillor and adviser of Cetywayo. This is the more remarkable as he had, previous to that monarch's accession, espoused the cause of his brother. It is suspected that he made himself peculiarly useful in supplying guns, and in this way gained much of both his influence and his wealth. When war was declared by Britain, he came over with his flocks, herds, and wives, became the trusted adviser and guide of the general in command, and was marked out for preferment and favour.

Meeting of Pearson and Chelmsford.

The flying column left at daybreak on Thursday, reached the Inyezane at about eleven, and as the sun was setting came in view of the large hill behind which lay Ekowe. Colonel Pearson galloped out by the new road, with 500 of his men, and when he grasped the hand of Lord Chelmsford felt like one called forth from a dungeon to the cheerful light of the sun. The fort he had guarded so well was relieved. Crushing anxiety and responsibility were succeeded by thankful congratulations. The cloud which hung around Ekowe had passed away.[31]

CHAPTER VII.

THE SERVICES OF NATIVE CONTINGENTS—LORD CHELMSFORD AND SIR H. BULWER—REVIEW OF THE CAMPAIGN—DIFFICULTIES OF TRANSPORT—IMMENSE DELAY—BURYING THE DEAD AT ISANDHLWANA.

The Native Contingent, composed of loyal Zulus, although a large force, turned out a comparatively useless one. After the battle of Isandhlwana, Colonel Glynn reports (on the 24th of January), "The whole of the Native Contingent walked off this morning." The reasons for this conduct are furnished elaborately in a minute of Sir H. Bulwer, Lieutenant-Governor of Natal, dated the 29th of January. These men had numerous complaints. On the night of the 23rd of January, whilst the European force at Rorke's Drift was entrenched, the Native Contingent had no such protection. The general and his staff leaving camp exercised a depressing influence. Uncertainty existed regarding their wives and families. These reasons, and reasons such as these, were furnished as explanations for their desertion. Sir Henry Bulwer had been always of opinion that to do away with the native system of organization for the purpose of substituting a regimental system was one of very doubtful advisableness. Nevertheless, he consented to give the men required, and no fewer than 7050 were sent into the field. Lord Chelmsford declared that he had never been able to understand what the tribal system was, and that as often as he had endeavoured to obtain information he had been baffled by vague generalities and oft-repeated laudations. So anxious, however, were the commandants to carry out what they considered the tribal system, that the companies were organized with uneven strength, in order that men of different tribes should be kept distinct. Sir Henry Bulwer believed that each column should have had a Native Contingent, and that these should have been led by officers who represented the Lieutenant-Governor, or Supreme Chief. They would have then moved and fought in accordance with their customs. The general could not agree to this. The natives must be divided into battalions 1000 strong, and into companies 100 strong. They were not to fight in their own fashion, and European officers, who did not know their language, were given commands among them. Dissatisfaction, discontent, and inefficiency resulted in such a manner that in all respects the large Native Contingent, numbering more than 7000 men, was a failure.

Bulwer and Chelmsford.

Later on, very serious differences of opinion arose between Lord Chelmsford and Sir Henry Bulwer. In reply to suggestions from the general, the Executive Council of Natal decided, on the 1st of March, that—

"(a.) In the opinion of this Council the proposition that raiding expeditions should be made into the Zulu country by the natives of this colony is unadvisable of adoption, as being an impolitic and undesirable system of war, as being calculated to provoke retaliation, and as tending to demoralize the people engaged in it.

"(b.) 1. That the proposition to call out every available native in the colony is open to serious objections.

"2. That a large proportion of the able-bodied male population has already been called out, and that this Council considers it undesirable to press the power of the Supreme Chief to a point that would probably cause serious discontent amongst the natives.

"3. That all trading, commercial, and farming operations would be thereby disorganized and ruinous consequences would ensue, the natives forming practically the only labouring portion of the population in the upper districts of the colony.

"4. That the calling out of the whole able-bodied male population would, in all probability, induce a panic, and be attended with serious inconveniences."

It will thus be seen that very unfortunate differences of opinion existed between the supreme military power and the civil government of Natal. It certainly must be admitted that, as a rule, the friendly Zulus of the colony were of little good as fighting men in the campaign. Whether or not the opposite would have been the case if the dangerous experiment had been tried of allowing them to fight with their own weapons and in their own fashion is extremely doubtful. The tribal system, root and branch, is a failure in Natal, and a constant source of danger and anxiety. So soon, therefore, as by means of enlightened statesmanship it can be completely broken up and destroyed, the better for the protection and defence of the colony, as well as for the cause of civilization and the nation we are trying to civilize.

Correspondence.

On the 11th of April, the general, writing to the Secretary of State for War, says, "My orders regarding demonstrations were fully carried out, but the fullness of the Tugela would have prevented any general raid being made, even if the Natal natives had not been forbidden to cross the border by his Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal." In order to enable my readers to understand the entire question fully, I subjoin that portion of Sir Henry Bulwer's despatch to the Secretary of State (April 16) which refers to the subject. He says, "I have placed under the command of the lieutenant-general, for service in the Zulu country, the Natal Mounted Police, most of the Natal Mounted Volunteers, a number of natives who have been formed into what is called the Natal Native Contingent, and a number of natives for pioneer, transport, and hospital service, and that I have never interfered with them, nor have I expected that the lieutenant-general's orders to them should be referred to me before being complied with; but with regard to the native levies, which have been called out for the defence of the colony, and placed under the command of colonial district commanders to protect the border and the colony, I have never placed them in any way, directly or indirectly, under the command of the lieutenant-general for service in the Zulu country, nor have I authorized, directly or indirectly, in any way, their being taken across the border, or their being employed in making raids into the Zulu country. These levies were called out expressly and solely for service in the colony and for the defence of the colony, and were placed under the colonial district commanders for that purpose only. The colonial district commanders were, of course, made subject, so far as regarded the defence of their districts, and the movement and disposition of any forces under them in their districts, to the military command; but no authority has been given, either to these colonial district commanders or to the lieutenant-general, to employ the native levies, which were exclusively called out for the defence of the colony, on any service in the Zulu country, and I submit that the lieutenant-general in issuing any instructions for these native levies to cross the border to make raids into Zulu country, in issuing these instructions as he has done, without my authority, without my concurrence, and positively without any reference to me, has exceeded his powers and acted without a due regard for the authority of this Government.

"I pass by the question of the expediency or policy of making raids into the Zulu country. In a letter addressed by me to the High Commissioner, I have ventured to put before his Excellency for his consideration the question of the expediency of such a policy, and the risks involved in such a course, namely, the risk of retaliation, and the risk of irritating and alienating unnecessarily those of the Zulu people who might otherwise be disposed to come to friendly terms with us, and through whose friendly disposition towards us a satisfactory solution of the difficulties between us and the Zulu people might eventually be more easily arrived at. But I do not claim to have any authority in respect of this question, and I have done no more than venture to lay my suggestion before the High Commissioner, and to forward a copy of my letter to the lieutenant-general.

Native levies.

"With regard to the employment of the native levies who had been called up for the defence of the border on service beyond the border and in making raids, I have already shown that the levies to which I refer were never in any way placed under the lieutenant-general for employment across the border; and I have also shown that they were levies which have nothing whatsoever to do with the Native Contingent battalions to which the lieutenant-general refers as having been hitherto associated with the British troops, and which were placed under his command for service across the border. The question, therefore, put by the lieutenant-general, in the way that it is put before the Secretary of State for War, by not distinguishing between the two descriptions of native forces, but, as is actually done in the last paragraph but one, by naming and associating the two together as if there were no distinction between them, fails, I think, to represent the real state of the case."

The general in command had felt extremely what he considered the absence of co-operation on the part of Sir Henry Bulwer. Writing to the Secretary of State for War on the 11th of April, Lord Chelmsford mentions that when he had determined to move up to Ekowe, secret instructions were sent to the different commanders along the border from the Lower Tugela up to Kambula hill, requesting them to make strong demonstrations all along the line, and, if possible, to raid into Zululand. At this juncture the Lieutenant-Governor forbade the Natal natives to cross. A general raid into Zululand effected by a large body of native troops would, in the opinion of Lord Chelmsford, have produced very important results, and the general strongly resents the interference of Sir H. Bulwer with his plans. The quarrel—for it was nothing less—to which allusion has now been made, was very probably one of the reasons for the appointment of Sir Garnet Wolseley, who in his own person united both supreme civil and supreme military power.

In the Zulu war there were two campaigns—the first ended in Isandhlwana, the second at Ulundi. Between these battles there was an immense interval, chiefly occupied in moving great masses of men and greater masses of supplies to the front. Lord Chelmsford is blamed for want of foresight and care in the first campaign, want of energy and judgment in the second campaign, and want of generalship in both. There are two sides to the case, and it is necessary to advert to both. Great difficulties were in the way; but until the arrival of Sir Garnet Wolseley and the joyful day of Ulundi, it must be admitted that the general did not conquer obstacles, but obstacles conquered him.

Review of the campaign.

Let us endeavour to view the general conduct of the first campaign in the light of facts about which there can be no question. Early in January Lord Chelmsford was at the head of an army sufficiently numerous and powerful for the conquest of Zululand. We shall see that at Ulundi 4000 soldiers, properly handled, were adequate to the complete defeat of 20,000 Zulus, comprising the flower of Cetywayo's army; therefore it is absurd to imagine that, if good generalship had been used, any defeat could have been sustained in the first advance. Colonel Pearson was thoroughly victorious at Inyezane, and Colonel Wood was also successful. Disastrous failure, however, overtook the column of the general-in-chief. Lord Chelmsford, conducting a large force with enormous stores, made Rorke's Drift on the Tugela his base of operations, and subsequently was forced to trust to the extraordinary efforts of a young Engineer officer for the safety of Natal. All experience of Zulu warfare had shown the absolute necessity of entrenchments, yet the central column marched into Zululand without constructing a single breastwork. The personal safety of the commander-in-chief and that of half his column became really due to a sudden inspiration and to a happy accident. Young subalterns conceived and carried a plan of defence where mealie-bags formed the breastworks and biscuit-boxes the entrenchments. It was providential that such officers as Chard and Bromhead were there to do the work.