MEMOIRS
OF THE COURT OF GEORGE IV.
1820—1830.
FROM ORIGINAL FAMILY DOCUMENTS.
By
THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM AND CHANDOS, K.G.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS,
SUCCESSORS TO HENRY COLBURN,
13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.
1859.
The right of Translation is reserved.
LONDON:
SAVILL AND EDWARDS, PRINTERS, CHANDOS STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.
CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
[ CHAPTER I. ]
[1820.]
Alarming Illness of the Heir-Apparent at the Death of George the Third. Disturbed State of Public Opinion. Projected Assassination of Ministers. Cato-street Conspiracy. Death of the Princess Elizabeth. Rumoured Ministerial Changes and threatened Return of Queen Caroline. Elements of Discord. Libels and Libellers. Order of the Garter conferred on the Marquis of Buckingham pp. 3-25
[ CHAPTER II. ]
[1820.]
Arrival of Queen Caroline at St. Omer. Her Demands. Abortive Negotiations. Interposition of Mr. Wilberforce to avert the threatened Scandal. Queen Caroline in London. She refuses the Concessions proposed by the Government and the Proposals of the House of Commons. Unpopularity of Mr. Wilberforce. Policy of the Queen's Advisers. Public Excitement. Mob round the Queen's Residence. Dissatisfaction of the King pp. 27-61
[ CHAPTER III. ]
[1820.]
Evidence against Queen Caroline. Divided Opinions respecting her in the House of Lords. Declaration of Lord Grenville. The Bill of Pains and Penalties abandoned. The King dissatisfied with his Ministers. Conversation of Lord Grenville with the King. Ministerial Management of the Queen's Case. Her Conduct after the Conclusion of Proceedings against her. Reaction in the Public Mind. The Queen loses ground in Popular Estimation. Returning Popularity of the King pp. 63-103
[ CHAPTER IV. ]
[1821.]
Letter from the King to Lord Eldon on Libellous Publications. Claims of the Queen. Lord Castlereagh's Attack on Lord Erskine. Position of the Government. Catholic Emancipation. Family Quarrels. Suggested Junction of the Grenvilles with the Government. Marquis of Buckingham proposed by the Duke of Wellington as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. Preparations for the Coronation. Negotiations. Influence of "the Lady". Queen Caroline at the Coronation pp. 105-186
[ CHAPTER V. ]
[1821.]
Effect of Queen Caroline's Illness and Death on the King. His Narrow Escape in the Royal Yacht. His Visit to Ireland. Entry into Dublin. Position of the King's Ministers. George IV. on the Field of Waterloo. The King's visit to his Hanoverian Dominions. Coalitions and Double Negotiation. Political Gossip. A New Club. Dismissal of Sir Robert Wilson from the Army. Public Subscription for him pp. 187-219
[ CHAPTER VI. ]
[1821.]
The Government. Rumoured Changes. Proposals. Mr. Canning. Negotiations commenced by the Duke of Wellington for the Junction of the Grenvilles with the Ministry. Report of Conversation with Lord Liverpool on the Subject. Proposal of the Government to raise Lord Buckingham to a Duke. Marquis Wellesley as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. His Opinions on the Catholic Question. Mr. W. C. Plunket on Irish Affairs. Lord Grenville on the proposed Arrangements. Negotiations respecting the Catholic Question. The Marquis of Hastings pp. 221-266
[ CHAPTER VII. ]
[1822.]
Changes in the Government. Lord Eldon's Dissatisfaction. Mr. Charles Williams Wynn appointed President of the Board of Control. Other Ministerial Arrangements. The King's Speech. Troubles in Ireland. Threatened Attack in Parliament on Mr. Henry Williams Wynn. Lord Grenville on the Finances of the Country. Dean Buckland. Discontent of the Country Gentlemen. Threatened Dissolution of the Government. Dismissal of Sir Benjamin Bloomfield pp. 267-300
[ CHAPTER VIII. ]
[1822.]
Sir William Knighton. Mr. Canning brings forward the Catholic Question. Opinions respecting Catholic Relief. State of the King's Health. Political Meeting to consider a new Catholic Measure. Marquis Wellesley at the Phœnix Park. Complaints of his Inattention to his Duties as Lord-Lieutenant. Speech of Dr. Phillimore on the Catholic Question. Motion on the Appointment of Mr. Henry W. Wynn. Conduct of Mr. Robert Peel. Libels. Anti-Catholicism in Wales. Ball for the Relief of the Irish. Projected Visit of the King to Scotland pp. 301-344
[ CHAPTER IX. ]
[1822.]
Sir William Knighton appointed Keeper of the King's Privy Purse. His Sense of Duty sometimes opposed to the King's Instructions. His important Services in lessening the Royal Expenditure. Arrests in Ireland. Canning and Peel. Lamentable Death of the Marquis of Londonderry. Estimate of this Distinguished Statesman. Letter from the King on the Subject. The Royal Visit to Scotland. Sir Walter Scott's Relic. Prospects of the Government. Their Negotiations with Mr. Canning. His Speech at Liverpool. He succeeds the Marquis of Londonderry as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs pp. 345-376
[ CHAPTER X. ]
[1822.]
Mr. Canning again in the Cabinet. Rumoured Ministerial Arrangements. Mr. Canning offers Mr. Williams Wynn the Speakership of the House of Commons. A Political Ruse. The King at Windsor. The Speaker. Foreign Affairs. Proceedings of the Congress of Verona respecting Spain. Mr. Henry Williams Wynn's proposed Diplomatic Change. Mr. Canning's Under-Secretary of State. Condition of Ireland. M. Villele pp. 377-402
[ CHAPTER XI. ]
[1823.]
Continental Affairs. Diplomatic Posts. Proposed Ministerial Changes. Mission of Lord Fitzroy Somerset to Spain. State of Ireland. Objects of France. Appointment of Reginald Heber. Increasing Popularity of Mr. Canning. The King's Speech. Trials in Ireland. Mr. Plunket. The Beefsteak Club in Dublin. Objectionable Toast. The Duke of Clarence. Imprudence of Lord Wellesley. The Lord-Lieutenant's Explanation pp. 403-436
[ CHAPTER XII. ]
[1823.]
New Appointments. Lord Wellesley's Representations respecting the State of Ireland. The Government support the Lord-Lieutenant. Mr. Plunket's Explanations. Illness of the King. The Duke of Wellington's Suggestion. An Irish Question. Triumph of Mr. Plunket. Parliamentary Debates. Quarrel between Mr. Charles W. Wynn and Mr. Peel. The Duke of Wellington's Opinion of Mr. Canning. His Grace a Peace-maker. Boastful Speech attributed to Mr. Pitt pp. 437-461
[ CHAPTER XIII. ]
[1823.]
Important Debates. Expenses of the Coronation. State of the Peninsula. Mr. Plunket's Disappointment. Condition of Ireland. Despatch from the Lord-Lieutenant. The King of Spain and the Cortes. Mr. Canning in the House of Commons. Lord Nugent's Bill for Restoring the Franchise. Festivities at Carlton House. The Marquis of Hastings. The French in Spain. Lord Eldon. Canning. Peel and Robinson. The Press in India. The King at "The Cottage". Irving and the Heavenly Pavilion. Policy of Austria. The King in Council. Schisms in the French Cabinet pp. 463-480
MEMOIRS
OF
THE COURT
OF
GEORGE THE FOURTH.
CHAPTER I.
[1820.]
ALARMING ILLNESS OF THE HEIR APPARENT AT THE DEATH OF GEORGE THE THIRD. DISTURBED STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION. PROJECTED ASSASSINATION OF MINISTERS. CATO STREET CONSPIRACY. DEATH OF THE PRINCESS ELIZABETH. RUMOURED MINISTERIAL CHANGES, AND THREATENED RETURN OF QUEEN CAROLINE. ELEMENTS OF DISCORD. LIBELS AND LIBELLERS. ORDER OF THE GARTER CONFERRED ON THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
CHAPTER I.
A little before the decease of George III., the heir apparent was in a state of health that made his chance of succession problematical—of long possession of the crown more doubtful still. He was attended by Sir William Knighton, who was in his chamber when intelligence arrived from Windsor of his venerable parent's demise; and we are assured that "The fatal tidings were received by the Prince with a burst of grief that was very affecting."[1] ] He was quite unable to be present at the funeral, and the Duke of York acted as chief mourner.[2] ]
The skill and solicitude of George IV.'s confidential physician were rewarded, and the new Sovereign recovered sufficiently to apply himself to the business of government with his customary attention; but from that time Sir William so completely fixed himself in the affections of his patron, that the latter was uneasy if he remained away from the Palace, and was sure to send pressing messages for his return. A letter has been preserved,[3] ] which indicates that services were rendered by him that were not strictly professional. Indeed, he was often employed as an adviser in affairs of peculiar delicacy and importance, and his judgment and tact in their arrangement were invariably acknowledged and appreciated.
This conclusion of the Regency, though for some time anticipated as a mere matter of course, was accompanied by events of so startling a nature as to cause considerable disquietude in the minds of many good citizens and earnest politicians. A feverish excitement existed among the lower classes, that continually threatened to break out in violent manifestations against the Government; but though the Ministers of the Crown were the principal objects of this ill feeling, it was directed with equal animosity against all wealth and influence; and there can be no doubt that, had the designs of their more enterprizing leaders been realized, a complete revolution little less violent than that which had swept over France more than thirty years before, would have overturned law, property, and order through the length and breadth of the land.
"The expectation and the fear of change" kept the public mind in a state of violent agitation; and a great political party was on the alert to take advantage of any popular movement this effervescence might create. It was well known to various influential partizans that events of unusual gravity were "looming in the distance,"[4] ] by which they hoped to be able to raise themselves to power. Rumours of a sinister import were in constant circulation; the more alarmed looked hourly for some mischievous demonstration, and the more reckless displayed increasing confidence and audacity. That reports should be circulated of an immediate change of Government, must have been only natural under such circumstances; the wide-spread discontent of the masses of the population, swelling and surging like a storm-driven sea, had nothing else sufficiently prominent to direct itself against, but the authorities who appeared to them responsible for the evils under which they laboured; and those persons who feared, or pretended to fear, the threatened storm, caught at the idea of removing the unpopular Ministers as affording the only chance of re-establishing the public tranquillity. Such, however, had long before been the tactics of opposition, and such, we are afraid, they are likely to remain.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Feb. 15, 1820.
My dear Lord,
As your Lordship desired me to write if there was any news of any description in circulation, I take up my pen merely to inform you that there is a report most generally disseminated both throughout the West-end of the town and the City, that the Ministers have resigned. Sir W. Scott [Lord Stowell] yesterday, in expressing his apprehension (to an acquaintance of mine) that such an event was in contemplation, said it would not be a partial change, "but a general sweep." Excuse haste.
Ever your obliged and faithful servant,
Joseph Phillimore.
P.S.—The Cabinet sat thirteen hours on Sunday.
The sweeping change so confidently anticipated did not take place; and probably when it became evident to some of the most daring of the political speculators of the time, that this was not so imminent as they desired, they resolved to expedite it in a fashion that should leave no necessity for a second experiment of the kind.
On the 23rd of February, the loyal citizens of the metropolis were startled by the intelligence of the timely discovery of a plot to assassinate his Majesty's Ministers while they were at dinner in the house of the Earl of Harrowby, Grosvenor Square, and of a sanguinary conflict of the police and military with the conspirators, when attempting to seize the latter at their place of rendezvous, in an obscure thoroughfare near Paddington, called Cato Street. The history of the Thistlewood Conspiracy,[5] ] as related in the criminal annals of the period, illustrates in a remarkable manner the diseased state of political feeling then existing in England. It was a small copy of the Irish rebellion,—marked by the same cut-throat policy,—having in view a similar overwhelming revolution, with the same absurdly inadequate means. Fortunately for the United Kingdom, the chief actors in both succeeded only in bringing upon themselves the destruction with which they had menaced a powerful Government.
Thistlewood proposed to slaughter the entire Cabinet at once, when assembled at Lord Harrowby's, which was assented to; "for," said he, "as there has not been a dinner for so long, there will no doubt be fourteen or sixteen there; and it will be a rare haul to murder them all together."[6] ]
The next communication refers to the same incident, as well as to the various rumours then in circulation:—
MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Richmond, Tuesday, Feb. 29, 1820.
My dear Lord,
Not having received any commands from you, and having nothing to communicate beyond the rumours of the day, without any authentic information, I have not lately troubled your Lordship with any letter.
It was unnecessary to state that the stories of my being summoned to the King, &c. &c., were all absolutely false. If I had received any such summons, your Lordship would have been fully acquainted with the whole transaction by express from me at the earliest moment.
I believe an attempt was made to confirm the rumours by the circumstance of his Majesty's gracious kindness in answering my inquiries at the moment of his greatest danger, by expresses from Carlton House. My carriage also was in town one day in the highest paroxysm of the supposed squabble; but I happened not to be in it, being confined at home by a cold.
I have not been in town, except to collect some account of the late horrible plot, on the day after the discovery (when I was in the House of Lords about half an hour), for a considerable time, the weather and a cold having concurred to keep me at home.
I know nothing authentic of the quarrel, so much the subject of rumour and noise, nor do I know more of the present designs or future plans. I am at all times at your Lordship's orders, to wait on you whenever you please; the weather is now so much improved, that I can attend you in London any morning that may suit you; but I really have nothing yet to state beyond the contents of my former letters.
Always, my dear Lord,
Yours most sincerely,
Wellesley.
In the spring of the year 1821, their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Clarence lost their only child, the infant Princess Elizabeth. Of this long-forgotten branch of the Royal Family, one who was present at her birth says:—"She is christened by the name of Elizabeth Georgiana. I hope the bairn will live. It came a little too early, and is a very small one at present, but the doctors seem to think it will thrive; and to the ears of your humble servant it appears to be noisy enough to show it has great strength."[7] ] Her loss affected the King, between whom and the Duke the most lively affection existed; and he wrote to his confidential attendant in the following terms:—
THE KING TO SIR WILLIAM KNIGHTON.
Brighton, March 4, 1821.
My dear Friend,
For God's sake come down to me to-morrow morning. The melancholy tidings of the almost sudden death of my poor little niece have just reached me, and have overset me beyond all I can express to you. Poor William's[8] ] letter, which is all affection, and especially towards you, refers me to you for all the particulars; therefore pray come to me with as little delay as possible. I have not time to add a word more about myself. You will be a great consolation to me.
Ever your most affectionate friend,
G. R.[9] ]
The first report of the intention of Queen Caroline, as the Princess of Wales was now styled, to return to England, appears to have taken both the King and the Government by surprise; but the latter, in the conviction that they had an overwhelming case against her, would not believe that she was serious, and took no steps towards putting the result of the Milan investigations into shape.[10] ]
That everything did not run smoothly between his Majesty and his Ministers, may be inferred from a memorandum made (April 26, 1820) by one of the most influential of them:—
"Our Royal master seems to have got into temper again, as far as I could judge from his conversation with me this morning. He has been pretty well disposed to part with us all, because we would not make additions to his revenue. This we thought conscientiously we could not do in the present state of the country, and of the distresses of the middle and lower orders of the people,—to which we might add, too, that of the higher orders. My own individual opinion was such that I could not bring myself to oppress the country at present by additional taxation for that purpose, and I strictly and firmly acted upon that opinion, when I had every reason to believe that, adhering to it, I should no longer write the letter C. after the name Eldon. I think now the speech, in which he will disavow wishing for any increase, will make him popular, and if times mend, will give him a better chance of fair increase of income than anything else could give him."[11] ]
The Lord Chancellor, who has not been held in great estimation for disinterestedness or patriotism, is here represented as very nearly making himself a martyr to his sense of public duty; but the cause of Lord Eldon's unusual dissatisfaction with his Sovereign may be gathered from another cotemporary memorandum, dated the following day:—
"The Vice-Chancellor Leach has been trying to root out the Ministry; he has been telling the King that his present Ministers are not standing by him; that he ought to have a divorce. There is a flirtation between Tierney and the King."[12] ]
The Opposition lost no time in endeavouring to take advantage of the difficulty presented by the apprehended return of the Queen; and the "flirtation" not proceeding favourably, their hostility became more earnest. Public opinion, indeed, was showing itself in many curious ways. "The town here is employed," writes the Lord Chancellor, "in nothing but speculation whether her Majesty will or will not come. Great bets are laid about it. Some people have taken fifty guineas, undertaking in lieu of them to pay a guinea a-day till she comes, so sure are these that she will come within fifty days; others, again, are taking less than fifty guineas, undertaking to pay a guinea a-day till she comes, so sure are they that she will not come; others assert that they know she will come, and that she will find her way into Westminster Abbey and Westminster Hall on the Coronation, in spite of all opposition. I retain my old opinion that she will not come, unless she is insane."[13] ]
A change of Ministry, Lord Dudley[14] ] assures us, was talked about more than usual; but, as the Opposition were obliged to confess that they would find great difficulty in establishing a Government, the existing Administration held a tolerably secure tenancy.
An Order in Council was issued for omitting the Queen's name from the Church Service, and other signs appeared, indicating a desire to withhold from her her queenly title. This made a temper, never remarkably tractable, not to be controlled by the dictates of prudence; the old spirit manifested itself in its most spirited form; and she lost no time in letting the world know that she was returning to England to obtain justice for her wrongs. Those who thought they knew her best, considered that vindictive feelings influenced her resolution, and that, with a full knowledge of the inflammable state of public opinion in the British Empire, she had determined on some great work of mischief against the peace of the kingdom and the security of its ruler.
At this period there were many elements of discord in the social community that were acting upon a large and dangerous portion of it, to the prejudice of the Government.[15] ] Besides the Thistlewood gang, justice was about to dispose of Mr. Orator Hunt and his myrmidons, then awaiting their trial. Sir Charles Wolseley, a baronet, and Joseph Harrison, a preacher, were under prosecution for uttering seditious speeches.[16] ] Sir Francis Burdett—a more popular tribune—was also at variance with the laws for a scandalous attack on Ministers; in short, every day seemed to bring to light some source of mischief which could not fail to add to the uneasiness of the responsible servants of the Crown. A general election stirred up other noxious ingredients, and during the spring of the year everything seemed to betoken a coming convulsion. At this time the following communication was written:—
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
March 29, 1820.
Hunt's conviction is beyond my hope, though it would certainly have been no easy matter for any jury to acquit him, even under the charge such as it is. His motion for a new trial is, I imagine, nothing more than the sort of last resource at which defeated men, whether at elections or trials, always love to catch. It would have been a dreadful thing indeed if it had been established by the result of that trial that the Manchester meeting was, under all its circumstances, a legal assembly.
Alarming as might be considered the aspect of domestic affairs, the Government, so far from betraying apprehension, carried on the business of the country with untiring vigilance and decision. Hunt and five of his associates, after a long trial, were on the 23rd of March, at York, found guilty of unlawfully assembling and inciting to hatred of the Government. On the same day, Sir Francis Burdett was found guilty of uttering a seditious libel. On the 10th of April, Sir Charles Wolseley and Mr. Joseph Harrison were also found guilty of sedition. The most guilty of the Cato Street heroes made their last public appearance at the Old Bailey on the 1st of May; the remainder were expatriated to New South Wales. Thus the supremacy of the law was vindicated; but there still existed in the more populous districts feelings inimical to the authorities, that might be restrained by coercive demonstrations, but which only waited a favourable season for bursting through all control: and as, on the 20th of April, Mr. Denman and Mr. Brougham had been acknowledged by the Lord Chancellor, from his seat in the Court of Chancery, the Queen's Solicitor and Attorney-General, the discontented took heart, and saw in this admission of the Queen's position, a prognostication of the struggle that was to create for them the opportunity for which they were waiting.
The Court of the Monarch did not appear more apprehensive than his Ministers. A day was fixed for the Coronation; and among those who would have to assist in the ceremonial, no one ventured to hint on the possibility of the Queen having any position in it. On the 3rd of May, the King received addresses at Carlton House; and on the 10th, his Majesty held his first Levee since his accession to the throne, at which nearly 1800 persons of distinction were present, who testified their attachment to his person in a manner that must have left him little to desire. It was known that his consort intended to agitate the empire from end to end, and her arrival was looked for in a few weeks; but the families of the great political party that formed and supported the Government, betrayed no uneasiness—indeed, the most influential regarded, or affected to regard, the coming struggle with a quiet disdain, that evinced their confidence in the loyalty and good sense of the nation. "His Majesty's Opposition," however, talked and looked very differently;—the Democratic party were vehement in their denunciations of the Queen's wrongs, and the leading Whigs began to come forward prominently as champions of her rights. This is about the date of the following communications:—
RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, May 4, 1820.
My dear Lord B——,
I have but little news to tell you. The general arrangement of the Civil List, by replacing it as it stood in 1816, is so much better a bargain for the public than I had expected, that I for one am well contented with it; and if report be true, it was obtained by nothing but the most determined refusal of the Ministers to do more. Still, however, I understand that the Admiralty Droits are unpopular enough to threaten the Government with a good deal of embarrassment; for undoubtedly, if they have bargained with the King for the statement of 1816, when he had the Admiralty Droits, they cannot in equity deprive him of that part of his bargain. Brougham seems by his speech to have conceived the notion of giving the King compensation for them; but it seems to me to be but a bad bargain for the public, to make them, under the present pressure, purchase out a remote contingent future revenue, which can arise only out of a war that no Power in Europe is rich enough to make, any more than ourselves.
Nobody knows what Brougham's motion will be to-morrow, or what course the Opposition will take on Monday. I hope none of our friends will disturb an arrangement which I believe the Government had some merit and great difficulty in reducing to its present form.
The Coronation, which Lord G. Seymour told me ten days ago was suspended, is now again in expectation, according to general belief; it has revived in common report, because I fancy the Earl Marshal has just been ordered to have an estimate made of the necessary expenses attending it in his department; but it does not follow from that estimate that the ceremony will take place, I think it more probable that it will be put off, because the King will not like it unless it be expensive, and Van knows not how to pay for it if it is. Clive told me yesterday, that three naval peers are about to be made—Sir W. Young, Warren, and Saumarez. This looks as if an Accession List was preparing; but I have heard of no others. It seems now understood that the whole Militia will be called out. Manchester, as Lady Grosvenor tells me, is quieter; as Harriet writes, is as bad as ever. Scotland is still only quiet from the military force there, but the temper is said to be as bad as ever.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, May 8, 1820.
My dear Lord,
We had a heavy debate last night,—Tierney very able, and Huskisson good,—but an evident indisposition of the House to the subject; and the division on the part of Government very bad—only 99 majority. They cannot get attendance, and the report of dissension on the part of the King and his Ministers is no doubt the cause of this; notwithstanding, however, I am quite sure there can be no change, and a very short time must commit the Opposition with the King on the subject of the Queen. Tierney last night touched upon it, and complained that she was not recognised by the Bill or Civil List, and yet acknowledged by the Lord Chancellor of England. You will see hardly any addition of names to the Opposition, or any increased numbers, but the feature is the want of attendance of the Government friends. Everybody believes the report of Denison having stated to his nephew his determination to disinherit him if he accepts the new situation. We must see the result of this in a very short time, should it be the case.—The ladies are not to walk at the Coronation, and it is to be on the cheapest scale. No dinner. The estimate is called 150,000l. All your members were present yesterday, and if we had voted against the Government, only see how we would have diminished their numbers.—Mr. Chard is in a peck of troubles. He has not got the address, without which it is useless to go to the Levee.—I was glad of Brougham's mention of Lady Grenville's pension (it certainly was not an attack), because it produced an authorized declaration of its surrender, which was received with great applause.
You have no conception with what attention Baring was heard in a full house last night, when for an hour or so he described the commercial state of England in the most lamentable terms. It had great effect—The King never shows himself. He has never been out of Carlton House.—Lady C——[17] ] goes to him of an evening, and he has had his usual dinners of Sir Carnaby Haggerston, Forester, and two or three of this description. His language is only about the Coronation and Lady C——: very little of the state of the country.
I will keep this open, in case anything occurs.
Ever, &c.,
W. H. F.
P.S.—I have just seen Chard, who is in despair about the address; but he has determined, by my advice, to defer his presentation to Wednesday se'nnight, in case we hear nothing of the address to-morrow morning.
RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, May 9, 1820.
My dear Lord B——,
The Opposition, you see, continues to muster in their original force of 160 upon their great questions, and though they do not increase, it seems to me that there is either an indifference or a disinclination in many to give any active support to Government; for while the Ministers produce only their ordinary numbers, their antagonists always are able to command their full force,—and if that disproportion continues, it will not do, particularly under the alarmed, and restless, and fearful circumstances of the country. You see, by the loud cheering of Baring, how strongly the impression prevails in the House that the present evils demand great and vigorous remedies; and though, perhaps, I may be less sanguine in the application of these theories, I see plainly that the House and country are so alarmed as to call for great talents and great vigour in their Ministers—much greater than they are likely to find—for the only new feature of yesterday's debate on the part of the Administration was to show that, upon a commercial question, the head of the Board of Trade is in opinion with Baring, while that of his colleagues is against him. This is a wretched beginning on a topic of such overruling importance.—The Coronation stands for the 1st August I hear of no more new peers yet. I think the less you hear of the man the better: you should only have to do with the master. Lord Arundel told me yesterday that they do not go yet, if at all. Sir Francis[18] ] at Lillies is really the ne plus ultra!!!
RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, May 11, 1820.
My dear Lord B——,
I met my brother this morning, to take our new oaths at the Council Office, and showed him your letter. I was glad to see in it that you are gradually getting strength, and was surprised to see that the two old uncles had both written to you at the same time, on the same subject, without any previous communication had between us.
Lord Harrowby told my brother that it was the intention in every respect to follow the same ceremonial at this Coronation that took place at the last, and this should be good authority; but, on the other hand, so general a rumour and expectation prevails of the banquet being curtailed, that one scarce knows what to believe. But my own, opinion is, that Lord H. is correct, and that it will be neither more nor less than the last. Public conversation supposes four Dukes—viz., my neighbour, yourself, Lord Hastings, and Lord Winchester. The only Commoner, I hear, is Sir —— Liddell, who, I am well assured, says that it is promised to him. The other names, I presume, grow out of public talk only; at least, my neighbours told me they had heard nothing of it two or three days ago.
To give the reader an idea of the state of our public streets in the metropolis at this period from turbulent mobs, we quote the following anecdote:—"A very large family party happened to be assembled in the house, and the garrison being thus strong, it sallied forth, headed by Lord Exmouth, and attacked the assailants, who, disconcerted possibly by this unusual system of tactics, instantly dispersed. One prisoner was taken—a juvenile printer—who, by his insolence, which was consummate, obtained for himself the glory of a night's imprisonment instead of a lecture." The third attack occurred on a Wednesday ensuing, while Lord Sidmouth was attending the Cabinet dinner. It was feeble, and of brief duration; and as no further annoyance was anticipated by the police officers, the narrator, who had been left in charge, retired to his lodgings in the same street. Shortly afterwards he heard the mob returning, and hastened back to his Lordship's door, against which the watchman had placed himself. Before, however, they could gain admittance, the Philistines were upon them, filling the whole doorway, and hemming them up in the entrance. At this moment a carriage dashed rapidly down the street, drew up at the door, and Lord Sidmouth exclaimed from within it, "Let me out—I must get out!" But another and a commanding voice replied, "You shall not alight—drive on!" and instantly the carriage bounded forward and disappeared, but not before the glass of the window nearest the speaker had been shivered to atoms by a stick or stone. In a moment afterwards, at a signal given, the mob dispersed, leaving the watchman and his companion the only occupants of the street. In a few minutes the same carriage returned, escorted by a small party of the Life Guards. It was that of the Duke of Wellington, and contained his Grace, Lord Eldon, and Lord Sidmouth.[19] ]
The next communication, from a member of the Royal Family, refers to a much-valued distinction which was conferred on his Royal Highness's correspondent. It shows also the kind feelings which this amiable Prince entertained for him:—
THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Gloucester House, Sunday Evening, May 28.
My dear Lord,
I hasten to return your Lordship my best thanks for your friendly attention in immediately notifying to me an event that, I trust, you are well assured must afford me the truest gratification. To the Garter you are so justly entitled that I have real satisfaction in seeing you receive that Order; but it is particularly gratifying to me to know that it comes direct to you from the King, and that this distinction is conferred upon you unsolicited, the spontaneous act of his Majesty. Of my sentiments towards yourself I hope you are so well convinced that I need not add that I shall attend the Chapter to-morrow with the sincerest pleasure.
In offering to you my warmest congratulations, I am happy to renew to you an assurance of the very great regard and high esteem with which
I am always, my dear Lord,
Very sincerely yours,
William Frederick.
The following refers to the same subject, and is equally creditable to the writer:—
THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Richmond, Monday, May 29, 1820.
My dear Lord,
I went to Carlton House to-day to attend a Chapter of the Garter, at which I understood that I should have had the satisfaction of seeing the King invest your Lordship with his own Garter, vacated by his accession to the Crown.
Upon my arrival, I found that the Chapter had been postponed; and as the King goes to Windsor this evening for the Ascot races, I suppose some days will elapse before the Chapter can take place. I was informed, however, from good authority, that the King will offer the Garter to your Lordship.
Sincerely hoping that you will not decline the offer, I shall be anxious to attend on the day of your investiture; and I should be much obliged to you if you would apprise me of it as soon as you know it. I shall, of course, receive the usual summons; but I should grieve to be out of the way when it might reach this place.
Always, my dear Lord,
Yours most sincerely,
Wellesley.
CHAPTER II.
[1820.]
ARRIVAL OF QUEEN CAROLINE AT ST. OMER. HER DEMANDS. ABORTIVE NEGOTIATIONS. INTERPOSITION OF MR. WILBERFORCE TO AVERT THE THREATENED SCANDAL. QUEEN CAROLINE IN LONDON. SHE REFUSES THE CONCESSIONS PROPOSED BY THE GOVERNMENT AND THE PROPOSALS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. UNPOPULARITY OF MR. WILBERFORCE. POLICY OF THE QUEEN'S ADVISERS. PUBLIC EXCITEMENT. MOB ROUND THE QUEEN'S RESIDENCE. DISSATISFACTION OF THE KING.
CHAPTER II.
On the 1st of June, Caroline of Brunswick arrived at St. Omer, intending to embark at Calais without delay for England. At once she showed her disposition to carry matters with a high hand. She wrote an imperious letter to the Earl of Liverpool, to prepare a palace in London for her reception; another to Lord Melville, to send a yacht to carry her across the Channel to Dover; and a third to the Duke of York, repeating both demands, and complaining of the treatment she had received. Two days later, Mr. Brougham, her chief legal adviser, arrived, and at the same time Lord Hutchinson, with a proposition from the King, offering her 50,000l. a year for life if she would remain on the Continent, and surrender the title of Queen of England. She was in no mood to listen to reason, and indignantly rejected the offer.
The rumour of the Queen's approach created extraordinary excitement among all classes in every part of the kingdom. The Lord Chancellor prophetically says, "If she can venture, she is the most courageous lady I ever heard of. The mischief, if she does come, will be infinite. At first, she will have extensive popularity with the multitude; in a few short months or weeks, she will be ruined in the opinion of all the world."[20] ] "One can't help admiring her spirit," observes the moral Wilberforce, "though I fear she has been very profligate."[21] ] From such a man there might have been expected a severer judgment on her immorality, and a more subdued appreciation of her daring; but this evidence of "spirit" was an appeal to the English people which many a grave father of a family found it impossible to resist. Mr. Wilberforce, however, much to his credit, was earnestly desirous of lessening the threatened scandal, and diminishing the public commotion it was likely to create. He writes in his Diary,—"When, therefore, Lord Castlereagh had made a motion to refer the papers to the consideration of a Secret Committee, I endeavoured to interpose a pause, during which the two parties might have an opportunity of contemplating coolly the prospect before them. Accordingly I sounded the House; my proposition was immediately adopted, and a pause was made, with a declaration that its purpose was to give opportunity for a private settlement."[22] ]
As no Royal yacht was likely to be at her disposal, Queen Caroline lost no time in embarking, crossed the sea safely, pursued her route to the metropolis through Canterbury, and, passing through vociferous crowds, on the 7th, in default of the palace she had ordered, took up her residence with a City alderman, who had placed himself among the foremost of her champions. From this time the agitation in the public mind hourly increased, till it began to assume a most threatening aspect. Nothing was left undone by the Queen to ingratiate herself with the people; and, as a natural result, she never appeared publicly without creating intense excitement. When in the streets, her horses were taken from her carriage, and she was drawn in triumph, by scores of shouting adherents, through a clamorous mob. Before the alderman's house in South Audley Street stood hour after hour a shouting myriad, excited to a pitch of frenzy to which no description can do justice, by the appearance on the balcony of a stout lady, in a large hat surmounted by a plume of feathers.
On the day of her arrival in town, the King sent a message to the Houses of Lords and Commons, to the effect that the step taken by the Queen had forced him to bring before the consideration of Parliament, certain papers detailing her conduct since her departure from England. The Queen, on the same day, sent a message by Mr. Brougham, in her usual high tone, expressing a desire for an open investigation. The friends of both parties were striving to spare the country the threatened exposure; and on the 9th, the Queen so far complied with the suggestions of her most sensible advisers as to write a moderate letter to Lord Liverpool, expressing her inclination to consider any proposition the Government were disposed to make in behalf of their Sovereign. Communications were exchanged; the Ministers repeated their liberal offer, and the Queen repeated her indignant refusal. How this sad business was felt at the period may be gathered from the letters that follow. But the first expresses a belief, then generally gaining ground, of a change in the Government in favour of the Grenville party. It would appear as if a proposal of the kind had been submitted to the head of the family, but the sensible advice here given must at once have put an end to such a negotiation:—
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, 12 at night, June 11.
We have both talked this thing over as fully as our materials enabled us to do, and it is our decided opinion that the King has, and can have in the present moment, only the alternative of putting himself fairly and fully into the hands of one or other of the two great parties; and that it would be deceiving him, and trifling with a most awful state of things, if anybody undertook to be useful to him on any other footing, or even gave rise to the delay of an hour in deciding on that alternative by countenancing hopes of any third arrangement.
The House of Commons is totally unmanageable in any such view. The whole weight of the Ministers there, combining their aid as they now do, is, as you see, hardly sufficient to carry on the ordinary public business from day to day. I very much question whether all the weight that the Opposition could unite for the same purpose, if the task were committed into their hands, would be much, if at all, more adequate to it. What hopes, then, could a third party entertain of doing this in opposition to both?
I can easily see in what course your assistance and support might be very useful indeed to strengthen his Government, into whatever hands he may finally determine to commit it; and in the present state of things I should, as far as my own wishes went, be most anxious that, in whatever hands it shall be vested, it should possess whatever of strength and efficiency it can receive. But as for undertaking any principal or leading part in the formation of a new Government, to the exclusion of the most considerable persons in this, and of the whole of the other party (who will doubtless on this occasion act with perfect union and concurrence among themselves), I hold the success impossible, and the undertaking much too desperate to be reconciled to any just sense of prudence or duty. And if the fact be so, it is most important that he should be as speedily, and as distinctly as possible, apprized that so it is. And you and Charles would much injure your own reputation and weight by appearing to tamper with a case in which you cannot be of any real use.
I do not wonder that he feels hurt at Canning's speech, such as it is reported; but this is not the first occasion, nor will it be the last, in which the Sovereign of this country must suppress such feelings, and bear with the faults of those who, on the whole, taking all things together, can serve him most usefully; and the manner in which the Opposition have of late years, most unfortunately for themselves and for the country, been drawn on to mix themselves up with projects of reform, and with the countenance and defence of reformers of the wildest description, seems to me, I regret to say it, to throw that balance at this time wholly on the side of their opponents.
I do not know that I can add more. My brother returns to town early to-morrow morning; and you will not wonder, knowing my feelings, that all that is now passing is with me a decisive reason for not coming near it unless commanded so to do, and then it would only be for the purpose of expressing these opinions.
Paris at this period, it is evident, was scarcely in a less excitable state than London:—
HON. COLONEL STANHOPE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Hotel Meurice, June 11, 1820.
My dear Lord Buckingham,
Paris is in a strange state,—more resembling a town in a state of siege than the most gadding capital; but, as far as the exterior appearance can be the guide, I cannot see why the Government should have assembled nearly 25,000 troops round Paris, the riots having been confined to the students of the écoles and the gardes de corps, the people, proprement dit, taking no part and showing no interest. The violence of the Chambers is sufficiently seen in the papers, and their whole time is occupied in hearing different members relate their own adventures on the preceding day. The ultra-Ultras have returned to their foolish language, which ruined them in '14 and '15, about having a general tax to reimburse them for their lost property. They might as well think of dividing France. The other party, of course, keep pace. Two days ago, some French ladies on the Boulevards were obliged, by a body of men looking like le bourgeoisie, to get out of their carriages and cry "Vive l'egalité." One of the worst circumstances is the distinction which has been made between Le Roi et la Charte, which last year was the watchword of the Royalists, and is now divided into the mots de ralliement of the two parties; and when the one cries A bas la Charte, others have been found rash enough to answer A bas les Bourbons. The Royalists are universally anxious for the double electoral colleges; their opponents will not give up the direct election; and the amendment which was carried the other day is a sort of mezzo termine, as the 170 new members are to be elected by the double colleges, and the remplacants by the old law. There was a considerable riot on Friday night, in which Oudinot was rode over, and several people badly wounded; one only killed. The troops have shown the greatest steadiness, and evince rather an anxiety than an unwillingness to act. The Jacobins are, I am told, as much depressed by this as the Ultras are elated. Madame de Flahaut is here, acting the French Lady J——; and to you I need say no more.
I am in a great fright about the Queen. What could make the Government employ Lord H——, who seems to have committed himself and employers most lamentably? She will, I fear, have a tremendous party of many well-disposed, good, moral men, as well as of all those who hate the King and the Government. If you have leisure, I should be very grateful for a word or two on this.
Ever affectionately yours,
J. W. Stanhope.
The negotiation between the King's Ministers and the Queen's legal advisers was not rendered fruitless by any fault of the former. Wilberforce acknowledges that "The concessions made by the King's servants, as Mr. Brougham afterwards declared in the House of Commons, were various and great. The name and rights of a Queen were granted to her Majesty without reserve—any recognition of which had formerly been carefully avoided. A Royal yacht, a frigate, &c., were offered. It was agreed that her name and rank should be notified at the Court either of Rome or Milan, the capitals of the countries in which she had expressed her intention to reside; and that an address should be presented to the Queen, no less than another to the King, to thank her Majesty for having acceded to the wish of the House of Commons."[23] ]
Wilberforce was very earnest, sending his son with a letter to the King, in which he entreated him to restore the Queen's name to the Liturgy,[24] ] and venturing to prophesy something very like a civil war should this concession be refused. On this point, however, his Majesty was intractable, and the negotiator met with anything but cordial co-operation from his own party, of whom he says: "Opposition seem all disposed to take up the Queen's cause on party principles. Alas!"[25] ] Subsequently he implies where he met with obstacles; "Tierney, &c., ill-natured, yet Castlereagh gave way."
In a discussion on the subject in the House of Commons, he thus refers to the principal speakers: "Burdett, violent and bitter, but very able; Tierney, mischievous; Denman, strong and straightforward; Brougham, able; Canning, clever, but not letting himself out."
A deputation, of which Wilberforce was the head, proceeded from the House of Commons to the Queen, dressed in full Court costume; but her Majesty's turbulent admirers did not appreciate their good intentions, and they were roughly greeted by the mob. The reception they met with from the Queen was not much more courteous. Her answer was a refusal. "Her manner was extremely dignified," observes the principal negotiator, "but very stern and haughty." In a letter which he wrote at the time, he gives all the details of the question,[26] ] from which it is clear that the members of Government had agreed to resign their offices if the restoration of the Queen's name to the Liturgy was carried against them in the House of Commons; and that, seeing the improbability of obtaining this demand, the Queen would have accepted an equivalent proposed by the Government, had not some sinister influence been exercised which brought about her refusal. Mr. Wilberforce shared the general fate of peace-makers in getting terribly abused; but he evidently had the authority of the Queen's most able counsellor for the steps he took. "She will accede to your address," he wrote on the 22nd of June, "I pledge myself."[27] ]
Cobbett published a letter addressed to Mr. Wilberforce, made up of declamation and invective, in the style that then took the public taste. This composition is described as "very clever, but very mischievous, and full of falsehoods." He was attacked so frequently, and with such violence, by the Queen's partisans, that it forced him to exclaim, "What a lesson it is to a man not to set his heart on low popularity, when, after forty years' disinterested public service, I am believed to be a perfect rascal!"[28] ]
He complained bitterly of the conduct of the leaders of Opposition. Their language to the Queen, especially that of Lord Grey, Mr. Tierney, and Sir Francis Burdett, was, "Oh! you may be sure you never can be prosecuted,"—thereby, as he acknowledges, "taking away what must doubtless have most powerfully enforced her consent. Then no sooner had she refused, and the prosecution goes forward, than they say, Government never should have admitted a compromise at all, but have prosecuted without hesitation."[29] ]
"She seems," writes Lord Dudley, "to have been advised by persons that are resolved to play the deepest possible game, and care little to what risk they expose her, provided they have a chance of turning out the Government, or perhaps of over-throwing the monarchy. I do not think that it is Brougham's doing."[30] ] "The people," confesses Cobbett, "as far as related to the question of guilt or innocence, did not care a straw."[31] ] Their leaders cared still less:
"Careless of fate, they took their way,
Scarce caring who might win the day;
Their booty was secure."
"If her innocence were proved," observes a popular historian, "they would gain a triumph over the King, force upon him a wife whom he could not endure, overturn his Ministers, and perhaps shake the monarchy; if her guilt, they would gain the best possible ground for declaiming on the corruption which prevailed in high places, and the monstrous nature of those institutions which gave persons of such character the lead in society."[32] ]
The excitement increased as the arrangements for the Queen's trial became known. Lord John Russell published a letter addressed to Mr. Wilberforce, on the subject, urging him again to attempt an arrangement; but he had had enough of interfering in such a business, and declined to take the post assigned him, though the writer expressed his opinion that in his hands was perhaps the fate of the country. He was as anxious as ever to do good, but did not see how it could be done. His opinion of the Queen did not improve, in consequence of the "spirit" she continued to display, which he now felt inclined to describe in more appropriate language:—"I feel deeply the evil," he writes in his Diary, "that so bad a woman as I fear she is, should carry the victory by sheer impudence (if she is guilty), and assume the part of a person deeply injured."[33] ]
Other well-meaning persons were equally anxious for an interposition; indeed, the King was obliged to send a message to one who desired an audience, with this object in view, "that he never talked on political subjects with any but his Ministers."[34] ]
Another cotemporary Diarist goes to the root of the evil:—"Had some conversation with Tierney, who looked serious and down. He said everything was worse and worse out of doors, and he saw no remedy. I observed, the only remedy, the only possibility of things returning to their former state was a rebellion, and the troops standing by us, and quelling it with a high hand. He replied, that was the disease. I said, neither he nor I should live to see society where it had been and ought to be; to which he assented. I have no doubt he is sincere, yet he and his party are the real authors of the spirit we deplore."[35] ]
"Alas!" writes Wilberforce in his Diary, "surely we never were in such a scrape. The bulk of the people, I grant, are run mad; but then it was a species of insanity on which we might have reckoned, because we know their prejudices against foreigners; their being easily led away by appeals to their generous feelings; and then the doses with which they are plied, are enough to intoxicate much stronger heads than most of theirs."[36] ]
"The middling as well as the higher orders," says another observer, "are pretty well acquainted with her present Majesty's conduct in foreign countries; but I am told that the common people are still in the dark, and disposed to espouse her cause; more, however, out of hatred to the King than out of regard for her."[37] ]
Attempts were made to gain over the military, which were not entirely unsuccessful; one of the regiments of Foot Guards, quartered in the Mews Barracks, Charing Cross, exhibited such decided symptoms of having been tampered with, that the Duke of Wellington was sent for, and he at once ordered them off to Portsmouth. "The night before the last division marched," says a respectable authority, "a formidable mob assembled round the barracks at Charing Cross, calling the soldiers within to come out and join them."[38] ] They were only subsequently dispersed by a troop of the 2nd Life Guards.
Some of the more respectable leaders of Opposition, though, they supported the Queen, had no heart in the cause.
"Lord ——" (we learn from another authority), "whom I always look upon as a most honest man, said it was rather hard upon him to have to present her petitions, but he could not refuse, being so intimate with Brougham. But they were brought to him at a minute's notice, and he knew nothing about, consequently could not support them. In the present instance, he thought she was taken in, in pressing for trial within four-and-twenty hours. She thought we would not take her at her word, and might bully, as she had done before; that she was a bold, dangerous, impudent woman, as full of revenge as careless of crime, and that if we did not take care, might play the part of Catherine the Second, who, by means of the Guards, murdered her husband and usurped the throne."[39] ]
The nobleman whose opinions have here been preserved was most probably Lord Dacre, who, in his place in the House of Lords, presented more than one petition from the Queen. One also was presented by Lord Auckland. Another of the Queen's partisans in the other House appears to have entertained similar sentiments:—"Walked with Sir —— ——. He said he had no doubt that the Queen was guilty, but would never vote for the Bill, as unconstitutional; at the same time, ready to admit that Ministers had proved such a case as perfectly justified them in bringing it forward."[40] ]
A description of the sort of satellites that followed the Queen's movements when she went abroad, or surrounded her dwelling while she remained at home, is preserved in the postscript of a letter from Mr. Wilberforce to Hannah More, repeating the observations of a friend who had ventured to approach the Queen's residence. He describes her retainers as "a most shabby assemblage of quite the lowest of the people, about fifty in number, who every now and then kept calling out 'Queen, Queen!' and several times, once in about a quarter of an hour, she came out of one window of a balcony and Alderman Wood at the other, and she bowed to them; her obeisance, of course, being met by augmented acclamations. My friend," adds Mr. Wilberforce, "entered into conversation with a person present who argued for the natural equality of man, and that any other of the people present had as good right to be King as George the Fourth."[41] ]
The Duke of Wellington at this period took an anxious share in the proceedings against the Queen. "We fell upon the general situation of things," relates a confidential friend of his Grace, "which the Duke allowed was almost as bad as could be; nor could he see the remedy, if the upper and middle ranks would not stir. But all," he continued, with some sadness as well as indignation, "seem struck with panic—ourselves and all; and if the country is lost, it will be through our own cowardice. Everything," said he—"audacity and insolence on one side, and tameness on ours. We go to the House seemingly on purpose to be insulted; the Opposition know it, and act accordingly." I said, "I feared it was particularly so in the House of Commons, where the Ministerial bench, with the exception of Lord Castlereagh, seemed like victims."[42] ]
The principal Ministers went in daily danger of their lives. Lord Sidmouth never drove out without a case of loaded pistols on the seat of the carriage, ready for instant use;[43] ] and when either of them was recognised in the public streets, he was sure to be greeted by groans and hisses, and sometimes with more formidable missiles.
The attempt to induce the Queen to adopt a more rational course, is here referred to:—
SIR BENJAMIN BLOOMFIELD TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Carlton House, June 20, 1820.
My dear Lord,
As yet there is no certain information of the precise course to be taken by Mr. Wilberforce. I, however, collect that he has no intention to weaken the position of the Government, nor the basis, on the part of the King, upon which the late negotiation has broken off. The object, therefore, is to maintain that basis which was considered as the only safeguard to the preservation of all that's dear to man. To attain this there seems, under the present state of the public mind, no alternative but investigation, with as much publicity as the House can be induced to give to the question.
I need not reiterate to your Lordship the sense which is entertained of the affectionate attachment manifested by your Lordship in this most painful transaction.
With great respect, I have the honour to be,
My dear Lord,
Your Lordship's obliged and obedient humble Servant,
B. Bloomfield.
But Caroline of Brunswick would not have been Caroline of Brunswick had she suffered this well-meant intervention to influence her purpose. The sad business, therefore, proceeded in the saddest possible way:—
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
June 27, 1820.
All speculation is at fault in attempting to follow these daily changes of plans and operations.
Certainly, it is far more convenient and more becoming to let this matter be first investigated in the House of Lords. But how this is to be reconciled to the present state of the business in the House of Commons, it seems difficult to imagine; but by this time that difficulty will have been solved in one way or another, and I need not trouble myself about it.
As to popular impressions, the only way by which they can now be counteracted, is by bringing the matter as soon as possible into some regular form of proceeding.
What is to result from all this, it is impossible to conjecture; but he must be sanguine indeed who can hope that it will turn to good.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, June 28, 1820.
My dear Lord B——,
When I came here I found an entire concurrence of opinion as to the extreme folly of Ministers pressing on the Secret Committee in the House of Lords, after they had pledged themselves in the House of Commons to bring forward a charge upon their own responsibility; I was therefore much gratified to see in your letter, just received, that if there was a question upon that subject, you should vote against the Secret Committee, though if the Committee were appointed, you might in that case continue your name upon it. The proceeding is become so odious and unpopular, that the general prejudice against it is in itself great ground of objection to it; and as the Ministers have already taken the charge upon their own responsibility, it seems now likely to answer no other end than that of furnishing to their adversaries a fund of clamour and of invective, on a topic by which, while Ministers gain nothing, they must lose much. But by this time the question must be already decided, and therefore it is useless to pursue it If the Committee is appointed, and if you do attend it, I am sure you will in that case feel the absolute necessity of your declining any confidential communication, either on foot or on horseback, with any person not upon that Commission, in reference to the business of it. Even the conversation of the table, and the ears of those who sit at it with you, must on every account be most cautiously guarded upon this peculiar topic. You must not start at these suggestions; you know the affectionate motives that prompt them; and nothing but the extreme importance of the nicest attention to them, under your particular position, could have called for them both from Lord G—— and me.
I would not unnecessarily prolong this letter, because you have enough to think of; but I feel confident that the more you reflect upon your own position, the more you must be confirmed in the persuasion that while, on the one hand, you have thought it necessary to withdraw from the Opposition, on the other hand, you will most effectually be enabled to support the constitutional principles of the Monarchy by maintaining an absolute independence, and by taking care not to put yourself within the reach of the imputation of favouritism, which, once established against you, will render your means of real and effectual assistance useless, by discrediting your station in the country, and by depriving it of its best recommendation, its absolute independence.
It will be seen from the foregoing communication how extremely anxious were Lord Buckingham's uncles, at this crisis, that he should act with the utmost circumspection on every possible contingency.
THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
My dear Lord,
Many thanks for your note by Lord Cassilis; I do not credit any of the rumours to which you refer. I believe that all is now quiet in those quarters. I understand that the Secret Committee is to meet in our House on Wednesday, and on its Report a Bill is to be introduced; in the Commons, a delay of ten days is to be proposed, for the purpose of waiting for our Bill. You have heard of the proceedings in our House to-night: a petition from the Queen, praying against a Secret Committee, and for a delay of any proceedings, in order to enable her to collect her witnesses; Brougham and Denman called in and heard in support of the petition, and the House adjourned until to-morrow, when Lord Grey is to make his motion for rescinding the order respecting the Secret Committee. When this motion is disposed of, Lord Liverpool will move that the Secret Committee shall meet on Wednesday. I cannot ascertain the temper of the House positively, but I perceive no alteration in it of any description.
Yours, my dear Lord, sincerely,
W.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, July 2, 1820.
I am glad you are so near the end of your labours, though that end is to be the beginning of a fresh and very painful scene. I am clear, however, that in the state to which the matter is now brought, the course at last adopted was the only one which affords any hope of concluding it without the most alarming consequences. And if the House of Lords manifests, as I trust it will, a temperate and truly judicial spirit in the conduct of the trial, I am sanguine enough to believe that much lost ground may still be recovered.
I am utterly at variance with Charles's notion, that such proceedings ought to commence in the House of Commons; and I am sure in this case it was of unspeakable importance that the matter should first undergo a judicial investigation, before it was brought any more under the cognizance of a body so liable to act on momentary impressions, in place of the settled rules and permanent principles of legal proceeding.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, July 5, 1820.
My dear Lord B——,
I cannot help writing a line to say how well satisfied I am with the result which this post has brought us, and how glad I am that no secondary matter has been tacked on to that which is of primary interest. We neither of us can as yet collect by what precise course the matter is to be so charged as to give the proper notice so as to enable the party concerned to provide a reply. I should, of course, suppose that by this time the whole march of all the proceedings is foreseen and determined upon, if there was not such frequent occasion to remark that foresight and decision are much more frequently to be desired than to be found.
I should suppose that the Bill must contain specific charges, or that those charges must be communicated by a resolution of the House. What is most to be apprehended is that dexterous advocates may awaken new questions in so novel a proceeding, and may thereby prolong the discussion to a most inconvenient and dangerous length, by which this state of hazardous agitation of the public mind will be continued, and a feeling of commiseration will be excited by the length of the proceeding, although the prolongation of it will be owing more to the accused than to the accusers. You see every hour of every day that "the mountain" is dragging all that side of the house into an avowed party-protection, to be afforded before trial; that the answers to addresses are so many appeals made to the "soldiers and sailors;" and that the hypocritical lamentations over the ill-judged time of the Coronation, are indulged in for the obvious purpose of exciting the tumults which they affect to deprecate. All this is very disgusting, and not without real danger. I suppose your Committee, being now dissolved by its Report, you have nothing more to do in these odious abominations, which the Vice-Chancellor will probably have to manage.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, July 5, 1820.
I see nothing primá facie to object to in the Report, and I am very glad that the doubt was decided negatively.
I imagine, however, that there may still be some difficulty in the course of the proceeding, if she requires, as I suppose she will be advised to do, that the facts of both descriptions should be more precisely specified as to time and place, before she is called upon to answer them in any judicial form.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, July 19, 1820.
My dear Lord,
I am passing through town in my way to E. Green, and find it not only greatly thinned, but those remaining in a much more melancholy mood than when I left it. The language even of the Government is most croaking, and you may be assured the Queen's party is far from diminishing. The City is completely with her,—not the Common Council, but the shopkeepers and merchants,—and I have great doubts if the troops are not infected. The press is paid for her abundantly, and there are some ale-houses open where the soldiers may go and drink and eat for nothing, provided they will drink "Prosperity and health to the Queen." The K—— grows daily more unpopular, and is the only individual in the kingdom insensible to it. He sees Lady C—— daily, and had a party of his family at dinner this week, she the only exception. You may think, perhaps, this letter gloomy; but I assure you I write much less desponding than the general language and feeling would authorize me.
The peerages are eight, and hourly expected:—Lord Conyngham, Roden, Sir W. Scott, Forester, Cholmondeley, Liddel, W. Pole, Lord James Murray.
I don't hear a word of the Dukedoms. The King reviews the Guards on Friday, and then goes to the cottage at Windsor, to meet the Conynghams. Boats are gone from Chatham and Staines for the Virginia Lake, where he is to have water-parties. Probably or possibly we shall participate in these. If so, you shall hear from me.—It is said the Lords meet the 17th; begin immediately the witnesses for the prosecutor: finish this in a fortnight; then the Queen asks for two months (at least) before she commences her defence, if she makes any. But there is a strong report she means to make none in the Lords, but reserve herself for the Commons; if so, it is no great compliment to us, who examine not on oath. These, however, are only the rumours of the day.—Lushington got a most handsome and proper dressing from Castlereagh, who, I am told, did it remarkably well.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, July 22, 1820.
My dear Lord B——,
Lord G—— wrote to me last night, and tells me that he must, however reluctantly, attend on the 17th, the Chancellor being, as it is said, determined to go all lengths to enforce attendance. He is, in my mind, quite right in doing so. You will be much rejoiced to hear that on the 20th Lord G—— received a letter from Lord Liverpool, offering through him, in the K——'s name and in his, and in the most flattering terms from both, the situation of Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, with the Canonship of Christ Church, to Dr. Hodgson, as a thing proper in itself, and also as what was wished to be done on account of his connexion with Lord G——.
Nothing could be more gratifying to Lord G——, who has always felt mortified at observing that hitherto his connexion with Hodgson had been rather prejudicial than serviceable to him.—I write this the rather because my brother adds that the post being in the moment of going, he has not time to write you word of it then.
St. Paul's is given to Llandaff. The dandy Pelham is gone sulkily down to look at Bugden, and to see whether he will condescend to take that after his disappointment, at which there seems to be a very general feeling of satisfaction.
Vague reports of negotiation with the Queen through Lady Cholmondeley; but I do not hear them from any sort of authority, and therefore I know not how to believe them. I hope you observe the Morning Chronicle's congratulations on the Naples revolution without loss of life, "in consequence of its being achieved by the soldiery, since wherever they raise their voice, it is imperative." And this is the Whig and Opposition printer!!! The K—— was prevented by gout from attending the cavalry review.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, July 26, 1820.
My dear Lord B——,
The little that I hear is not worth sending you, either in quality or in quantity. The rumours about the military increase daily and frightfully. How much of these rumours is true, and how much is invented, and how much is exaggerated, I have no means to judge; but the prevalence of that topic of conversation, while it shews the generality of the apprehension, is itself but too much calculated to bring on the evil of which it treats. Tierney yesterday told us he had heard Wood say the day before that the Q—— had irrevocably determined to come down every day to the trial in her "coach-and-six in a high style;" if so, she will very likely be attended by all the idle populace between Hammersmith and London, besides a host of radicals, who will not let go by such an auspicious opportunity. How the peace of the metropolis or the safety of the Parliament is to be secured under all these circumstances, might puzzle wiser heads than those whose business it will be to decide upon it. T—— admits himself to be considerably alarmed, and describes the appearance of the Ministers in these latter days as betraying more anxiety and apprehension than vigour or decision. He said that the Attorney-General, in his speech yesterday in the House of Commons, was almost in tears, and used the expression that "there was no doubt that a revolution was in contemplation." Whether it is prudent to use such an expression in order to excite sufficient means of resistance, or dangerous from awakening such a topic may be a question; but of the extent of alarm which he must have felt to have led him to that expression, there can be no doubt.
One of the rumours is, that the D—— of W—— was earnest for disbanding one of the regiments of Guards, but that the D—— of Y—— would not consent; another is, that the D—— of G——, apprised some time back of the state of his regiment, forbid his Adjutant to communicate it to the D—— of Y——. But these are only rumours.
Reports continue of doubts about the Household Troops; probably some mere inventions, and others exaggerated; but the mischief of these reports is incalculable, because they promote distrust and suspicion on the one side, and agitation and restlessness on the other; and if one wished to create the evil, there could be no readier way than by the unremitted discussions which prevail everywhere upon this subject.
The 71st and 85th Light Infantry regiments, now under Sir J. Byng, are ordered up to Uxbridge and to the neighbourhood of London; I trust, therefore, and indeed I hear, that in Byng's district things are tolerably quiet; but if the Q—— goes to Manchester, as she threatens, the two regiments will perhaps have to march back again.
What you hear about Canning is true. He attends no Cabinets, and is going to Italy.
The Q—— is sending what she calls her Commissioners to Milan. There are among them, as I hear, two respectable lawyers.
The Attorney-General said two days ago that the prosecutor's case would take a month.
I am glad to hear you have good accounts from every part of the Bucks Yeomanry. Everything looks too fearful to allow me the expression of anything but the most heartfelt regret, that on a question which in three weeks may decide upon the fate of the country, there should be a single Grenville found among those whom we may have to fear and (dreadful to think) to resist! I shall return with you to town, for if there is danger where my brother and you are, there will I be.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Malvern Wells, July 24, 1820.
You will, perhaps, have heard from my brother, to whom I wrote the day I knew it, of the very handsome and kind manner in which the Divinity Professorship at Oxford has been offered to Hodgson through me, and I am sure it will have given you pleasure both on his account and mine.
Lord Liverpool could hardly have found a more delicate or a more effectual way of gratifying me, and I must say he has done so very much indeed.
The appointment is, in all other respects, one that must do him credit, and I trust it may lead to still further prospects for Hodgson. It has long been a matter of deep mortification to me to think how much Hodgson's universally acknowledged merits had been put by on the account of the part he had taken in my support, and I delight now in thinking that he will ultimately not be a loser by that circumstance.
We shall, of course, meet on the 17th, if indeed that day is adhered to; but, after so many delays, one hardly knows how to reckon on any fixed time for this unpleasant business.
The revolution at Naples was wholly unexpected. Had it been looked for, there was the ready resource of Austrian troops, which I still hope may be effective in preserving tranquillity in the rest of Italy.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, July 26, 1820.
My dear Lord,
I have to return your Lordship many thanks for the proxy, though, owing to my bad writing, it took such a circuit that it would have been too late here for any good purpose had proxies been called for, which they were not. Lord Ellenborough, to propitiate the Chancellor, materially altered the form of the Bill, which enabled that wily adversary to throw it out altogether, which I doubt very much whether he could have done had the alterations made in it not given a fair pretext of want of more time to consider them. A great point was, however, gained by the discussion, for Lord Liverpool admitted that a considerable alteration must be made in the existing law, and guarded his vote by this statement. Ministers certainly appear low, and I have no doubt are under great alarm. Dr. Lushington has given Lord Liverpool formal notice that the Queen will attend all the discussions on the Bill in the House of Lords. It is said she is daily to come from Barnes in a coach-and-six. This must all be for stage effect, or rather for intimidation; and really it is impossible to look forward to the result without apprehension, especially knowing, as we do, that the Ministers delight in half measures, and never take any decided line if they can avoid it. In the House of Commons their authority is decidedly at a low ebb. Canning has not been in the House for some time. It is said he is going to join his family in Italy; and people now contrast his conduct with that of the Chancellor who co-operated with him in 1808 to whitewash the Queen, much to the disadvantage of the latter (i.e., the Chancellor).
One idea very prevalent is, that the Queen will address the House of Lords in a speech at the opening of the proceedings against her.
If any occurrence likely to interest you comes to my knowledge, you may depend upon hearing from me; but I am thinking of making my escape somewhere to the sea-side in the course of the next week, for a short time at least.
Believe me, my dear Lord,
Your Lordship's obliged and faithful,
J. Phillimore.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Barmouth, July 27, 1820.
My dear B——,
During the interval which elapsed between the time of your leaving town and my setting off for Wales, not a single event took place—not even a fresh report was circulated—which might afford me the materials for a letter. My newspaper now speaks of a fresh attempt at a compromise, accompanied with a proposal for restoring the Queen's name to the Liturgy, which has been refused on her part. Surely, notwithstanding all the absurdity and mismanagement which we have seen, this must be impossible. The only way of accounting for it would be some panic of personal alarm; but even then, lowly as I think of his advisers, I cannot conceive that they could consent to a measure of such inevitable and wholly useless disgrace.
The eagerness of popular feeling, even in this Tory tranquil part of the country—where there has not, since the extinction of Jacobitism, been an opinion ever expressed on general politics, but that all measures adopted by the King must be right—is inconceivable. I was stopped in this little village the first day of my arrival, by the master of a fishing-boat, to ask me whether I thought the House of Commons would take care that justice was done to the Queen. My wife, also, has met with two or three equally strong proofs of the interest taken in this question. Pray tell me what you hear of the disposition of the army. I have seen some allusions to fresh discontents among the Guards on the subject of some stoppage for breakfasts. The cause does not signify a pin, for if the spirit once exists, occasions for manifesting it will never be wanting.
Henry writes me word that he heard of scarcely anything at Milan, or in the neighbourhood of the Lake of Como, but the Queen's conduct, of which everybody seemed ready to give evidence. The witnesses had all been placed on an allowance of thirty francs per diem, which seems as good a device to invalidate their evidence as could have been adopted, and many are supposed to have come forward only per chiappar il denaro. The most material are said to be some bricklayers, who must have peeped, he concludes, through the windows.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
In the manner indicated in the preceding portion of this correspondence, the great contest was carried on. The Queen had evidently not miscalculated her power of dangerously exciting public opinion; she had moved from the Alderman's house to the residence of one of the ladies of her suite, and from thence had gone to a more Queen-like abode, at a convenient distance from town, known as Brandenburg House, Hammersmith; but wherever she went, the popular hopes and wishes went with her,—and knowing the excitement she produced, she redoubled her efforts to increase it, and direct it to the advancement of her interests. The moderation of the Government she regarded with studied contempt, and every indication they put forth of a desire to treat her with as much respect as was consistent with their duty to their Royal master, produced a more violent display of her resolve to ride down all opposition. There is little doubt that the King was now as much alarmed as annoyed; was often dissatisfied with his Ministers, and quite ready to accept the services of any set of men capable of relieving him from this serious embarrassment; but the task was full of danger, and prudent statesmen like Lord Grenville and his brother were not to be tempted into accepting it. The Coronation was postponed, and the Court participated in their Sovereign's fears and anxieties.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
E. Green, Friday, August 11, 1820.
My dear Lord/,
The K—— has been in this neighbourhood for the last fortnight, living in the greatest retirement; his party consisting of very few—the principal object of course the Lady C——, who is here. They ride every day, or go on the water, or drive in a barouche; the K—— and her always together, separated from the rest, and in the evening sitting alone apart. I have heard of the Esterhazys (who called on a friend here, and said the evenings were triste à mourir), no cards, no books, no amusement or employment of any kind; Sir Benjamin and Lady Bloomfield, Lord C——, Nagle, Thornton, Keppel, and one or two more; I believe the Warwicks, for two days; the Duke of Dorset. The secrecy that is preserved as to their pursuits is beyond all idea; no servant is permitted to say who is there; no one of the party calls on anybody, or goes near Windsor; and when they ride, a groom is in advance, ordering everybody to retire, for "the K—— is coming." The private rides are of course avoided by the neighbours, so that in fact you know almost as much of what is going on as I do, excepting that the excess of his attentions and enjouement is beyond belief.
The public are full of nothing but a communication between the King and the Ministers, opened by a letter from her. I have not the least idea it can possibly lead to accommodation, though it is hoped so. I think Lord John Russell's letter most calculated indeed for mischief, and for nothing else, for the idea of the interference proposed is quite absurd; if it were to take place at all, it must be through Parliament. The prospect of the opening and of the result is tremendous, and enough to appal the stoutest heart; however, we have weathered many storms, and I hope we shall do so in this case. The Duchess of York wrote a very affecting letter to the Duke just previous to her death. His Majesty has not bestowed a length of outward grief in the mourning. She is certainly to be buried at Weybridge.
Ever, my dear Lord, most truly yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
P.S.—Lord Bulkeley has excused himself for the trial; he has been very severely ill indeed, and I doubt much if he will have strength to rally, though he is gradually, but very slowly, mending. There are messengers going from and coming to the Cottage hourly almost for the last two days.
CHAPTER III.
[1820.]
EVIDENCE AGAINST QUEEN CAROLINE. DIVIDED OPINIONS RESPECTING HER IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. DECLARATION OF LORD GRENVILLE. THE BILL OF PAINS AND PENALTIES ABANDONED. THE KING DISSATISFIED WITH HIS MINISTERS. CONVERSATION OF LORD GRENVILLE WITH THE KING. MINISTERIAL MANAGEMENT OF THE QUEEN'S CASE. HER CONDUCT AFTER THE CONCLUSION OF PROCEEDINGS AGAINST HER. REACTION IN THE PUBLIC MIND. THE QUEEN LOSES GROUND IN POPULAR ESTIMATION. RETURNING POPULARITY OF THE KING.
CHAPTER III.
It is unnecessary to follow minutely the proceedings that took place in both Houses of the Legislature, then generally looked upon as the trial of Caroline of Brunswick,—let it suffice to state, that despite the disclosures which they furnished, the Queen did not lose any of her popularity. It was enough for the multitude which had so enthusiastically embraced her cause, that the witnesses against her were foreigners; and their national prejudices thus enlisted in her behalf, carried her triumphantly through an ordeal that would have been destructive to a much better reputation.[44] ]
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Putney Heath, Aug. 12, 1820.
My dear Lord,
In spite of the rumours I hear on every side, I suppose the House of Lords will meet on the 17th to prove the preamble of the Bill of Pains and Penalties;—indeed, in the present state of things, I see not what other course can be adopted. Lord John Russell's plan really seems to me more pregnant with certain mischief than any which has yet been suggested; and we are now suffering enough from fluctuating and oscillating counsels to warn us against any recurrence to measures which savour of timidity and hesitation. My own idea is this, that in reality the Queen's partisans mainly rely on the effect they can produce by their daily statements and daily intimidation on the electors, hoping through their instrumentality to make the elected subservient to their plans; and it is, I fear, impossible as yet to calculate whether they may not be successful in this. At all events, the Government will have received a shock in the control of the House of Commons, which, constituted as they now are, they never can recover. Never, indeed, in my recollection, do I remember so general an idea that there must be a change of Ministry. I hear it from quarters which astonish me.
Lushington, I hear, now very much presides over the councils of her Majesty; in many respects he is well calculated to please her, for he is good-natured and obliging in his demeanour, rash in his advice, and a lover to excess of popular applause. He is everywhere with her now: airs with her, assists her in receiving addresses, &c.
The only counsel to be employed for the King, as I am informed, are the Attorney and Solicitor-General, Young, Parke, and two civilians,—viz., the King's Advocate and Dr. Adams. They must rely upon the Solicitor-General mainly, whose shoulders are quite equal to the burthen. They are very unfortunate in the choice of their civilians: the King's Advocate is clumsy and confused, and has no practice; Adams is injudicious and impracticable, and has no learning. I shall be exceedingly curious to see the outset of the business; but probably it will be difficult to get a place, even if the present heat continues.
Canning left London for Italy a few days ago.
Believe me ever, my dear Lord,
Your obliged and faithful,
Joseph Phillimore.
P.S.—If there should be any idea of postponing the business (which I do not in the least expect), perhaps you will have the kindness to let me know as much.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Aug. 30, 1820.
My dear Lord,
The discussions which have taken place, and the decision of yesterday, astound everybody here. The Chancellor and the Prime Minister differing and dividing on a question which the former argues as vital to the jurisprudence of the country, is what England, I believe, has never before witnessed; and these Ministers remaining in the same Cabinet, and continuing to act together. How can all this end? I was in town for a few hours on Monday, and it appeared to me that in the streets the cry was increased instead of diminished for the Queen. I saw several lawyers, dispassionate men, and intelligent, who all confirmed this, and assured me that their belief was, that be the evidence ever so strong, and the facts proved, the public—and included in this, the middling class, the shopkeepers—were determined to support her as an oppressed and injured woman, and as hating and despising the character of the witnesses. It also has not a little benefited her cause, that it appears how much the King personally has prepared the evidence by his emissaries abroad, and more particularly by his Hanoverian engines. I assure you I am quite low-spirited about it. One cannot calculate on anything less than subversion of all Government and authority, if this is to go on; and how it is to end, no one can foresee. I think, however (what I did not do when you told me so in town), that the Commons will never entertain the Bill. But, again, when will it ever come to the Commons? The mischief will be all done previously; and the Press now is completely open to treason, sedition, blasphemy, and falsehood with impunity. This alone, if it continues, must debauch the public mind. I want some volunteer establishments to be formed, or something to be done without a moment's delay, by the well-disposed and loyal who have influence, to check the torrent and to guard against the explosion which must inevitably take place. I don't know whether you see the Cobbetts, Independent Whig, and many other papers now circulating most extensively, and which are dangerous much beyond anything I can describe. I have an opportunity of seeing them, and can speak therefore from knowledge; and the Government taking no steps (knowing, perhaps, they cannot depend on a jury) to prosecute. What do you find in the language of Government since the division? Is the Chancellor submissive? and does he still cling to the Purse, or will he surrender it?
The King here confines himself to the Cottage, has hourly messengers—that is, dragoons, who are posted on the road by dozens—and we hear is in a state of the greatest irritation; but he is very seldom seen, and this is only what one picks up.—You have no conception how thoroughly the public mind, even in this neighbourhood, is inflamed by this melancholy subject, and how the Queen is still supported.—Adieu, my dear Lord. I should be glad to know how you are, and what you think of the state of things since I saw you.
Yours most faithfully,
W. H. Fremantle.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
My dear B——,
Your prognostications of the present Bill standing over for the decision of the rising generation, seem to be now, I will not say verified, but far exceeded, as it must remain not for that which is rising, but for that which is yet unborn, if it be proceeded in. You know the strong bias of my opinion was originally towards an impeachment for misdemeanour, if a simple Divorce Bill could not be carried; and really, as is usual on such occasions, everything which passes seems to supply me with a fresh argument in favour of that course. Certain, however, it is, that no course could possibly have been adopted which would not have been marred by the weakness and indecision of Ministers. The double cross-examination now authorized, seems to me in its effect infinitely more inconvenient than a communication of the list of witnesses, objectionable as I thought that measure would have been originally. That at least would have expedited the business, since it would have left no pretence for calling for extended delay to prepare her defence. As it is, under the most favourable circumstances to the Bill, I do not see how it is to reach the House of Commons till after Christmas, allowing an interval of six weeks or two months for preparing her defence, which I suppose must be given. If this be the case, how will it be possible for the House of Commons to proceed to effect with such an examination as this, and at the same time to go through the ordinary business of the session, increased as it will be beyond precedent by the arrears and omissions of the last?
There are many whose object it will be studiously and declaredly to protract, in order that the business may necessarily drop to the ground; and from the general aversion to the whole proceeding, it seems to me that they must succeed.
The evidence against the Queen seems already decisive, so far as to establish her criminality; but I understand that, in order to guard against a possibility of the contradiction of these facts, the whole crew of the Vero Fidele, &c. &c., are to be examined.
Wilberforce's notion of a Committee to be established by Act of Parliament for the trial of this particular case, seems to me too absurd for even him to persist in, since the obvious consequence must be a declaration that the same course must be followed in all subsequent trials, the two Houses being by their own confession as unfit to act judicially as the House of Commons was on election cases; and if that be the case, really the sooner Henry Hunt comes with his long brush to sweep us all out, the better.
Thus had proceeded the months of June, July, and August; in September, affairs looked worse. Libels against the Government abounded; the most violent language was indulged in by the democratic leaders; formidable riots became of frequent occurrence; in short, everything seemed to denote a revolution.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Brighton, Sept. 27, 1820.
My dear Lord,
From all I hear, and from general conversation, I have no doubt if the Bill proceeds in the Commons we shall have a riot, and I doubt extremely whether the Divorce Bill can be carried. I dined yesterday with the Duke of York, who is here alone. His conversation was violent against the Queen, and fair and candid with regard to the state of the country. He spoke, however, with great confidence on the state and disposition of the army; in fact, after all that is said and done, it must eventually depend upon the troops, for sure I am they will be called upon. I took the opportunity of holding the language you suggested, and indeed it is what I really feel. He said it was not intended in the first instance to have troops to guard the avenues of the Commons, but they would be in the way; the whole arrangements would continue; and if the House found it necessary to call for them, there they would be. There has been, as you heard from the K——, a general quarrel between the K——, Duke of York, Lord Liverpool, and the Duke of Gloucester, none of them now speaking to the latter. He has acted like an obstinate ——. What an abominable thing it is the King not going ashore, and not showing himself to any of his subjects! His conduct is an excitement to popular hatred. What can it mean? Lord King is here, and appears to me to chuckle quite at the thoughts of what is likely to happen. I fancy a great number of Peers, when it comes to the close, will avoid the vote.
Perry, the editor, who is here, tells me the cry, instead of diminishing, increases in favour of the Queen; and he does not seem himself to favour her, or at least he does not speak in her praise.
Lord Bathurst is here, and from his language, and that of the Duke of B——, I should say the Government is confoundedly frightened; the latter certainly implied the necessity of strengthening it, and lamented once or twice the want of energy, and the whole line which had been adopted. He leaves this for town to-morrow.
Ever, &c.,
W. H. F.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Six o'clock.
You have no idea of the state of the town: it is all confusion. The King and his Ministers are at issue on the question, as it is said, of the Queen; and the latter have sent in their resignation, unless the propositions they make are complied with. Lord Castlereagh was deputed yesterday to notify this decision to him, and he had a conference of four hours. The King, however, was not to be persuaded, and was again to have a decision of the Cabinet to-day. It is at this moment sitting at Carlton House. These are, as I am well informed, facts. The supposed cause is the Queen. The Council had prepared a Form of Prayer which the King positively refused to sign or sanction. The Funds fell to-day. As to the King forming a Government, after the resignation of all his present servants, with the avowed object of persecuting the Queen, it would be impossible; it would be making her the popular object, and throwing the country in a flame. However, be assured that the general belief is that the Government will be broken up. You may judge of this when I tell you that my authorities are Lord Conyngham, Lord Howden, and others in the interior of Carlton House. I hear you are at Dropmore, and send this to you. Be assured that the King on this subject is no less than mad He has said he would rather die, or lose his crown, than submit to any compromise of any sort with the Queen.
Adieu. You shall hear to-morrow.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
In the months of October and November it became evident that the frenzy outside the Houses of Parliament was exerting an influence within its walls. Notwithstanding Lord Grenville's manly declaration in his place in the House of Lords, on the 6th of November, that the proceedings before that assembly had furnished a mass of evidence that, in nine hundred and ninety-nine cases out of a thousand, would have ensured a conviction, several influential members of the Whig party as boldly declared that nothing of the slightest importance had been brought forward against the Queen.
The proceedings were drawing on, but the aspect of affairs looked blacker every hour. "Matters here are in a critical state," writes Lord Sidmouth to Mr. Bathurst, on the 27th of October. "Fear and faction are actively and not unsuccessfully at work; and it is possible that we may be in a minority, and that the fate of the Government may be decided in a few days."[45] ] Plumer Ward, in his "Diary," has this entry under the date of November 2nd:—
"Called upon [Wellesley] Pole. He was at breakfast, and we had a long chat. He thought everything very bad—Ministers, Opposition, King, Queen, Country—and what was more, no prospect of getting right. All ties were loosened. Insolence and insubordination out of doors; weakness and wickedness within. The Whigs, he said, were already half Radicals, and would be entirely so if we did not give way. I said his brother, the Duke [of Wellington], felt this too, but would not give way, nevertheless. He replied that the issue would soon be tried, for the Queen's question must determine it; and asked how I calculated it would be. I said I could not hope for a majority of more than thirty—so many friends of Government were against us on the policy, though they had no doubt of the guilt."[46] ]
Under these untoward circumstances, sanguine members of the neutral party were, as usual, speculating on a change in the Government. His Majesty, according to some accounts, was taking the matter very pleasantly. "The King," said Wellesley Pole, "to use his expression, was as merry as a grig. At first he had been annoyed, but was now enjoying himself at Brighton. He wished he would show himself more."[47] ]
The same authority affords many other peeps behind the political curtain. We quote one:—
"On leaving Pole, I met Hammond, my quondam colleague when we were Under Secretaries of State together. He told me it was certain Lord Grenville would support the Bill, and then asked me, with much concern, whether the report was true that, if it did not pass, Ministers had resolved to resign? I answered, that what they had resolved in their own minds no one could tell, but that I thought I could answer that no such resolution had been made a Cabinet measure. He said he was very glad. I related this to ——, who said with some vehemence, there was no reason on earth why they should resign. They had been right and straightforward from the beginning, and for one, he never would consent to it. —— said, Hammond being the mouthpiece of Canning, he had no doubt this was set on foot by his party. I thought this was going too far; nevertheless, it is surprising what industry they are showing against the Bill."[48] ]
"Lord Grenville," adds the diarist, "voted for the second reading, and spoke very ably, but so as to make us regret he had not spoken earlier."[49] ]
The second reading of the Bill was carried, and this, according to Lord Grey, stamped the Queen with a verdict of guilty. Having done this, Ministers prepared to get rid of the proceedings as soon as possible.
How the affair terminated is well described in Plumer Ward's "Diary," under the date November 10th. We can only afford space for a few lines:—
"The debate was now drawing to a close, and most of the peers who were speaking, whether for or against the third reading (the Duke of Northumberland very emphatically), were declaring their conviction that the Queen was guilty. At length the division was called, and Lord Gage enforced the standing order, that each peer should give his vote in his place, seriatim. The result was the small majority of 9; the numbers being 108 to 99. Lord Liverpool then got up and withdrew the Bill, resting it upon so small a majority in the circumstances of the country."[50] ]
The Opposition were, of course, in raptures with this conclusion of the contest; but Ministers were still more delighted, the Duke of Wellington especially. "Well," said he, "we have done exceedingly well, and have avoided all sort of mischief, I think, with safety and without dishonour. The votes put the question of guilt or innocence out of doubt; the withdrawing is grounded upon mere expediency, and has nothing to do with the verdict; had we given up before the third reading, it would have been different."[51] ]
The metropolis was illuminated in consequence of the Government having abandoned the prosecution.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Llangedwin, Nov. 12, 1820.
Upon the whole, my dear B——, with the very imperfect means of information which, at the distance of a hundred and eighty miles from the scene of action, I possess, I am inclined to think the conclusion to which this business has been brought, the best that circumstances admitted of, and such as will afford the least triumph to the Radicals. Still, though the least, it is far too great for the safety of the country; and after the saturnalia which the shameful supineness and cowardice of Ministers have allowed, I know not how popular commotion is to be avoided. I feel as strongly as you do the claim of duty which the country possesses upon every man in such a conjuncture; yet I should most deeply regret if circumstances should oblige us to connect ourselves with men from whose previous conduct we could expect nothing but the shipwreck of our own character, and the loss of those means, which we may possibly possess by that character, of being of service hereafter.
After their inconsistency and vacillation upon so important a subject as the Divorce clause, and voting against their own declared opinion on a measure which they had themselves originated, what dependence could we, small as could be our power, place upon their support and co-operation in measures which we might think necessary, and which, on the faith of that support, we might pledge ourselves to?
At all events, I am most anxious that we should, for the present, stand aloof, when there has been so much to disgust us in the conduct of both parties, till we see what effect is produced by what has happened. Something certainly might depend upon the nature of the split which might take place in the Administration; but I fear that there could scarcely be any one which would not ensure the retirement of the only man whom it would be important to retain—Lord Liverpool. Castlereagh might, perhaps, try as Premier; but surely you would not think those encouraging auspices to start under, insisting as you must do absolutely on the dismissal of the Doctor and his whole train.
I had much rather myself if an opportunity offered of coming in with the Whigs, trust to the usual and never-failing effect of office in making them vehement anti-Radicals, in case we could make some conditions for immediate measures, or rather against immediate concessions; but I feel that this is, at the present moment, too visionary a speculation. On the whole, I should repeat that we must at present wait the course of events; and, above all, avoid courting any offer from either party. Place and power are not objects which you can be bound to seek, though it may be your duty to accept them at a moment so perilous.
I expect company here, which would make it difficult for me to join you at Stowe for some time. Of course, there will be a prorogation on the 23rd; and it should seem most probable that, unless the next three or four days should produce a general resignation, they will endeavour to wait over the first ferment produced by the abandonment of the Bill before they attempt any new arrangement.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
That the King was dissatisfied with his Ministers, is very apparent from the following communications:—
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Nov. 23, 1820.
My dear Lord,
Such a scene was never witnessed as that which took place in the House of Commons this afternoon. After a petition had been presented, and certain new members had been sworn, Denman got up to make a communication from the Queen. Sir Thomas Tyrrwhit instantly made his appearance; a clamour beyond all imagination arose; and the Speaker descended from the chair, amidst cries of "Shame! shame!" re-echoed through the House. The interpretation of this I understand to be, that Denman saw the Speaker yesterday, who advised him to change his form of proceeding from a Message from the Queen to a communication from her; and told him, if he would be in the House a quarter before two, he should have an opportunity of making it. The Speaker having left the House in this state of ferment and indignation, preparations were made to receive him on his return (to read, as he usually does, the King's Speech) with a sharp volley; but the Lords Commissioners, it seems, delivered no speech, and the Speaker, instead of returning to us, retired to his own home. It is but just to add, that I was not an eyewitness of all these proceedings, for I reached the House just as the Speaker was entering the House of Peers; but I heard the relation from every one, and the indignation expressed at the Speaker's conduct was not confined to the members of Opposition.
I hear no account of changes, &c., on which I can at all rely. The Government, since the abandonment of their Bill, seem to have lost their senses. They have done, I think, everything they ought not. In my opinion, they are irretrievably gone. I have no idea that they can long stand against the storm they have been so instrumental in raising against themselves; and this is the persuasion among many of those who have hitherto supported them.
Excuse haste. But believe me your Lordship's obliged and faithful,
Joseph Phillimore.
RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Sunday, Two o'clock p.m., Nov. 26, 1820.
My dear Lord Buckingham,
Lord Grenville has been employed this morning in making a note of a very long conversation which the King held with him yesterday, having sent for him to his Cottage. Lord G—— had intended to have added a few words to you upon this subject, but he has such a violent headache that he has been obliged to desire me to enclose to you his memorandum of what passed yesterday. He desires that you would return it by his servant as soon as you have read it, and strongly urges me to dwell upon the indispensable necessity of no part of that memorandum being either copied or quoted by you. You will see that he desired the K—— to mention to Lord L—— that such a conversation had taken place; and as it occupied five hours, it will probably be very generally known that Lord G—— was at the Cottage. The way in which Lord G—— means to speak of it when it is mentioned in his presence is, that "everybody knows his absolute determination not to embark in any official business, or in any possible Administration; but that the public danger appears to be so great, that it is very natural for the K—— to wish to converse with anybody on whose integrity and experience he places any reliance; and that, instead of being surprised that the K—— should wish to discuss these dangers with Lord G——, it is only surprising that he does not extend the same discussion to many others whom he may believe equally attached with Lord G—— to the constitution of our limited monarchy."
This general observation seems quite sufficient, and is, in truth, a very fair picture of all that is fit to be said in public on such a topic. My brother thought that the K—— looked thin and worn, but said that he spoke with feeling and good sense throughout the whole conversation.
My own speculation is, that C—— means to oppose the Cabinet in their exclusion from the Liturgy, and that he will quit on that ground; but we shall see whether any middle course will be adopted. I think Lord G—— did all that became him in declining to advise between the two parties of Government and Opposition; and that he will have done some good if, at his suggestion, the K—— forces his Ministers to look into their situation and to ascertain it, instead of going a-shooting and revelling.
Lady L—— has broken a bloodvessel. Lord Kirkwall is dead. Lord G——'s servant returns early to-morrow.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Nov. 23, 1820.
My dear Lord,
I found Lord Shaftesbury at Lord Verulam's, and I think I never saw anybody so sore or so depressed as he appeared to be. I found from him that there is a considerable difference between Lord Liverpool and the Chancellor; and the history of the protestors, I am quite sure, arises from a wish of the latter to wound the former. Lords Bridgewater and Verulam have been persuaded by Lord Shaftesbury into it, and fancy they are acting a very independent and manly part by so doing.—The King has been urging the Government to go on with the business now without adjournment, and was most eager that the question of Income, Palace, and Liturgy should be immediately discussed; and in this he has again been advised by L——. He is very angry with his Ministers for not complying with his orders, and has abused both Lords Liverpool and Castlereagh. Notwithstanding all this, however, they are determined to try the game as they stand, and will meet Parliament without change. The Whigs and Radicals are both fearful of the Grenville party joining the Government; and Cobbett has been attacking you violently in his last number, which I do not think will lessen you in public opinion.—I did not go up to-day, for Lord Shaftesbury told me it was determined, if possible, to prevent any discussion.—I hope you continue to mend. You shall have whatever I pick up.
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Nov. 26, 1820.
My dear Lord,
Of course, before you get this, you will have heard that the King sent for Lord Grenville. Bloomfield went on Friday to Dropmore, and yesterday Lord G—— came to the Cottage at eleven, and stayed till three.—It happened that I dined with the King afterwards, at the Princess Augusta's, at Frogmore, who called me aside to tell me of the conference, saying how much satisfied he had been with Lord Grenville.—Of course he said nothing further to me, excepting that he had told Lord G—— all that was intended to be done; by which I implied that the interview was more for the purpose of consulting and asking his advice, than for any object of change.—Previous to dinner, I thought his Majesty looked dreadfully dejected and thoughtful; but when he had dined (professing to have no appetite), and ate as much as would serve me for three days, of fish—but no meat—together with a bottle of strong punch, he was in much better spirits, and vastly agreeable. There were only six people, four of which were ladies. He did not sit a quarter of an hour after they left us; and excepting talking a little on the indecent behaviour of the Mountain in the House of Commons, and telling an anecdote or two of the women who went up with addresses to the Queen, not a word was said of politics. He remained till twelve o'clock, and he and Princess Augusta and myself sang glees.—He leaves the Cottage to-morrow.—You may suppose how very anxious I am to learn generally what has been the object of the interview at the Cottage. If for a change, I am persuaded Lord G—— would recommend in the first place Lord Lansdowne; but if I were to judge of what the King said of Tierney's conduct on the day of the meeting, this would not suit his present feelings.—What a game has Lord Grenville now in his hands! and what an influence he might possess in the country, could he be tempted to take a lead, which I am sure he will not!—Pray let me hear from you, as I am dying to know something about it.—Possibly this may reach you at Dropmore, if it leads to negotiation.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
P.S.—The King spoke kindly of you, and about Wootton.
The Queen immediately tried to make the most of her "triumph," as it was called, and wrote to Lord Liverpool, demanding a palace. This was refused, though a handsome allowance was offered. She then agitated for a restoration of her name to the Liturgy, which was also firmly opposed.
The result of the withdrawal of the Bill was remarkable. A delirium of triumph appeared to have seized the entire country, and more particularly the populations of the large cities; but singularly true was Lord Castlereagh's prophecy, that in six months the King would be the most popular person in his dominions. The madness of the multitude necessarily brought about a reaction. "When the struggle was over and the victory gained," observes an historian of these events, "the King and his Ministers defeated, and the Queen secured in her rank and fortune, they began to reflect on what they had done, and the qualities of the exalted personage of whom they had proved themselves such doughty champions. They called to mind the evidence in the case, which they had little considered while the contest lasted; and they observed, not without secret misgivings, the effect it produced on the different classes of society. They saw that the experienced hesitated at it, the serious shunned it, the licentious gloated over it. The reaction, so usual in such cases when the struggle is over, ensued; and, satisfied with having won the victory, they began to regret that it had not been gained in a less questionable cause."[52] ]
The last entry in Plumer Ward's "Diary" of this date is very characteristic of the Duke of Wellington:—"Met the Duke just come to town. He took me under the arm, and walked me to Lord Bathurst's. He was in excellent humour, and asked what news—having, as he said, been a country gentleman for two days. I said, I thought the heat a little, and but a little, subsiding. He observed, he thought so too; and that it would more after to-morrow—the prorogation. He was more convinced than ever of the wisdom of that measure, and of withdrawing the Bill."[53] ]
As may be exemplified by a familiar hygrometer, this change of atmosphere sent the lady out of notice, and brought the gentleman again before the public gaze.
The Government have been much censured for their proceedings in the Queen's case, but it was quite an exceptional one; and their treatment of it, however open to objections it may be, is equally open to justification. Their task, from the first, was an up-hill one, which nothing but their devotion to their master's service made them continue; but when a thousand unmistakeable signs foretold a rebellion if they persevered, they had no alternative but to put an end to the thing with all convenient despatch. The value of this movement soon became apparent. It possessed advantages which a victory could not have secured.
Notwithstanding the opinions expressed by the heads of the great Whig families in favour of the Queen, they could scarcely have desired her to be at the head of the female aristocracy of the kingdom—their example, guardian, and liege mistress. The stout lady in the magnificent hat and feathers was very well as a source of Ministerial embarrassment; but much as some of them pretended to decry the evidence against her that was elicited during her trial, they took especial care not to allow her anything resembling an intimacy with their wives and daughters.
Plumer Ward describes in his "Diary" one of the Opposition peers who had been very active for the Queen during the discussion of the Bill, though acknowledging that he entertained no doubt of her guilt. "I suppose," observed Ward, "you mean to present Lady —— at Brandenburg House? He, with a sudden change to solemnity, and with great emphasis, exclaimed, 'Never!'"[54] ]
The Queen soon began to discover that her victory was a sensible defeat. "She is striving to keep the flame alive," we are told, "and blow it to fury."[55] ] But the mob, having nothing to clamour about, nothing to break windows for, ceased to shout and to throw stones. The better educated became influenced quite as strongly from a different source. The cause of the Queen had enjoyed every assistance which a considerable portion of the press could afford it; and Thomas Moore and George Cruikshank manufactured the most stinging satires and the most ludicrous caricatures upon every person of distinction who opposed her; but a writer had entered the field on the other side, whose caustic humour told more damagingly on the popular idol and her chief supporters than the pen of the poet or the pencil of the artist; and Theodore Hook, in the columns of the John Bull, made the respectable portion of the Queenites heartily ashamed of their cause.
The Queen went in state to St. Paul's, to offer her thanks for the signal advantage over her enemies Providence had afforded her,[56] ] and omitted nothing likely to maintain her prestige; but the careful observer might easily have seen that the tide was turning. Brandenburg House was losing its attraction, while Carlton Palace again became the main channel of loyal interest. Addresses from several of the most influential communities in the kingdom were received by the Sovereign in quick succession; and in one from the University of Oxford, the deputation was headed by Lord Grenville, who was honoured with a most gracious reception.
"I shall be very glad to hear of your loyal addresses coming up," writes Sir William Scott. "We want to be reinforced in our spirits by friendly declarations from respectable bodies and individuals. The Whigs appear too much disposed to a coalition with the Radicals, in order to compel the King to dismiss the Ministers, and that coalition is of itself a sufficient reason for a firm resistance to their admission into power; for they will be compelled to make very unpleasant concessions to their new allies, at the expense of the constitution."[57] ]
The following correspondence will further illustrate the transactions of this period:—
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Dec. 17, 1820.
My dear Lord,
Since I wrote to you last, I have been manufacturing an address from this neighbourhood, which has been carried with great success, and has pleased, particularly in the quarter where I was anxious it should. I received a communication from the King through Princess Augusta, who was commanded to deliver it to me, that he should make an exception for his neighbours, and receive it in person, and that he should afterwards invite the principal persons to dine with him, directing me to make a proper selection for him to invite. This has placed me in great awkwardness, for I dare not avow this permission for fear of offending all my neighbours, and it is difficult to make a selection where all are perfectly unfit. However, I have endeavoured to get rid of it, by recommending it to be confined to those only who have been presented, or to noblemen and men of rank. Though highly flattering all this, I think you will agree with me it is highly absurd and infra dignitate. My own opinion is, that he will not come to the neighbourhood this week, as he proposed; for you may rest assured he is extremely unwell—I think, seriously so. He has been bled twice or three times; the greatest pains are taken to keep this illness from the public; but my authority is good, and what I can depend upon. He looked very ill when I last saw him, and I think Lord Grenville must have found his appearance much altered. The impression of my mind is that the complaint is in the head. He has been agitated to a degree by the birth of this Clarence child, and by all the difficulties surrounding him; and not less from finding that he has no resource, but must submit to whatever his Ministers may decide as to the Queen. He still presses further resistance, and fancies the public will open their eyes to all the history which you know regarding the Princess Charlotte, which they will not believe one word about, but will only consider a further proof of conspiracy. On this point, however, he is uncontrollable, and nothing will convince him. What confirms me in his illness is, that Bloomfield was to have written to me two days ago to settle about our reception, &c. &c; he has not done so, and I am persuaded the King cannot leave town, and he don't like to acknowledge this.
I heard a story—I don't vouch for the truth of it—that the Duke of Gloucester and Lord Craven had had some very high words at Coombe Abbey, where the former was on a visit. It began from strong opinions expressed by the former regarding the Queen, which the latter attacked; and it ended in the Royal personage going from his visit under great displeasure, and the visited declaring that he should never come to his house again. There may be no truth in this; but I rather believe it, because I know Lord Craven informed the King that he was to have this visit; that he regretted it, but it was an old invitation, and he could not put it off; otherwise, the behaviour of the Duke of Gloucester regarding the Queen was such that he never should have invited him. The King is outrageous with the Duke of Gloucester for not attending the University Address. I take it for granted Lord G—— goes with his, which will mark the neglect still stronger.
I hope you observed our personal allusions to the King's conduct in our Address; I doubt if he will receive such another from any part of the kingdom.
If I hear anything further, you shall immediately know it; and I probably shall in a few days.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Llangedwin, Dec. 19, 1820.
I hear that Canning has given way to the continued omission of the Queen from the Liturgy, as conceiving it preferable to an omission in the payment of his salary, and will continue the same cordial support to Castlereagh which he has hitherto afforded.
I suppose that the Opposition will be compelled to move an amendment to the Address, though they are fully aware how disadvantageous and injudicious a mode of attack that is.
The next question, and that on which they will get the best division, will be the omission in the Liturgy. I have not yet heard what the sum to be proposed for her establishment is. I think that she is in equity, under her marriage settlement, entitled to £50,000, which has been, in a great degree, recognised by the vote of the House of Commons in 1814, though, on a quantum meruit, pence might be a fitter allowance than pounds. I hope, therefore, that that will be the sum proposed; and cannot conceive that she will have a dozen to vote for putting her on the same footing as the late Queen, agreeable to the notice which has been given. As far as I can judge, I believe the reaction now going on in the public mind to be very strong against her, and that the parlour, and even the shop, are becoming nearly as unanimous that way, as the servants'-hall and alehouse the other.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
On the 20th December Mr. Canning resigned the Presidentship of the Board of Control and his place in Council, as was alleged, in consequence of dissatisfaction with the recent proceedings of the Government in reference to the Queen.
It has been surmised that an instinct, of which he had already given some examples, prompted him to desert what many considered a sinking ship. The affair is thus described by one of his colleagues:—"The interval since I last wrote to you has been an unpleasant one. Liverpool went to Walmer in a very uneasy state of mind and spirits, and during his absence I had some painful communications at C—— H—— [Carlton House]. C—— [Canning] followed him to Walmer, where he stayed three or four days, and on Saturday he returned. On Tuesday, C—— circulated a draft of a letter from himself to the King, containing his resignation, and on Wednesday the letter was laid before his Majesty. I was immediately sent for to C—— H——. The King, however, I know, was taken by surprise. * * * It is a most unfortunate circumstance, and involves us in very serious difficulties. He means to go abroad. It appears to me to be very doubtful, from the irritability of one great house, and the restlessness of a greater, whether the Government will hold together."[58] ]
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Dec. 26, 1820.
My dear Lord,
Since I wrote to you last, I have dined with the K——, who was all gracious and civil; but nothing passed on the subject of politics. I thought him infinitely better in health and spirits for the few days' quiet he had enjoyed in this neighbourhood. The party did not break up till past twelve o'clock. The only persons besides the Princess's families were, besides Mrs. Fremantle and Miss Hervey, Lord and Lady Harcourt.—He eat a great quantity—but no meat—and sang the whole evening, and was in much more cheerful spirits.—He is gone to Brighton, where there is a little snug party, consisting only of his own men, Lady Blomfield, and Lord and Lady Conyngham; and I have no doubt he will remain there as long as he can. He talked of coming here again, in which case I should probably see him.
From all I learn, I am quite persuaded his Ministers have now made up their minds to try the experiment of fighting the question of the Liturgy. It is certainly right that he should know that the thing is not totally to be abandoned if they fail—for this was his impression, I am quite sure, when I last wrote to you. I have no doubt I shall, somehow or other, have the means of letting him know this, and your opinions; but it must depend on the accident of meeting him. A trip to Brighton is quite out of the question; it would create suspicion; and ten to one I should not see him.
I doubt if Peel will be prevailed on to take office. They are trying hard; but I cannot see how it can answer to him, nor in truth do I think he would be any great gain to them. My own opinion is, that they will shuffle and cut and make some change of office—that is, by putting Wellesley Pole or B. Bathurst, or something of this sort, in the India Board, and bringing Huskisson or some minor character forward.
I have great fears about your Bucks Address; I think it is better altogether to let well alone, for fear of raising a flame you cannot subdue. However, you must be the best judge; and if numbers are wanted for a meeting, I shall not fail to attend.
You may depend on hearing from me if anything occurs.—The Duke of Gloucester is returned to Bagshot; I shall probably see him in a day or two. Nothing can go on so bad as this ménage. I doubt if it can last, with all the exertions which are making to make it worse. She will not give up her family, and he will not associate with them.—The Duke of Sussex is seriously ill. I don't know his complaint, but I hear something spinal.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dec. 26, 1820.
I return you Fremantle's letter; it tells me no more than I had already collected from what is passing.
I do believe that there is arising in the country enough of a Royalist spirit and feeling to have enabled such a man as Pitt, with his courage and abilities, and with some foundation of natural personal popularity, to avail himself of it, and by putting a speedy end, quoquo modo, to the discussions about the Queen's business, to make a good stand for the maintenance of Government.
But it is needless to remark, that these people have neither decision of mind to view their situation in its true light, nor the means of acting upon it in such a course as could alone extricate their master and themselves from all their difficulties.
On the other hand, it is no less evident that he satisfies himself with talking about his situation, and does not feel reliance enough upon himself to act upon it in either of the two ways which are alone open to him—that of making himself the active partisan and supporter of his present system, and lending himself fully to every exertion of personal aid which he could still give them, by appearing in public, holding his levees, opening his house, &c. &c.; or, on the other hand, of opening immediate communication for a capitulation, the terms of which, irksome as they would now be, must daily become more and more so by the inevitable course of events, independently of those peculiar circumstances of personal temper which are unhappily so evident even in this moment, and will certainly not lose their force by the continuance of the contest.
The Ministers have chosen for their field of battle precisely the very weakest post in their whole position; and though personally (if I took any personal part in these things) I should not have an instant's hesitation in voting against any party interference with the manner in which the K—— in Council, as head of the Church, has directed his family to be prayed for, yet I have hardly a doubt, from what I hear, that the majority of this House of Commons will think otherwise.
As to Canning, I am certainly no admirer of any part of his conduct, past, present, or likely to come, on the subject of the Q——; but I must, after all, in fairness, say that the past having been such as it has, I do not see how he could at this time continue in office to advise, conduct, and answer for the K——'s measures against her.
I know nothing of Peel, nor have any clue to guess his intentions; but I am clear that it would be little short of an act of direct insanity for any man not already involved in this mass of difficulty to go voluntarily and implicate himself in it.
If I had no other ground for this opinion—and, unfortunately, there are a thousand good reasons for it—I should think it quite enough to look at the way in which, in such a moment, these Ministers are up, running about in every direction—the Duke of Wellington to Chester, Bathurst to Longleat and I know not where else, Harrowby to Dawlish, and letting the K—— himself go to Brighton, leaving everything at sixes and sevens, and trusting to live through the next month as they can, till the meeting of Parliament brings on the great crisis.
Truly, if they can, or think they can, do anything to prop up their Government, they ought to be actively employed in the measures for that purpose; and if they cannot, they owe it to him to tell him so at once, and plainly.
But as for any idea of their asking others to join them, in the very moment of their approaching, and, as they themselves seem to consider it, inevitable defeat, it does seem that they are not absurd enough to expect it; nor, if they did, could any reasonable man entertain the notion, without very different ideas of their personal fitness for taking their part in such a contest than the past can allow us to entertain.
I am sure you know I say this from no personal indisposition to them. My early habits and predilections were with them. I have long since and totally forgotten whatever of personal controversy the events of political life interposed between us, and I have with great pleasure resumed with some of them the course of old friendships. Nor am I indisposed—but quite the contrary—to the cause which, unhappily for itself and for us all, is now committed into their hands.
I wish it success; and as far as the conduct of an independent and disconnected man goes, I think you are bound to contribute to it if you can. But your worst enemy could wish you nothing worse than that you should mix yourself up with all the mischief which must, I fear, inevitably result from their unfitness to contend with such a storm, though in peace and in calm they might, as others far inferior to them in qualifications have done, navigate the vessel safely in a course already tracked and known.
So, here ends my sermon.—God bless you.
I have not read Grey's Durham speech—I have no pleasure in such reading, and abstain from it all I can. But it is only justice to say that Grey did in the House of Lords declare that his vote was given on the ground of not guilty—admitting and condemning what he thought great improprieties in her conduct, but not thinking the case of adultery sufficiently proved.
I do not agree with him, as you know, in this opinion; but it is not fair to impute it to him now as an inconsistency.
As for Bucks, I know not who your sheriff is, but I trust he is one who will refuse, as his Berkshire neighbour has done, to call a meeting; and if one is called by the four or five gentlemen of that party in this county, I should most strongly dissuade your giving it so much countenance as to attend it and make it the scene of a contest. You would be much stronger in the shape of a counter-Address in that case.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Dec. 29, 1820.
My dear Lord,
Since I wrote to you last, we have had a great deal of discussion regarding our presenting the Address. Lord Sidmouth interfered, and said it would give offence to others if it were received as a body; and the King then deputed me to select six gentlemen, which was utterly impossible without giving offence; so that it has ended at last in its going to the Secretary of State. This negotiation, however, has brought me in contact with the King, who was graciously pleased to see me yesterday, and kept me nearly an hour. After the first two or three sentences about the Address, he entered upon politics and the Queen and, in short, as you may suppose, talking the whole time, there was hardly anything he did not touch upon. It was evident from his language that his Ministry was undecided up to the moment when he left town; for he said more than once, "If my Government remain, or if partial changes take place, which must be the case, it is necessary for them now to meet the questions manfully. The tide of public opinion has changed, and they must profit by it. If they surrender, they give up the monarchy—the constitution—all that we hold sacred; for Lord Grey, by his speech at Durham, has shown his connexion and his determination to unite with the Radicals. He has declared (contrary to his declaration in the Lords) that, if he had had to decide on the Queen, he should have said Not guilty. This was at once deciding against him, and against all that ought to be held sacred and moral." I only give this as a small specimen; but his invective against Lord Grey was stronger and more violent than I can possibly repeat. At the same time, I should imagine, though undoubtedly he did not say anything that approached it, that he was doubtful whether his Government meant to stand stout. The language of the Ministers' friends is, that they mean to try the question of the Liturgy; and if they are beat, then to resign in a body. I believe this to be the real truth, and I know they have been urged to this by several county members. It is impossible to describe how full the King was of the Oxford Address. Pray tell Lord Grenville this, if he is with you (which the papers state). He described over and over again all the enthusiasm of loyalty betrayed in the forgetfulness of all decorum after he had left the throne. He spoke of their clapping him on the back; of their great numbers; but, above all, of the dignified and proper manner in which the Chancellor read the Address, every word of which he praised in the highest terms. I thought he looked very ill—certainly worse than when I had before seen him, though a short time since; and conversing with Bloomfield he said the same thing; but he was greatly collected, his eyes animated, and full of the subjects he discussed—unfortunately still harping on all the idle and miserable intrigues about the Princess Charlotte. What, however, most struck me, and what I am most anxious to observe to you, was his increased hostility and indignation against the Opposition, and more personally against Lord Grey.
I see they are trying hard to manufacture Addresses against the Government from different counties. Here in Berks they will get a flaming one; but I doubt their success in many others. I own I have great fears in your attempting a loyal one in Bucks; I have no doubt of the northern side, but I am sure you would find a strong opposition from the southern quarter; and as it must be held—the meeting—at Aylesbury, this would operate very much against it. Any failure would be most unfortunate—and they would move heaven and earth to beat you; any amendment, even, would have the effect of a victory. The Russells, Cavendishes,—everything that could be mustered would come forward; so that I own I should fear the attempt. Pray let me know if it should take place, as I would certainly attend; and should the Radicals attempt an Address on their part, then I think we should at once muster every strength, and fight them. I hope, in such a case, we should beat them.
I cannot find out the full extent of Lord S——'s history. I believe it exaggerated; but I have no doubt, from what I have heard, that there has been a scene. He is not recalled; but I believe it is understood he is to come home. I rather expect that Sir Henry Wellesley, from Madrid, will succeed him, provided this Government stands.
As to what is to become of the Board of Control, I have not a guess. I can't believe Peel will, at such a moment, plunge himself in such a troubled lake, nor can I see to what quarter they can look, in their present distracted and unsettled state, for a connexion; it is another thing supporting the measures that may be brought forward.
I am invited to meet the King at dinner to-morrow; and if I hear anything worth relating, you shall have a letter.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
LORD CASSILIS TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Culzean Castle, Dec. —.
I received your letter, my dear Lord Buckingham, when writhing under a fit of the gout, the legacy of the Bill of Pains and Penalties which you made me vote for. God help us! as the saying is; for what is to become of us, He only knows. There seems nothing but chaos and desolation whatever way a man turns himself: the middle classes of the people waging war upon the higher orders; the tenantry taking advantage of the times to conspire against their landlords; and the lower orders existing only from the circumstance of the produce of land being unmarketable: barley two shillings a bushel, oats nearly the same, and no sale for wheat at any price. The weavers are certainly all employed here, but cannot earn more than from six to eight shillings a week. Such is our state. The finance of the country is "opportunely" a little improved. Had it retrograded a little, the King was over with us; and there yet hangs out insurmountable evil. I think I hear you say, "What a gloomy dog!" And so I am, because I cannot see daylight in any direction. I cannot agree about a reduction of our army: a soldier less, and we shall have revolution and civil war. Those people under whose protection we should be put if the army was reduced, would, as Rollo says, "cover and devour us." It's all really dreadful. I have not since I saw you heard a reasonable conjecture even about the Administration's fate or plans. I think that Canning will stick to Liverpool; Morley told me he would positively. I should not be displeased to see a separation between Liverpool and Castlereagh. I think it very probable that the Opposition will take the King by storm, backed as they are and will be by the people, as they are called. The Addresses to the King as yet are feeble and poor, nothing like heart appearing. If the Opposition get in, they will let fly a set of measures calculated to secure popularity at starting, but which in the end will bring ruin, absolute, upon the country. It does not appear possible to me for the Government to get on, when Parliament meets, if the present fever in the public mind does not abate. I will not bore you any more with my lamentations. Pray do give me some consolation if you can, and at any rate be kind enough to let me know when anything political is stirring. What would I not have given to have been behind the screen at Lord Grenville's audience!—The weather here is nearly as bad as the times.
Ever, my dear Lord Buckingham,
Your truly faithful
Cassilis.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Llangedwin, Dec. 31, 1820.
My dear B——,
I hear from Phillimore that the successor to Canning still remains undetermined. If Peel would accept it, or were rather to succeed Vansittart, my opinion of the probability of the present Government standing would be more strengthened than by any other event whatever. My estimate of Peel is, I am aware, higher than yours. I agree with you that he cannot supply the effect of one of Canning's glittering, eloquent speeches; still, he combines greater advantages at this moment than any other man in the House of Commons.
Talent, independent fortune, official habits and reputation, and, above all, general character both in and out of Parliament, have, I am persuaded, disposed more men to follow and more to unite with him than any person whom you can name among us. I do not deny the objections arising from want of family and connexion, from the irritability he has shown of late, and from the drubbing which Brougham gave him last year; but still you must remember that you can name no one who has not greater difficulties to encounter, and fewer advantages to assist him. Phillimore tells me that he hears that he has refused to connect himself with the Administration, from disapprobation of their gross mismanagement during the late business. If this were true, I should have more hope of the possibility of forming a fresh Government, in the event of the present falling, than I have yet entertained. I think he is not ill-inclined to back out of the Catholic question, and that that was the meaning of his proposed going abroad for a twelvemonth after his marriage; but I have no personal acquaintance with him to make my opinion on this subject worth anything.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
"The King is improved in health and spirits," writes the Home Secretary to Lord Exmouth, "and you may rest assured he will be firmly supported by his Government, which, however, cannot serve him usefully unless they are also firmly supported by Parliament. We have taken our determination. The Queen will neither be harassed nor molested; but to a palace, and to the insertion of her name in the Liturgy, we shall never consent; and if Parliament should differ from us on these points, the Government must fall. But the reports from our friends are extremely satisfactory."[59] ]
CHAPTER IV.
[1821.]
LETTER FROM THE KING TO LORD ELDON ON LIBELLOUS PUBLICATIONS. CLAIMS OF THE QUEEN. LORD CASTLEREAGH'S ATTACK ON LORD ERSKINE. POSITION OF THE GOVERNMENT. CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. FAMILY QUARRELS. SUGGESTED JUNCTION OF THE GRENVILLES WITH THE GOVERNMENT. MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM PROPOSED BY THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AS LORD-LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND. PREPARATIONS FOR THE CORONATION. NEGOTIATIONS. INFLUENCE OF "THE LADY". QUEEN CAROLINE AT THE CORONATION.
CHAPTER IV.
During the late discussions respecting the Queen, the freedom of a certain portion of the press had known no bounds. When the tide of popular opinion began to turn, it was thought advisable that some effort should be made to restrain it within the limits of decency, and punish offenders; and one of the most eager to take advantage of the change was the illustrious individual who had suffered most from the abuse.
THE KING TO LORD ELDON.
Brighton, Jan. 9, 1821.
My dear Lord,
As the Courts of Law will now open within a few days, I am desirous to know the decision that has been taken by the Attorney-General upon the mode in which all the vendors of treason, and libellers, such as Benbow, &c. &c., are to be prosecuted. This is a measure so vitally indispensable to my feelings, as well as to the country, that I must insist that no further loss of time should be suffered to elapse before proceedings be instituted. It is clear beyond dispute, from the improvement of the public mind, and the loyalty which the country is now everywhere displaying, if properly cultivated and turned to the best advantage by Ministers, that the Government will thereby be enabled to repair to the country and to me, those evils of the magnitude of which there can be but one opinion. This I write to you in your double capacity as a friend and a Minister; and I wish, under the same feelings to Lord Sidmouth, that you would communicate my opinions and determination to him.
Always, my dear Lord,
Very sincerely yours,
G. R.
The ferment that had so long agitated society was maintained with much heat in political circles, and rumours of Ministerial changes were rife, as had often previously been the case, just before the meeting of Parliament. At this crisis, the intermediate party of the Grenvilles were daily gaining importance in the eyes of both Whigs and Tories, and, as will be shown, its policy became a question of absorbing interest to its leaders. The Queen still managed to keep herself prominently before the public, and was using her best exertions among her supporters in the House of Commons to force the Government to allow her advantages and privileges claimed by her as belonging to her rank—her name in the Liturgy, and a palatial residence, with a corresponding income, being the chief. On these points the correspondence will be found to be peculiarly illustrative.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Doctors' Commons, Jan. 16, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I am naturally desirous of ascertaining, by the only mode of communication which seems open to me, your general opinion and sentiments as to the outline of the course we ought to shape in the stormy debates we shall probably have so speedily to encounter. Our situation as a party appears to be more critical than it has ever been. The Ministers have conducted themselves with great imbecility and indecision, and the Opposition have distinguished themselves by their violence and intemperance; and under these circumstances we are looked upon as a rallying point between the two extremes, and our opinion is very anxiously looked for by many persons who wish, if they can, to make it the guide of their conduct. It seems to me, therefore, very desirable to consider, as much as we can before-hand, any of the questions on which we may be called upon to give an opinion. The two first points expected to be brought forward are the Liturgy and the Palace. With respect to the Liturgy, I am strongly inclined to think, upon an examination of the subject (for at first I had considerable doubt upon it), that the King has the right to do as he has done; and though I do not think his exercise of the right discreet or advisable under the circumstances, still if he had the right, I should not be disposed to hold that the Queen's name ought now to be placed in the Liturgy. The general opinion of lawyers is, I think, unfavourable to the King's claim; but then, perhaps, that opinion is frequently given without any examination of the subject.
On the Palace, I feel no difficulties. If we are to allow her—as I understand it is to be proposed that we shall—£50,000 per annum, she may well afford to pay rent for her habitation.
Questions may be expected to be raised also as to the policy of Government in bringing forward any measure against the Queen, and as to their mode of conducting it when brought forward. On both of these points it appears to me that much blame is imputable to the Ministers; but these are questions which cannot be brought forward substantively for some days at least, and therefore I trust I shall have an opportunity of discussing them with you before any occasion can arise on which we may be called upon to give any opinion respecting them.
The Address, I suppose, will be such as not necessarily to compromise those who vote for it to any opinion as to the wisdom of Ministers; but I think, however bad, in point of tactics in general, it may be to propose an amendment, that, under existing circumstances, an amendment must be moved. The query then is, whether we should explain our vote? and if we do, what should be the nature of that explanation?
The Government people either are, or pretend to be, in better spirits than they were three weeks ago; but I have great doubts whether they will be able to withstand the storm;—at all events, if they do, they will be severely shattered; all will depend on whether they can get their friends to vote. They very much encourage the idea that we are to support them, and to take office at or about Easter; but this is a ruse de guerre resorted to at the opening of every session.—I never witnessed more dismay than was excited by a rumour very much circulated last week, that Plunket was to take an active part against the Government.
Another report set on foot is, that the King is very desirous that the Government may be beaten on the Address, as it will give him a good excuse to get rid of them.
I fear there is little chance of Wynn's coming to London till the last moment; but I have not heard anything from him on this point.
Believe me, my dear Lord,
Your Lordship's obliged and faithful servant,
Joseph Phillimore.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, Jan. 24, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I waited till now to write to you, to give you my opinion on the first appearance of things. The House of Commons is evidently determined to support the Ministers, and I see the Opposition think so, for they are not near so triumphant as I should have expected; and there are strong symptoms already of dissension between the Mountain and Whigs; the former are turbulent to a degree, and tried once or twice yesterday to stop debate by noise and clamour; and the few words I had with your brother[60] ] showed me he was discontented. He said the Opposition were destroying their own game, and that there was no hope; that they were milk-and-water, and did not seize the advantages they possessed. From this it is clear their meeting at Burlington House was not quite satisfactory, and I am persuaded the violent ones wished for an amendment.—The Liturgy question is to be argued on the point of law, which is the best thing that could happen to Ministers; and the Opposition are to object to the sum of £50,000 (which is the proposed amount of the allowance), as not being enough. This will throw the odium of the burthen, and even of the proposition, on the Opposition, which is also advantageous to Government.—Never was anything, however, so low and wretched as the Treasury Bench. It is quite disgraceful and contemptible, and not even upheld by its adherents and followers. They all say it cannot go on; but, nevertheless, I think it will, for there is a determination not to take the Whigs. This more and more confirms the propriety of our line of moderate but quiet support, and disconnecting ourselves with the responsibility of all their measures. I took an opportunity before I left the country of saying to the sister fully all you wished. I had two hours' private communication with her.—I spent two days—Friday and Saturday last—at Dropmore. I found Lord G—— thoroughly convinced these people could not stand, and that the Whigs must come in, but equally decided as to our not joining either. So far, he need be under no apprehension of the latter; for until necessity demands it, I don't think the application will be made. He fancies a Whig Government could not last six months, reasoning from the conduct of George III.; but in this I am persuaded he would find himself deceived, for the same decision and steadiness of mind does not belong to his successor. And should the change once take place, new attachments and habits would prevail, and obliterate all former anger.—The Government say their majority on Friday will be seventy. I think more, by the symptoms of yesterday.
Nothing could be so wretched as the mover and seconder, or so tame as Tierney.—I shall finish this at the House.
Half-past Five o'clock.
Nothing material has occurred. Petitions are presenting by hundreds, and much violent language accompanying them; but Castlereagh keeping very cool, and refusing all discussion—the Opposition manifesting great impetuosity and violence, and, I think, hurting themselves. Lord Tavistock has given a notice for Monday se'nnight of a motion of general condemnation of the Ministers for their proceedings regarding the Queen. I cannot give you the exact words.
W. H. F.
As might have been expected, soon after the meeting of Parliament, two or three of the Opposition members began an active agitation in favour of the Queen; but the majority of the members were opposed to much discussion on the subject, and it became evident that her cause was daily losing ground in that assembly. On the 26th of January, during a debate on a motion respecting the omission of the Queen's name in the Liturgy, Lord Castlereagh made a forcible reply to the attacks upon his colleagues, in which he vindicated the conduct of the Government, and taunted the Opposition with their proceedings against the Queen on former occasions. His argument was directed against Lord Erskine, who had recently, in the House of Lords, while referring to the Queen, expressed himself offensively towards Ministers; but Lord Grenville's friends considered that he was attacked, and were warm in their indignation. Lord Grenville and Mr. Thomas Grenville, however, were more tolerant.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, Jan. 31, 1821.
My dear Lord,
After I received your letter, I called at Lord Liverpool's, but could not gain admittance; since that, I have been considering more fully the subject, and think that any explanation now, after the lapse of so many days, and when the whole debate is gone by, could lead to no one advantage; and I fear also that Lord Grenville might fancy I improperly interfered on a question so personally concerning himself. I have no doubt Lord Liverpool would ask me if I were authorized by him to express his anger, or to call for an explanation; and he would probably write to Lord Grenville upon the subject. The offence was undoubtedly great, and such as you were justified in resenting; but I am thoroughly persuaded it was one of Lord Castlereagh's bothering Irish arguments which led him on, and that it was no premeditated attack on your friends. His object was to lay it on Lord Erskine; and in the conversations I have since had with his friends, they have told me he was extremely sorry that your friends should have felt hurt, that he never meant it, and that his only object was to expose the conduct of Lord Erskine. All this, you will say, may be very true, but is no excuse to you; but again I must say, what could you have done? Lord Liverpool could not give up Lord Castlereagh, and you could not resent it so as to vote with the Whigs. The Government are already apprized of your feeling and that of your friends on this subject, and I have no doubt—at least, I should think—it would put them more on their guard. I really think it might be considered by Lord Grenville as very officious in me to call on the Prime Minister to take up his battle without any previous communication or authority from him. I could undoubtedly say it was your feelings I was expressing; but the answer would naturally be, that Lord Grenville personally was concerned. However, the lapse of time is at present the additional objection, and no apology could answer to you or your friends but a public explanation from Castlereagh, which could not be made. I assure you I have been very much disturbed by your letter, being always anxious to obey your wishes and forward your objects, and in the first place called on Lord L—— for that purpose.
The debate yesterday was much more violent and personal than the first—at least, previous to the Speaker's leaving the chair. I left the House after that, and know not what was done. The evident disposition of the House is to stifle all further proceedings regarding the Queen, but it is equally the intention of the Opposition to pursue it; but the latter must ultimately give way, for the House will not hear them. The saints—Butterworth, Wilberforce, &c. &c.—are favourable for her restoration to the Liturgy, and this question is to be brought forward again, but of course will be rejected by a still larger majority.
I see that Charles Wynn and Phillimore are so decidedly disposed to the Opposition, that their minds are at all times on the alert to catch an opportunity of attacking the Government. I certainly do not support or think well of the Government, but I am quite satisfied that nothing short of a total overthrow of everything would induce the Whigs to unite with you; and I am equally satisfied that the only and best prospect of office is to keep terms with the present Government, not with a view of joining them, but of keeping them unfettered and unexasperated for any future arrangements.
That some change must soon take place cannot be doubted, and be assured that Parliament will not have the Whigs. Canning, it is said, will not return to the Board of Control; and the Ministers' followers all hold the language of change after these questions are got over. I give you these opinions of my own, and what I hear, and be assured there is no being more eager or more watchful of your interests and objects than I am. I shall keep this open till I go down to the House, in case there should be anything new.—The Duke of Devonshire is come to town a thorough Reformist: this is a conversion; as also Lord Fitzwilliam. It is hardly possible to conceive that their anger should have led them to such a thorough departure from all their old feelings and principles.
There is nothing new. Lushington was most violent last night; and nobody believes Admiral Wood's assertion that the Queen has no bills or debts.
Ever most truly,
W. H. F.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
My dear B——,
We cannot argue the question of the expediency of the original omission, without consuming more paper and time than I can afford; but it still appears to me—1st. That at that time Ministers had not decided to bring the business forward, or to publish the Queen's infamy; 2ndly. That though I am myself perfectly satisfied of the King's prerogative, it was so far disputable as to render such an exercise of it very unwise; 3rdly. That there could have been no greater difficulty or impropriety in proceeding, if it should afterwards be rendered necessary by her coming to England, against "our gracious Queen Caroline," than against "the Princess of Wales," prayed for the preceding Sunday. As to the phrase of "gracious," it is a mere title of honour attached to the station, and far less objectionable than "most religious," which Charles II. was the first sovereign who assumed, and which produces little sensation even when used as an epithet to some of his successors. Still, if they were mealy-mouthed, they might have inserted "Her Majesty Queen Caroline." I should also have wished to have sent a yacht, or suitable conveyance, to bring her over to her trial,—just as, if she had been found guilty on an impeachment, and sentenced to transportation, I would not have despatched her to Portsmouth in the caravan, or to Botany Bay in a transport. To neither of these, however, did I attach as much blame as to the not notifying the death of the Princess Charlotte, which I think the most brutal omission I ever remember, and one which would attach disgrace in private life, even in a case where a divorce was pending, or had actually taken place.
My great objection is to the spirit of irritation and provocation which dictated the whole, as if they wished to goad her into the course she has since pursued, instead of endeavouring by all means in their power to avert what every other man in the kingdom felt to be a most hazardous and perilous crisis.
I am much inclined to think that you are quite right as to the key which explains Peel's conduct. Still, I hear from all sides how we are to come in after Easter. This may proceed either from a desire to strengthen themselves by really combining us with Peel in a new arrangement, or (which I think more probable) from a design of cajoling us into present support.
An apology was transmitted to me from Castlereagh, through Lewis, for his attack on the Commission of 1806, professing it to have been quite inadvertent, and merely levelled at Erskine, without recollecting that Lord Grenville was equally implicated.
I certainly hear from many quarters that the country gentlemen are loud in their representations to Ministers of the necessity of their strengthening themselves, if they wish for a continuance of support. Probably this will be answered by Canning's return, and the accession of Peel.
I have just heard, on the authority of a man who told me that he had seen Lady O——'s letter, that H—— A—— having eloped from Florence with her second daughter, she followed them, and when she found them, he had taken poison. Now, why they should take the trouble of eloping, and, still more, why he should take poison, is not easy to conceive.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, Feb. 1, 1821.
My brother has just shown me your letter, and I trust I need not assure you that I am, as always, most deeply sensible of your affectionate kindness; but I am perfectly horrified at the notion which it has suggested to you, on an occasion which surely does not call for the smallest manifestation of any resentment or dissatisfaction whatever.
If you support Government on these questions about the Queen, it is not at all from any particular attachment to Lord C——, or any of his colleagues, but from what you think due both to the King and to the country, to contribute, as far as you can, to resist the degradation which the Radicals and their allies would bring on the first, and the ruin which must, if they succeed in that attempt, ensue to the country.
It would be most unjust to require Lord C——, in this warfare, to abstain from a natural and obvious ground of defence. I am not so unreasonable as to expect this, if I cared one farthing about anything that can be said of that inquiry, in which, if I cared at all, it was in being too easily satisfied. Nor am I so thin-skinned as to have any feeling on the subject; and the only thing that could have made it at all unpleasant to me would be the appearance (which such a step as you speak of must have) of my being angered on the occasion, and having used any influence I might have with you to the effect of inducing you to act contrary certainly to all my opinions and wishes, and, I believe, contrary to your own.
Pray—pray, therefore, let all your friends, if they and you agree with me in thinking Lord Tavistock's motion fit to be negatived, cry "No!" as stoutly as I would if I had anything to say or do on the occasion.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, Feb. 1, 1821.
My dear Lord B——,
The two brothers here are quite astounded at the importance which you and Charles attach to Lord Castlereagh's attack upon the Government of 1806-7, and still more at the influence which both of you seem disposed to give to it in your conduct on the impending motions in Parliament. In the first place, it is to be observed that it is not fair dealing to expect Castlereagh to forbear from attacking Lord Grey, Lord Lansdowne, and Mr. Tierney, on their hostility to the Queen fourteen years ago, because he cannot do so without including Lord Grenville, as well as Lord Spencer and Lord Erskine, as members of that Government. I think Lord C—— fully entitled to reproach that inconsistency of conduct to Lord Grey and his colleagues—an inconsistency which in no degree applies to Lord Grenville; but even if it did, surely Lord C—— is not to be deprived of his legitimate warfare upon those to whom he is opposed, because Lord Grenville was in those days politically connected with them. But even supposing that you had reason in this respect to complain of Lord C—— (which I utterly deny), still it would be a most unjustifiable, and unbecoming, and culpable course, to suffer any such personal considerations to influence your conduct upon the great public questions which are impending. Those questions are to decide whether the Opposition is to be suffered, from its base alliance with the Radicals and with the Q——, to take violent possession of the Government, in order to overturn the whole system of our constitution; to bring in annual or triennial Parliaments; to do little short of introducing universal suffrage; to disband the army, which now holds the Radicals in check; and, very probably, to let loose Bonaparte, under pretence of mitigating his confinement. These are some of the first fruits of what is to be expected from Lord Tavistock's motion, if, by its success, it removes the present Government; and can you look at any part of this picture, and yet suffer any personal considerations to weigh for one moment in your mind, while such superior considerations are at stake? I could have added much upon the disgrace you would throw on Lord Grenville, if he could be suspected, as he would, of being a party to so much personal irritation in questions of the very vital existence of the constitution of the country. But he writes himself.
The next letter commences with a reference to the judgment passed by Judge Bailey on that popular leader, Sir Francis Burdett. It was merely a fine of £2000, and imprisonment for three months in the King's Bench:—
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Feb. 10, 1821.
I agree with you in considering the sentence on Burdett—a sentence so unexpected as to call for the plaudits of all the Radicals who surrounded the Court, and the congratulations of his friends—as most calamitous; and, unfortunately, it is not the first instance in which the Court of King's Bench, or rather the present judges who preside in it, have shown that they are not proof against popular clamour and the apprehension of personal danger. On the reduction of the army, I am by no means so sure that I agree with you. I have not the means of estimating the exact quantum of troops which may be requisite for preserving the internal tranquillity of the country, but am inclined to believe that the salutary operation of the Bills of 1819, and the increase which has taken place in the Yeomanry, do afford a reasonable expectation that a less number of regulars will now be sufficient than were before required—and unless I was quite satisfied to the contrary, I am not prepared to complain of any measure which tends to alleviate the financial pressure.
It is quite true that there are symptoms of some understanding between Castlereagh and Peel, though the speech of the latter plainly stated his disapprobation on several points of the conduct of Government. The most decisive is his abandonment of Pitt's old Hill Fort, which he had occupied, and returning to his former position in the rear of the Treasury Bench.
The debate last night was much more decidedly in favour of Government than either of the former—at least, so it appeared to me; but perhaps I may be prejudiced, from having taken a part in it. Wilberforce made a remarkably feeble, vacillating speech, and at last turning the scale in favour of the motion by the make-weight of popular opinion, which he allowed to be formed on false and mistaken principles. Lamb spoke most strongly against the motion, but concluded by voting in its favour, because the question had so much disturbed the country, that the true honour would belong to the party which first conceded it. Acland's was one of the most impressive and efficient speeches I ever heard. And on this state of the debate, Castlereagh most wisely, and to the great satisfaction of the House, allowed us to go to a division at a quarter before one, instead of keeping us till six or seven, which would have been the inevitable consequence of his speaking. To our great amusement, Creevey, Fergusson, Wilson, Lambton, and Sefton were shut out, and afterwards received the inquiries of their friends whether it was not from scruples of conscience, and being unable to make up their minds, that they had abstained from voting. The party is certainly unlucky; for on a preceding night, Lord Carhampton and Luke White paired off and went comfortably to bed, without finding out that they were on the same side. We now, I trust, are rid of the Queen's business, though I still fear we must have one night on the Milan Commission; but nobody has yet given notice of a motion on the subject.
I was rather surprised on Monday night to find Ministers so weak as to be totally unable to risk a division on Davie Gilbert's proposal of throwing Grampound into the Hundreds, and that afterwards, when joined by us and by several members from the Opposition, they were beaten two to one; much, I think, owing to Ward's speech. I have now, I think, sent you gossip enough for one day.
Ever yours,
C. W. W.
Have you heard that a match is declared between Lord Dartmouth and Lady Frances Talbot? To see them together will be somewhat like Lord Bulkeley and Lord Abingdon at the Encœnia.
One of the principal subjects of political interest was the Catholic question, brought forward in the House of Commons on the 2nd of March by Mr. Plunket, in a Committee of the whole House; and a Bill for the Emancipation of the Catholics was introduced by him on the 7th of the same month, the second reading of which was debated on the 16th, and carried by a majority of 11.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Hanover Place, March 5, 1821.
It is extremely difficult, I believe, even for those most intimately acquainted with the present composition of the House of Commons, to anticipate the final result of the Catholic question. Many things that one hears would lead one to be very sanguine in one's hopes; but then, the difficulties are so great of steering between groundless fears on one side and groundless jealousies on the other, and the means are so great which are possessed by the enemies of conciliation on both sides, that every step taken in the business is surrounded with danger of failure.
Plunket talks of dividing the measure into two Bills, if he can get Castlereagh to consent to it—one of concession, the other of security; a most wise project, if it can be accomplished. His exertions have been beyond all praise, and the tone of moderation which he has given to the discussion must do great good, whatever be the result.
I am sorry there was a necessity for giving so much time; but I trust, after the second reading, it will proceed, if at all, with better expedition.
In the House of Lords, the Chancellor and the Bishops will certainly persevere in their resistance; but if there really is that change of course on this subject in higher quarters, which common prudence so loudly calls for, I should not at all fear their opposition.
All will depend on that. But indeed I do not see why Liverpool himself should (on the grounds on which he has always argued the question) be debarred from taking the wiser resolution to acquiesce in such a measure if it comes up from the House of Commons, rather than to set the House of Lords singly to stand in the breach against the claims and wishes of five-sixths of the population of Ireland.
Whether he will be clear-sighted enough to see this course, which I think lies plain before him, or whether he has stoutness enough to adopt it, I know not; but sure I am of what he ought to do.
The King must certainly, if he means to go to Ireland in May, mean to carry this boon with him; and if he does, his visit will be productive of more good than one could easily describe. If not,—then, for good, read mischief.
I send you back your Neapolitan news. My only wish is that the matter was settled, and had been so long ago.
"Lord Lansdowne writes word to a correspondent here," says a contemporary letter-writer, "that everything in England has fallen in price, except the Grenvilles. They certainly have made an excellent bargain, in proportion to their talents, reputation, and numerical strength. Were Lord G—— still in the full vigour of life and exertion, one should not be surprised at any sacrifice made to obtain so powerful a support; but by his retirement from public affairs, one would have thought that the value of the family was reduced near to that of the half-dozen votes they can bring into a division."[61] ]
The first of the next series refers to a private quarrel that at the period excited a great deal of notoriety:—
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, March 13, 1821.
My dear Lord B——,
Nobody can be more sensible to your kindness in what you have done respecting Henry, than Charles is; neither do I find in him more reluctance respecting his beginning a communication with Lord C—— than is quite natural, and than I think you would yourself approve. The real truth is, that Charles's opinions certainly do not tend as decidedly and as professedly as yours have done to intercourse with the present Ministers, and least of all, perhaps, with Lord C——. It was very kind in you, therefore, to take upon yourself the communication by which you intended to do a service to Henry; and when you had so determined, I think you took the least objectionable course in applying yourself to Lord L——. By so doing, you effected the very amiable and kind purpose which you had in view, of assisting Henry's wishes without breaking in upon Charles's reluctance to pledge himself farther than he could conscientiously bring himself to do. Having, therefore, yourself taken the step of applying to Lord L——, whenever a renewed application becomes necessary by a new opening in the diplomatic line, or by the expectation of one, the easy and natural course of your kindness will be to renew that application yourself to Lord L——. If, on the other hand, Charles was to apply himself personally to Lord C—— in the present stage of the business, he will be as much and as entirely committed as if he himself had made the original application; and your kindness will not have spared him the embarrassment of becoming a suitor, and of incurring an obligation, where he wishes to stand free of any, except to you. In truth, as far as I understand the present position of the business, it does not seem to me that, after so recent a promise to you from Lord L—— and Lord C——, any renewed application from you or from any of Henry's friends is likely to produce anything except a renewal of the same favourable disposition, whenever occasion should arise. If any circumstances should produce, or even render probable, any new opening in the missions, then will be the natural moment, not for Charles's application to Lord C——, but for the renewal of yours to Lord L——. At the same time, I am sure Charles will not be unnecessarily reluctant or adverse to any communication with Lord C—— that may become necessary, or may naturally arise out of your request to Lord L——, and out of such circumstances as may require discussion; but though the present state of things seems to promise no advantage in any renewed application from you, whenever it does, I am sure you will find Charles heartily and sincerely grateful to you for your warm and disinterested kindness to his brother.—I should distrust, as you do, the result of the Catholic Bill, if every day did not furnish some new evidence which, if correct, seems to promise a more favourable result. Yesterday, I heard of Lord Fife having said that the K—— had told him he did not wish to influence his opinions; and to-day I hear from good authority that Bloomfield has written within these four days, that the K—— will go to Ireland with the certainty of greater and more general popularity than could have been conceived.
The language of the opponents, too, is colder and flatter than it has ever been; rumours—I know not how true—of the Duke of Rutland hesitating on the question, and daily talk of other unexpected votes. Perhaps these rumours are exaggerated; but still they add to the general tide and current of opinion as to the probable success, and that opinion may go far to procure the result that is so much to be wished.
My own notions are, that there should be no exclusion in the Bill except that of the Lord-Lieutenant, who ought to be as much excluded there as the K—— is here. I would not exclude the Chancellor, because I think first it is a breach of the great principle of the measure; and secondly, because it will be an irritating bar to and exclusion of the whole legal profession in Ireland, who are the most influencing and formidable body in that whole country, in all times, and on all questions of public agitation. I would, therefore, leave the Seals open to them, and satisfy the Protestants, as to all ecclesiastical dangers, by special commissions and clauses for the objects of their apprehensions. But for all practical good, one must learn to be satisfied with what can be reached, when what we desire is out of our reach. Till this measure passes, neither England nor Ireland can be safe.
Yours ever most affectionately,
T. G.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, March 14, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I feel, indeed, much indebted to your Lordship for your letter of the 11th inst., and we are all grateful to you for your criticisms on the Bills; and this I should have told you before, but that I was entirely occupied by professional business throughout yesterday morning, and, besides, I wished to consult with Lord Grenville (with whom I was engaged to dine yesterday) as to the policy of some of the amendments you have suggested. Some are obviously improvements on the face of them. The difficulty, as I foresaw, arises as to the insertion of the additional words to express, "That no one shall exercise the function of a bishop who shall not have been approved by the King." We discussed this point fully last night, and Lord Grenville is decidedly of opinion (and this he desired me to mention to you, as from him) that if we venture upon it we shall shipwreck the whole measure. By having the negative of the King to the nomination of any person whose loyalty and good conduct may be suspected, we surely have, in substance and effect, all the security which can be necessary for the protection of the Protestant establishment; and it would be a sad pity to hazard a measure which, to a certain extent, at least, is happily advanced, for the sake of expressions, preferable certainly, but not essential for our security. I have been with Plunket on the subject this morning, and his view coincides with Lord Grenville's entirely. He says it would be laid hold of immediately by the enemies to the measure amongst the Catholics, and made the source of much discontent and irritation, and that the rather because the Bill has been transmitted to them in its present shape, as the measure to be proposed on this branch of the subject. I should add, that Plunket expressed the greatest anxiety to concur in any suggestion which came from you.
You suggest the exclusion of Roman Catholics from the office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland; but it does not seem to me—and, what is of more consequence, it does not seem to Lord Grenville—that the same reasons exist to exclude them from this office which may be urged against their filling the office of Lord High Chancellor. The Irish Chancellor has not, virtute officii, the disposal of Church patronage, nor is he called upon to advise the King in any way respecting it; and the same principle, therefore, which might be applied to exclude them from this function, might be put forward as a ground for their exclusion from the functions of any judge. To say the truth, Lord Grenville is so great an enemy to the principle of exclusion, that he suggested, instead of the clause as it now stands, that no Lord Chancellor should dispose of any Church preferment till he had subscribed the Thirty-nine Articles; but upon suggesting this alteration, we found it would raise such a storm from the Dissenters (who are already moving in all directions against the measure), that there was no option but to abandon it. It will be a satisfaction to you to know that Lord Grenville has been consulted throughout, and has himself revised and corrected the Bills. He appears exceedingly anxious for the success of them; and certainly, when we reflect how much his public life has been connected and mixed up, as it were, with the Catholic question, we cannot be surprised at the exultation he would naturally feel at witnessing the complete triumph of opinions he has so long and so uniformly held.
The anti-Catholic country gentlemen complain of the apathy of the country; and the King has told Lord Fife he hopes he will vote according to his fancy on the question. These are favourable symptoms.
Believe me, your faithful and obliged,
Joseph Phillimore.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
March 15, 1821.
I am most sensible, my dear B——, of the kindness of your continued and active interest for Henry, and, if I saw anything like an opening, should not hesitate to follow up the overture which you have made in his behalf; but unless some new circumstance had occurred since your letter to Lord Liverpool, which presented a mode of effecting its object, I really should think it too early to make a second application; besides which, I quite agree with my uncle, that, in the present situation of affairs, it is preferable that any application of this nature should, as you have yourself determined, proceed through Lord Liverpool rather than Lord Castlereagh; but if I can get an opportunity of reminding Castlereagh, I certainly will not neglect it.
Everything I see and everything I hear contribute to make me more and more sanguine respecting the Catholic question. The tide clearly sets at present in its favour, and the King's good inclinations are every day more and more surmised. The principal defalcation of strength which we have to apprehend arises from the present disjointed and divided state of the Opposition, the members of which are outrageous against each other, and, according to Macdonald's report, may be expected by the next Session to split into three or more distinct parties. He did not specify either the persons likely to form these, or the points in dispute. At present one can only see the Mountain and their lukewarm coadjutors; but what the third is to be, remains to be shown. The amendments which you suggest to the Catholic Bills appear to me, in general, improvements, with the exception of the addition of the Chancellorship of Ireland to the excepted offices, and the requiring that the King should signify his approbation to the Bishops before the exercise of episcopal functions. Both of these would have the effect of extremely diminishing the effect of the measure in Ireland.
Lord Grenville strongly objected to the exception even of the English Chancellor, as justifiable upon no principle, when the exercise of ecclesiastical patronage had been provided for in the other part of the Bill; and it is difficult to discover what principle can justify the exclusion of the Chancellor of Ireland, which would not also extend to every other judicial situation. We must recollect that the Irish Catholic barristers are just the body who have, after the priests, the greatest influence, and whom it is most desirable not to leave a perpetual badge of degradation and inferiority upon. With respect to the necessity of signifying the King's express approbation, it is one of the points which the Irish clergy most objected to, and the omission of which has most reconciled them to the measure; and if the efficient control is attained, it surely is desirable that we should not be nice as to the exact mode in which it shall be exerted. In my own view—and, what is far more important, in that of my uncle—the question of securities is, from the great alteration in the situation of Europe since 1813, become of comparatively small importance, and rather to be conceded to satisfy the scruples of others, and facilitate the final success of this great measure, than to be insisted upon by ourselves.
Dawson's speech against the army estimates last night occasioned surprise, and looks as if the Catholic question had occasioned some hitch in his beau-père Peel's negotiations.
Ever most faithfully yours,
C. W. W.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Pall Mall, March 16, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I am hurried to death by the time, and therefore must make my relation short I endeavoured to meet the Duke yesterday morning; but failing in this, I enclosed your note to me, saying I owed it to him not to withhold such information for his private ear, and desiring him to send me back your note. He sent it back in half an hour, with the enclosed note from himself. This morning he begged to see me; and being on a Committee, and not released till four o'clock, I have only at this moment come from him at his office.
He entered into a very full discussion of the whole business; and, first and foremost, declared in most positive and unequivocal terms, that he was perfectly innocent of the charge imputed to him, and that, fortunately, he had been so guarded in his whole proceedings throughout this disagreeable quarrel between Lord W—— and his wife, that he should be enabled most fully and clearly to rebut and destroy any charge ... that might be brought against him. But feeling this, however, very strongly, he had been to Lord C—— this morning; had consulted with him upon it; and, for the sake of the family, he thought it most essential, and most highly desirable, if possible, to prevent Lord W—— from bringing the charge forward. He considered Lord W——'s object to be founded exclusively on a wish to blacken her character, and to enable him to come forward with more effect in his defence (which he must make) in the case in which he is involved with Mr. W——; that however much he might blacken her in the first instance, it would ultimately recoil on himself, and therefore it was a real object to stop the further proceedings, if possible; that he (the Duke) had done everything in his power to reconcile the differences throughout, and that such must appear if Lord W—— persisted. These were the grounds on which, as a gentleman (without adverting to a personal consideration), he thinks he ought to advise that a stop should be put to W——'s further prosecution of this charge against his wife. The habeas corpus has been demanded, and must be discussed to-morrow, at three o'clock, in the Chancellor's private chamber; but in this discussion, if Lord W—— persists, this business must be gone into. The great object, therefore, that the Duke would recommend is, that you should, if you think proper, before that time communicate by a special messenger to W——, or to the individual through whom you gained your information, and endeavour to persuade him (the Duke being so completely armed against such a charge, and so prepared to refute it ultimately), that it could only for a moment serve his purpose, but in the end would damage his case. Indeed, I am persuaded, from what he said, that if W—— abandoned this attack on his wife, there would be little doubt that Mr. W—— would ultimately give way, and not call him up for his defence. In the many communications which W—— has had with the Duke, he has, at various times, not only personally, but by letter, absolved the Duke from all suspicion on his part of criminality ... and the Duke, throughout all these transactions and communications which he has had with Lady W——, has uniformly and constantly consulted and advised with her brother, Lord C——, upon them.
I have written to you, therefore, as I assured the Duke I would do, and at his desire, and have ventured to say that I was quite sure you would view the circumstance on the same liberal and gentlemanly grounds he had put it, and endeavour to use your influence (if you have any) to stay the further proceedings on this charge, by sending up a servant to the party or parties, as you might think most advisable, before three o'clock to-morrow—it is now nearly six.
Ever yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
My dear B——,
The whole of the third volume of the "Notice des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi" is occupied with an account of the MSS. relative to the proceedings against Joan of Arc. There is an account of one which appears to be a duplicate of yours, though I think the number of pages is less, and every page is mentioned to be verified by the signatures of the notaries, who are called Terrebone and Dionysius Comitis, and which is mentioned to be lettered "Processus Justificationis Joannæ d'Arc." Probably this with the date may be the best for your book. I take for granted you have the "Notice des Manuscrits" at Stowe; and as the account is a very detailed one, it will be very desirable to compare your MS. with it. Perhaps, however, this may be best done in town.
We only go into the Committee to-day pro formâ, in order to reprint and then recommit for discussion on Wednesday. The oath is now to be a new one, embodying the explanation, which is thought better than adhering to the old one, for which I am rather sorry. Everything looks favourably. Walter Burrell, Sir Hussey Vivian, Curteis of Sussex, Fox Lane, have all declared their intentions of not voting in the Committee, and we hope others may follow the example; but it is a period of nervous suspense. The debate on Friday was one of great forbearance, and it is difficult to say whether Peel most spared Mackintosh—or Canning, Peel. Canning stated that there was as great a community of sentiment between Peel and himself as could well subsist between public men. His speech and Wilberforce's were both uncommonly good.
I had some conversation with Plunket on Saturday about his views, and I am sorry to find him most disinclined—indeed, I might say almost resolved—against taking any office which would fix him in England, and looking only to the Attorney-Generalship and Great Seal of Ireland, but thinking that he could, while in the former office, give considerable attendance in the House of Commons.
He appeared to feel that there was no longer any obstacle to his taking office under the present Government, as now constituted, and to be well disposed to accept the offer of the Attorney-Generalship of Ireland whenever they can make room for him, though he would much prefer coming in with us.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, March 20, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I have seen the Duke, who desired me to express to you his very sincere thanks for the trouble you have taken in the subject of this detestable quarrel of the W——s. He assured me he would never mention your name to any human being; and you may rest assured that no letter to me shall ever go out of my hands.
With regard to leaving the whole matter in dispute to the arbitration of mutual friends, the Duke says there is no difficulty whatever in procuring Lady W——'s consent to it; she has repeatedly offered it, and is now ready to abide by such a reference. With regard to the child, this is a subject that must be decided by the Court, and cannot, and ought not, to form a part of the reference. If the father is entitled to take his child, he will, of course, have it; and there seems to be no doubt on this point. The real question of reference would be the litigation which is now carrying on between Lord W—— and Mr. W——, and the pecuniary arrangements and formal separation of the parties.
The Duke says, that, with regard to the dispute between Lord W—— and Mr. W——, it stands independent of all other subjects; and as Lord W—— is now compelled to put in his answer (the rule being made absolute), and as the case must ultimately be most injurious and disgraceful in all its bearings to Lord W—— (as it affects his conduct to Mr. W——), he thinks the best advice to be given to Lord W——, and the best course for him to follow, would be for him to write a letter to Mr. W——, saying that though he still condemns, and shall never cease to condemn, the injurious manner in which Mr. W——'s counsel had thought proper and been advised to treat him in his pleadings, yet he was sorry for the conduct he had adopted to Mr. W—— in consequence thereof, and was ready to offer his apology. This would satisfy W——, and stop his further proceedings, and thus end this part of the business. The second consideration—namely, the separation and allowance—this must now, of course, be decided, and under some strict and clear covenant; and which, undoubtedly, could best be done by arbitration of mutual friends. Lord C—— would guarantee any pledge or engagement on the part of his sister, and the same could be done on the part of Lord W——. Indeed, if she were disposed to make difficulties, her family would urge her to it. The Duke is quite satisfied that she would now most willingly do what she has repeatedly offered—namely, to decide the question by a reference to friends; and to show how far he has before effected this object, he put into my hands the enclosed, which was the terms agreed to in 1819 by both parties, and which the Duke is convinced, if they had been acted upon, Lord W—— would now have been in his wife's bed. Of course, that part which relates to their residence in the same house is now gone by, and it must be separation; but the great object is, if possible, to separate, by a distinct arrangement, the dispute with W——. This is the part that affects Lord W—— the most; and it is in order to lessen the heavy censure that would fall on him by the exposure of all his conduct towards Mr. W——, that he now seeks to ... to mingle the Duke in the history. Lady W—— cannot proceed in this cause if W—— is satisfied, for she cannot plead or maintain his case for him.
Nothing of importance occurred in Court on Saturday. The Lord Chancellor has got rid of it, and turned it over to Judge Dallas, who requires more time; so there is now time for friends to interfere, if it can be done with effect.
You will understand the possession of the child. The Duke has nothing to do with it. Lord W—— has her now with him. A habeas corpus has been moved, and the law must, of course, decide this. You will be so good as to return the Duke's letter, as he desired me to let him have it again. He really seems much obliged to you for the interest you have taken about it, and I think is much more at ease on the subject than he appeared to be on Friday. He knows for certain that Lord N—— did advise Lord W—— on the question of Mr. W——.
Believe me, ever most truly yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
The Catholic Belief Bill continued to be warmly discussed in Parliament, and for a time almost excluded all other subjects of interest from public attention.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
House of Commons, Four o'clock.
I saw the Duke yesterday, who is truly thankful to you for the interest and concern you take in the business. He is fully sensible of the advantage on every ground to arbitrate in this matter, though he treats with indignation the attempt to fix a guilt on him. He states, in the most solemn manner, to me—and really in such a manner as I cannot for a moment disbelieve—that he is utterly innocent of the imputed charge; that it is a diabolical and infamous conspiracy, which any man may be liable to; and that if it proceeds, it will be necessary to expose and punish; that it is utterly impossible, without fraud and falsehood of the grossest kind, to bring home to him such a crime. Saying all this, he, however, admits with you the effect of such a charge on his character, until it is fully confuted and exposed.
With regard to the first proposition coming from Lady W——, it would be impossible for him or any one to recommend her in the first instance to stay proceedings, or to recommend Mr. W—— to do so: it would be admitting her guilt, which no one could advise her to do. The Duke is satisfied that she is ready to leave the whole matter to reference, and I have no doubt I shall have a communication from Lord C—— to that effect to-morrow; and if a reference is made on the whole subject—namely, the separation, and the income to be allowed—such reference and arrangement would naturally have the ultimate effect of putting an end to all other proceedings. But it is impossible for her, in the first instance, to make this a preliminary engagement, or for him to recommend such a step; it would be admitting a ground for the charge, which he knows to be most foul and false as it concerns him; and it would be a confession on her part of her guilt. It strikes me in the same point of view; and on this ground, also, the Duke cannot be one of the referees. You would be the best person, and the one most desirable to all parties connected with her, on the part of Lord W——; and she would be to name one equally approved by you and Lord W——. As soon as I have seen Lord C——, who comes to town to-day, I will let you know his decision and authority.
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
We are in the greatest anxiety about the division to-night. The best calculators say we shall gain it by four: this is too close. No fresh news from Naples. The repulse of the 7th, with great confusion, is fully believed. Canning certainly goes back to Paris after Lambton's motion; he gives this out everywhere. The rumour rather gains ground of your going to Ireland; but I don't know from any authority.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
House of Commons, Four o'clock.
My dear Lord,
I got your letter this morning, and had previously received one yesterday evening from the Duke ... which I enclose you. It is unnecessary, therefore, for me to stir on the subject, or to make a further observation, till you have read the enclosed, and have given me your opinion upon it, and what is the determination of Lord W—— regarding the arbitration. I can only, however, add my opinion, that it will be utterly impossible to make a previous engagement to withdraw the proceedings now pending. They are, in fact, deferred; and the result of an arbitration amicably concluded would be the withdrawing of all questions now before the Courts of Law.
Nothing can have been more successful than the whole proceedings on the Catholic Bill; and there is no doubt but that the Security Bill will also pass rapidly through the House. This will naturally bring you to town, to share in the support of it through the House of Lords.—I have just heard from Mr. Holmes (who said he knew the fact), that a counter-revolution had taken place at Naples: the mob had risen—disarmed the troops—spiked the guns—turned the Parliament out of doors—proclaimed the Regent, Viceroy—and called for the King's return. General Pepe had not been found, and most of his army had abandoned him. The person left in command of the troops at Naples was the first to turn tail. The cry was now, the old Constitution!
I don't know anything further to tell you. The old Court is terribly dismayed by the success of the Catholic Bill, and I believe put very little trust in the King's determination to resist it. The whole thing in the Lords depends on his decision, and upon the conduct of Lord Liverpool; if he does not make a Ministerial business of it, there are great hopes it will be carried.
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, March 24.
My dear Lord,
Plunket received by yesterday's post intelligence that his wife was dying, and consequently set out immediately for Ireland. In spite of this great disadvantage, we got through the first clause of the Bill (that relative to the Oath of Supremacy), and gained three upon the division more than we had on the second reading, the numbers being 230 to 216. I think they will hardly make a fight about Transubstantiation; but they will push all their strength on the exclusion from Parliament, which Bankes will move on Monday. I think the Bill will pass the House of Commons. I believe Lord Duncannon and Mr. Holmes are agreed that we should have a majority of 38, if the whole House were to attend. The notion is that Lord Sidmouth, Vansittart, and B. Bathurst are to go out if the Bill is carried. Peel is clearly paving the way for a junction with Government, even though the Bill should pass; and Canning as clearly holding out that there can be no obstacle in the way of his sitting in the same Cabinet with Peel. Peel has not gained ground by his conduct in the business; I should say he has lost rather in the estimation of the House.
I sent your Lordship a copy of the Bill on the day it was reprinted; the alteration was made because it appeared that doubtful persons were less dissatisfied with it than with the explanation.
Believe me,
Your Lordship's obliged and faithful,
Joseph Phillimore.
MR. C. W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Saturday.
My dear B——,
Notwithstanding the great loss which we sustained last night from the absence of poor Plunket, who set off for Ireland with little hope of finding his wife alive, we made a very good figure last night. Castlereagh spoke better than I ever heard him. You will see that your suggestion of adding some words to exclude all mental reservation is adopted—that is to say, both Phillimore and Castlereagh last night stated the willingness of the promoters of the Bill to admit them, if any person thought it desirable to move their insertion. Burrell, notwithstanding what he had said, came and voted against us; but Curteis and Fox Lane, instead of only staying away, voted with us. Davies Gilbert did not vote, but is so completely turned that I have strong hopes of his vote on Monday. We are also to have Denman, and I believe Abraham Moore, from the Circuits; W. Pole, who was ill; Dennis Browne, and Sir Gerard Noel, who were absent. Castlereagh has also promised to insist on checking the activity of Holmes, who has been quite indefatigable in the use of every means, fair and foul, to induce members to vote against us. Lord Fife has been dismissed from the Bedchamber, in consequence of his vote on the Malt Tax, and Lord Lovaine is to succeed him.
What passed on that occasion is only a confirmation of the truth of the Duke of Wellington's view of the state of administration, and of the hollowness of their support on any question which is not vital. I suppose they now look to replace the Doctor and Van. by Peel and Canning, who are evidently extremely disposed to return together.
I agree with you in thinking the Bill, as it originally stood, with the explanation of the oath, was preferable to its present form; but on fait ce qu'on peut and non ce qu'on veut. The best way of all would be to make the oath now proposed general for Protestants and Catholics, but this, I fear, is impossible.
I fear that we shall be all Monday on the question of admissibility to Parliament, and must reserve the Privy Council and the Judges for Tuesday.
It is intended to add the second Bill in the shape of clauses to the first. I suppose we can hardly hope to carry it up to your House till Monday, the 2nd. As to the affairs of the South, my view very closely concurs with yours.
I will make some inquiry about the office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland before I again write; but I do not myself feel any alarm at the exercise of visitatorial or any other power in curia by a Catholic, and think, indeed, it might more safely be lodged in his hands than in those of an Unitarian or bigoted Presbyterian, who might both now hold it.
Believe me, ever most truly yours,
C. Williams Wynn.
More than one communication printed in this volume has indicated that the Government were anxious to secure the services of the leading members of the Grenville party. It will be seen that the former became more and more conscious of the desirableness of such a junction.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
London, March 27, 1821.
My dear Lord Buckingham,
I have received your letter; and you may rely upon it, that there is no man more desirous than I am of strengthening the connexion between your family and the Government. I think that the services which you have, upon principle, rendered to them are of a nature to give you every claim to their consideration; and I am very much mistaken if this feeling is not common to all those at present forming the Administration.
I shall be very happy in being instrumental in forwarding any wish of yours; and I will so conduct myself as not to involve you in anything.
Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,
Wellington.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Doctors' Commons, March 29, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I should have sent your Lordship yesterday the result of Tuesday's debate, but that I was shut up all the morning with Sir John Newport and Co., on the subject of the clauses relating to the securities. You will perceive that several inaccuracies are corrected; and amongst other amendments, I believe most of the alterations you suggested have been introduced—all, at least, that we considered, under existing circumstances, to be advisable.
We got through all the clauses last night, upon the whole, very triumphantly; but Mr. Hutchinson opened a broadside upon us, which in the earlier stages of the Bill might have sunk the whole concern—inasmuch as he characterized the second Bill (now consolidated with the first) as a Bill of pains, penalties, degradation, &c., imposed on the Roman Catholic clergy. The attack, however, recoiled upon the promoter of it, and the discussion was so conducted as to assist the Bill. The debate is exceedingly ill given in all the papers I have seen, more especially as it omits the speeches of three Irish county members, who rose in succession, and said they had every reason to believe the measure was very agreeable to the Roman Catholics in the counties they represented—Butler, the member for the county of Kilkenny (which, I believe, is intensely Catholic), being one. None of the Opposition ultras would attend last night.
The Report is to be brought up to-day, and the Bill to be read a third time on Monday. They have abandoned all idea of opposing the bringing up of the Report; but Croker, I understand, in spite of all that can be said to deter him, persists in his intention of moving that a provision shall be inserted in the Bill for the Roman Catholic clergy. A great exertion is to be made against us for the division on the third reading, but I think we shall succeed; we had seven votes shut out on the clause relating to Parliament, which was most unfortunate.
I am now going to meet Sir John Newport, at Lord Castlereagh's, to consider of the propriety of some alterations which have been suggested as expedient to be made on bringing up the Report. Lord Castlereagh now seems quite in earnest, and I think his having this meeting at his house is a proof of it; he was very pressing with me to attend it.
The Bill will be reprinted; and as soon as it is distributed I will send a copy to Avington, where I shall presume you continue till I hear to the contrary.
Believe me, my dear Lord,
Your Lordship's obliged and faithful,
Joseph Phillimore.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
London, March 30, 1821.
My dear Lord Buckingham,
Fremantle has just come in to me, and has informed me that you understood that part of a late letter I had written to him, referred to you. I assure you that you are quite mistaken. It could not refer to you.
I think I have reason to believe that Lord W—— himself does not believe in the truth of the charges he thinks proper to make against me. I may be mistaken; but that is my opinion, and that was the opinion which, as well as I recollect, I intended to convey, and no other; and even this opinion I intended to convey in terms as polite, guarded, and little offensive to anybody as possible.
Pray don't think that I could mean to refer to you in any manner.
And believe me, ever yours most sincerely,
Wellington.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, March 30, 1821.
You will see, by the enclosed, how totally you mistook the Duke's meaning in the last paragraph of his letter to me of the 27th. He was much surprised at it, and extremely distressed; and after having conversed for some time on the subject, and desired me to explain the matter to you, he ended in saying—"I think it would be more satisfactory to Lord B—— that I should write him a note, which I will do, and give to you to enclose to him." This he accordingly did. With regard to the mode of referring it, he is to see Lord C——, who will write to me, stating distinctly the grounds and extent to which arbitration shall go. I need say no more, therefore, on this subject, particularly as we shall meet so soon, and probably before I hear from Lord C——.
A confirmation is arrived of the counter-revolution both at Naples and Turin. At the former, the Prince Regent, the army, and the people are united; they have dissolved the Parliament, pronounced a declaration in favour of the old Constitution, and sent a deputation with a submission to the King, and a supplication for his resumption of his dominion. At Turin, Prince Carignan has put himself at the head of some troops, has resigned the Regency, and marched to join a corps which had been assembled in favour of the King; and the cry at Turin and throughout Piedmont was for the return of the King, and the resumption of the old order of things. Thus ends, I hope, and as it is believed, the whole of these revolutionary attempts, which might have embroiled all Europe.
The impression gains ground in favour of the Catholic question in the House of Lords. I asked the Duke of W—— what he thought would be the result; and he said, "We think it will be carried." I said it would depend much on the King; he replied, "We hear he is for it." I added, "Much also must depend on Lord Liverpool's conduct; if he acts as an individual, it will have little effect, compared to any canvass as a Minister." He answered, "The latter is impossible; our Cabinet could not allow such a thing; his influence, as a private [individual], considering his character, situation, &c., must have great weight, but no further; perhaps those who oppose it will not be heard, as in the House of Commons." I give you nearly word for word as he said it; and I should judge, from the tenor of his words and manner, that he really thinks it would be carried. By-the-bye, he added, "I hear Lady Conyngham supports it, which is a great thing."
I am hurried for time, so I wont add more. We have no fear for the division on Monday; I will see you in the evening, in my way from the House.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
London, March 30, 1821.
My dear Lord Buckingham,
Since I wrote to you last, I have had some conversation with those likely to carry into execution the object you have in view; and I have found them exactly in the disposition in which I told you in my last I expected to find them. Of course, in the existing state of the measure in Parliament, and particularly as no design for carrying it into execution can yet be in discussion, or in the contemplation of more than a few, no decision can have been taken. But I am certain that the disposition to which I have above referred exists; and I think it might be desirable that you should let me know whether you have any, and what, views for your family, or any of the friends attached to you.
Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,
Wellington.
MR. C. W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Saturday.
My dear B——,
Lord Donoughmore, participating in his brother's objections, has to-day declined the conduct of the Bill in the House of Lords, and recommended that an attempt should be made to prevail upon Lord Grenville to undertake to move the second reading. Anticipating this, I had, by Castlereagh's desire, yesterday sounded Lord G——, who, to my great satisfaction, said that, if applied to under these circumstances, he did not think himself at liberty to refuse. It is intended to fix the second reading for Tuesday se'nnight, the 10th. You will see that the resolutions of the Dublin clergy are extremely moderate, and I understand that their petition is still more so. In Limerick, the clergy have come to violent resolutions, and there has been an aggregate meeting to the same effect. There is a strong protest against them, very numerously and respectably signed by what Rice, the member for the city, describes to be the principal Catholics there. Altogether, it is supposed that the tide runs strongly in favour of the measure.
I have been looking over the lists of the House of Lords, by which the majority against the Bill cannot be rated less than twelve; and when one looks at the names of which it consists, I fear that it displays such an array of bigotry and stupidity that one can scarcely hope to make material impression upon it. The only hope is that some of them may stay away. I trust that you will not now delay coming up.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
London, April 2, 1821.
My dear Lord Buckingham,
You are quite right respecting the subject of your taking office. I have suggested from myself the propriety and expediency of making you the offer of the Lord Lieutenancy in Ireland, in case the Catholic Bill should pass; and that suggestion was well received. It occurred to me that the arrangement, if occasion for it should offer, might be facilitated by my knowing your wishes, or whether you had any, respecting others, and for that reason I asked the question.
It certainly referred only to the particular object in question, if occasion should offer—that is, if the Catholic Bill should pass—as you did not go farther with me. But if you feel disposed to talk with me upon your situation, and that of your friends, in relation to the Government in general, you will find me well disposed to enter into the subject, and to do anything in which you may think I can be of service to forward your views, in the same mode as I have upon the object first mentioned. I shall be at the office today till five o'clock, and to-morrow from two. I can go in to you at any hour; and I think I had better go to you, as your visit to me there might be observed.
Ever yours most sincerely,
Wellington.
The Catholic Relief Bill was brought before the House of Lords on the 3rd of April, and a very animated debate on the question took place on the 17th, when the Duke of York made an emphatic declaration in opposition; and, although Lord Grenville delivered an able speech in its support, the motion was negatived on a second reading.
The division on the second reading of the Bill was 159 against, 120 for, showing a majority of 39. On the measure being lost, Lord Eldon, the most zealous of the anti-Catholics, thus writes:—"It was quite clear in Lord Grenville's speech that, professing that the Bill must be greatly amended in the Committee, he did most carefully abstain from pointing out one single enactment that could be left untouched, or one that he would introduce as one of his great amendments. He was very dexterous in avoiding saying that he would have no securities; but I think it is clear that is now his meaning. The Duke of York has done more to quiet this matter than everything else put together. It has had a great effect. I have nothing further to delay your drinking to the thirty-nine who saved the Thirty-nine Articles—a very fashionable toast."[62] ]
"As to Liverpool," writes the Lord Chancellor, "I do not know what he means. To please Grenville, he makes a Regius Professor—friend to the Catholics. To please Lansdowne, he makes a Bishop of Bristol and Regius Professor—friend to the Catholics. He therefore, I dare say, will not stir a step beyond pronouncing in words his speech. I am not quite content with this, and yet I don't know what to do. But what he does or does not do, I think, should not regulate me."[63] ]
The Court had recovered from the alarm the Queen had created. A magnificent banqueting-room had been finished at the Brighton Pavilion, 60 feet long by 42 wide, and had been furnished with imperial magnificence. This suggested anything but doubts of the Sovereign's undisturbed rule. At Windsor, the current of affairs went merrily as a marriage-bell, the Royal party enjoying "the contemplative man's recreation" on the Virginia Water with a zeal that would have gratified, if it did not edify, Izaak Walton; and now the Coronation was boldly talked of—indeed, preparations were making for the performance of this ceremony with the greatest possible splendour.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Strathfieldsaye. April 23, 1821.
My dear Lord Buckingham,
I have received your note in answer to that which I wrote to you on Wednesday; and I wish you would let me know whether you have any objection to my stating that I know those are your feelings, if there should be an opportunity.
I shall be at Winchester on Wednesday, for the meeting of the Lieutenancy, but I am obliged to return here that night, as I have some people here; otherwise, I should take that opportunity of paying you a visit at Avington.
Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,
Wellington.
I was last week at Woburn. I think the Opposition are much more annoyed at having failed in pledging a number of persons by a vote to go with a Committee on Reform, than they are at the loss of the Roman Catholic Bill.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, May 15, 1821.
My dear Lord B——,
I hear from London that the D—— of N—— has been so ill-advised as to have offered to the Q—— the Marshal's box at the Coronation, and that she has written to the K—— to know where and in what dress she should appear at that ceremony. I presume the answer will be, "In a white sheet, in the middle aisle of the Abbey." Perhaps two white sheets might be more appropriate, if the report is founded of Bergami the Second, in the person of a certain strapping Scotch Baxter, seven foot by six. If the K—— continues to drive Lord L—— to the wall on one side, and the commoner Lord L—— urges him with a Catholic measure on the other, I should not be surprised that he took that opportunity of withdrawing himself from the turmoil, and of leaving champ libre to the commoner Lord L——, who may feel more confidence than is reasonable, that he should find himself strong enough to take the whole Government upon his own shoulders—a speculation which, however flattering to his ambition, seems hardly within his reach to carry through, the general opinion being certainly much less favourable to him than to the present First Lord. Perhaps, however, the K—— is tired of his old Ministers, and is ready enough to take to their opposers, provided he can do so with at least the appearance of making it his own act, instead of his submitting to undisguised compulsion; but if he puts away his present servants, he places himself as unconditionally now at the discretion of Opposition, as he would have been if he had surrendered to them at the beginning of the session. Perhaps female influence may have contributed to this new view as a new measure; and undoubtedly it is a most marked demonstration, that the three first subject dinners after the accession should be found in the three leading houses of Opposition. The probability, however, is that it is an over-refinement to give consistency or premeditation to that which may be only the unrestrained irritation of the moment.
Yours most affectionately,
T. G.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, May 16, 1821.
Certainly, your description of the discussion for and against the proposed relief to the Catholics is not encouraging, any more than the prospect which the papers seem to hold out of the rejection of the Grampound Bill by the majority of the Cabinet, in contradiction to Lord Liverpool's support. The King's demonstrations of renewed intercourse with the great peers of opposition must also, in such a moment, be a source of weakness, as well as of personal vexation.
In this state of things, I do not wonder that both parts of the Government should be unwilling to stir this Catholic question again in any shape; and I certainly see no such benefit likely to arise from doing so in the mode of partial relief, as to induce the friends of conciliation on a larger scale to embark in any such proposal as this limited measure holds out.
If any other proof were wanted beyond what the general view of the subject affords, to convince any reasonable man that this mode of treating the most important of all our present public interests as no Government question, is the worst instead of the best that could be adopted, Lord Londonderry's[64] ] own situation in respect of this subject at this moment would be decisive against it. He has, I am persuaded, been restrained only by that pledge from taking the only course which becomes him on the subject, and which, if he had adopted it in consequence of the passing of the Bill in the House of Commons, would have been decisive in its favour in its subsequent stages. Having neglected to do this at that time, I myself think that his doing it now would be a step of much more doubtful result, and probably of much more dangerous consequences, and therefore, if I were his adviser, which I am very glad I am not, I do not see what I could suggest but now to leave the matter as it is. Shall we see you on Monday? As to the direct reference which Lord L——'s conversation seems to have had to yourself and your own conduct, in respect to making yourself, personally and officially, a party to this system of treating the greatest of all questions in our domestic policy as no Cabinet measure, what I have already said will sufficiently show you my opinion. It is a mode of getting rid of a present difficulty, but at the risk and almost certainty of the greatest possible embarrassments in future. And this deserves the greater consideration, inasmuch as the events of this session have again rendered this Roman Catholic question so very prominent a feature of all that can be looked to for some time to come.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, Sunday Night.
I have just got your letter, and write these few lines to save the post, though I have, in truth, in what I wrote to Charles this morning, said all that occurs to me as material on the subject.
It is of great importance that you should not appear, either to Plunket or to others, to stir a single step in the matter without his previous approbation.
I most entirely agree in the utter impossibility of either yourself or Wellesley, or any other supporter of the Catholic Bill, bringing forward any such proposition as this, or even acquiescing in it, except under an express and positive declaration that you do so only as seeing in it an advance, however small, towards the final and total accomplishment of that which can alone satisfy your own duty and opinion on this subject.
How can Lord Londonderry or any of his colleagues think that any of those who were turned out in 1807, precisely because they would not pledge themselves to any truce or cessation of this question short of its total and final accomplishment, would now lend themselves to such a measure for the sake of obtaining for the Catholics benefits so small that it is even doubtful (as I explained to Charles this morning, according to my view of the subject,) whether they or their opponents would gain most by thus varying the state of the question?
I forget which bishop it was that was foolish enough to express his hope that the present rejection of the Bill would finally set the question at rest. But I well remember that I noticed this nonsensical expectation in the course of what I said, and assured him that it neither ought to have, nor would have, that effect.
And indeed if I, and half or all the supporters of the Bill, had thought differently, and were inclined to lend ourselves to such a pledge, how could any or all of us answer for the Catholics themselves, or bind ourselves, if they stirred the question in opposition to our pledges, that we would then vote against our declared opinions?
All this, in my judgment, only shows that Lord Londonderry is, as he may well be, most uneasy in his situation, as resulting from the present strange and most anomalous state of this business, which he ought to have foreseen, but did not, as at least a possible event, when he agreed to form a Government in which the one most important feature in the whole political interests of the country was not to be considered as a ministerial question.
"You have what I advise;" but pray do not forget that, on this subject above all others, Plunket is entitled, not to know, but almost to direct your course.
Grenville.
The Queen put in a formal claim to be crowned with the King, and Mr. Brougham urged it, with all his forensic eloquence and skill, before the Privy Council; but, as will be seen, all the principal precedents were in opposition to his argument:—
- "William the Conqueror's Queen was crowned two years after he was crowned.
- Henry I.'s Queen, ditto.
- Stephen's Queen, ditto.
- Richard I.'s Queen, crowned abroad.
- John's Queen, not crowned with him, but crowned.
- Henry III.'s Queen, not with him, but afterwards, alone.
- Edward III.'s Queen, crowned alone.
- Henry IV.'s Queen, crowned—not with him.
- Henry V.'s Queen, ditto.
- Henry VI.'s Queen, not crowned with him, but alone.
- Henry VII.'s Queen, crowned long after him.
- Henry VIII.—Some of his Queens crowned, some not.
- Charles I.—His Queen not crowned at all.
- Charles II.—His Queen not crowned at all.
- George II.'s Queen, or George I.'s, I am not sure which, not crowned at all."[65] ]
On the 21st of May a feeble attempt was made in the House of Commons to bring forward the pretensions of the Queen to share in the approaching State ceremonial; but the firm language of Lord Londonderry, and the apathy of the House on the subject, set the matter at rest.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, June 4, 1821.
My dear Lord,
The coronation is fixed (decidedly so) by the Government to take place previous to his going to Ireland, and a fortnight after the close of the Session: two days afterwards he starts for Ireland, and embarks at Portsmouth; and on his return from Ireland, he goes to Hanover. This is all arranged at present, and the Ministers have agreed to it. With the exception of the coronation, all the rest may be subject to change; but I am quite sure the coronation is determined on. Prince Leopold was to have started for Germany on Friday, to see his mother; but has put it off, in consequence of this decision, as he could not be back in time.
Canning leaves Paris this day for London. Parliament—that is, the House of Commons—is expected to be up on the 25th; and I think it may. There is no other news.
Ever yours truly,
W. H. F.
There are to be two Parliamentary Commissioners—Frankland Lewis and Wallace—for this Irish examination, and three other Commissioners; salary, £1500 (to Parliamentary Commissioners) per annum. I don't think it would be a bad appointment (one of the others) for Tom Fremantle, if I could have a chance of getting it. I suppose their salary is much less.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, June 5, 1821.
My dear Lord B——,
It is evident that something has for the moment interfered to prevent the immediate announcement of Lord Sidmouth's resignation, which on Saturday and Sunday was reported upon the best authority. Lord G—— told me that Lord S—— was suddenly sent for by the King on Saturday, and it seems probable that it was to tell him to delay his resignation; indeed, as the Session will end with this month, that period would be the natural one for change.
Lady Liverpool was yesterday reported to be dead, but she still lives, though she is considered as being at death's door; and I believe the Ministers are much alarmed, from their doubting whether, in that case, Lord L—— will not retire altogether.
The coronation is now again afloat, and is expected to take place before the journey to Ireland. The Court of Claims is resumed; and having a ticket to-day to see the preparations in the Hall and the Abbey, I am convinced from what I saw that they are now in earnest, and that there is nothing which may not be quite completed in six weeks, except the tower at the Great Gate of Westminster Hall. The Hall is beautiful and magnificent; but in the Abbey, the appearance of the great aisle is much hurt by the projecting galleries on each side for the spectators.
Yours affectionately,
T. G.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, June 10, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I only returned to town this morning, having gone on Sunday. I am very glad you were so satisfied with my last, but think you rather went beyond my meaning in your construction of its contents; however, I saw the Duke of Wellington this moment, and put your letter into his hands, which he read with great attention. We were on horseback, and many persons passing in the Park, and therefore he had little means of conversing upon it; however, his observation to me was—"I am glad he is satisfied with my explanation; I am quite sure he may depend on what I said. You have heard, no doubt, of the event of this morning" (meaning Lady Liverpool's death, which took place at six o'clock), "this for the moment, of course, stops all proceedings. Does Lord Buckingham remain in the country? I am glad he does; he would be more fidgetty here, with all the reports, but a few days probably will give him information." By this you will perceive, for I really think I have quoted every word he said (as we were interrupted by Mr. Singleton's presence), that the communication is beyond doubt intended, and I shall think it your own fault if you let the opportunity slip.
Without meaning in any manner to embarrass any views which you may have, I think it fair to state my wish, which is to be placed at any one of the Boards of Treasury, Admiralty, or India. It was the situation which I was to have when Lord Grenville was to come in, and I should hope both my pretension of former office and my talents would entitle me to it, but be assured I mean not to interfere with your arrangements in any way.
I send you a list which is made out at White's of the new Peers, and which is said to be correct; it is expected out immediately.
- Irish: Roden, Kingston, Conyngham, Longford, and Ormond.
- Scotch: Wemys and Lothian.
- English: Lord George Murray, Sir W. Scott, Pole, Cholmondeley, Forester, Sir T. Liddle, and Sir T. Heathcote.
I have nothing further to say at present. You shall hear to-morrow if anything occurs. I had a letter from Cecil Jenkinson announcing her death, and saying Lord Liverpool was as well as could be expected. The Duke of Wellington told me they were urging the King to go to Ireland by Holyhead, but as yet he persists in going by long sea.
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
The negotiation with the Grenvilles was again resumed; a full report of which is here given, including some curious revelations of Court and Ministerial life.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, June 11, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I am perfectly aware of the difficulties you have in managing the half-Whig principles and the negative qualities which are acting against you on the subject of negotiations and connexion with the Government; and it was because I felt this, and knew the delicacy of the transaction, and because I had incurred so much blame from Lord G—— and others in former negotiations, that I acted as I did. The moment I got your first letter I determined to act upon it, without consulting any one. It was your wish that I should communicate with the Duke of Wellington (personally); I concurred in that opinion, and I therefore instantly went to him. After I had so communicated with him, and had written the account of it to you, I sought Charles Williams [Wynn], to inform him of what I had done, and showed him the correspondence. I had a long conversation with him, and maintained those opinions and the views which you have suggested in your letter of this morning. Although he deprecated the overture to the Duke of Wellington, yet I am quite persuaded he is delighted at the prospect it has opened to his views. I know not whether he may or may not have opened the subject to his uncles, but it is impossible they can condemn a proceeding which was called for by the general and increasing rumours of the town; but even if they are so disposed, it is necessary for every man to judge for himself. They might think it right to remain quiet; you, on the contrary, think it right to communicate your views and opinions confidentially to the Duke of Wellington, with whom you had before conversed on the subject. I have always told you, and I repeat it, that Charles Williams, though most able and admirable as your chief in the House of Commons, is too full of difficulty and splitting of hairs. My opinion is, decidedly, that you should, under all the difficulties of the present moment, and with the retirement of your uncles, get into official station, and thereby official strength and power; and when once that is done, your influence, your necessity to any future Government, will be tenfold what it now is; but if you are now to hold off, and to be fighting for general objects, and for balance of Cabinet strength, and for questions and individuals, I have no hesitation in saying that I think you will do wrong. These will be the points, I perfectly well know, that will be uppermost in the mind of your uncles and Charles Williams; but it is for you to act for yourself, which I think you can manage without quarrelling with them. With all these impressions on my mind, and recurring to the blame I incurred for communicating with Harrison on a former occasion, I felt it impossible for me not to mention the transaction to Charles Williams, after I had executed your wishes; but I can assure [you] there is no other individual on earth to whom I have opened my lips on the subject; and you must be aware that, whether this conversation had been made known or not, you must have mentioned the subject to your uncles and Charles Wynn whenever the Government had sent to you, and on your arrival in town. I feel exceedingly sorry you should have thought that I wanted discretion by so doing; but, devoted as I am at all times to you, the case was one in which I felt obliged to take the step I did.
I shall not communicate your letter of to-day to him; but shall continue to urge the same language you hold, and which, I assure you, I have already done to him; and I would recommend you to leave it now where it stands. Again I can't help expressing my opinion of the propriety of your conduct, and the necessity there was of coming to a full and distinct understanding as to your footing with the Government.
I cannot yet give a good guess as to Lord Liverpool's conduct. If I were to give my opinion, it is that he will remain in office; but if Lord Londonderry thinks his situation, and power, and influence must be strengthened (which seemed to be the opinion of the Duke of Wellington), he may be better pleased with an arrangement which would give him the Treasury and Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and thereby he would possess the patronage and the authority over the Secretaries of the Treasury. It certainly is now a drawback to his Parliamentary means; at the same time, I own I cannot see strength in the retirement of Lord Liverpool. He has more footing and support in the country than any one of the Ministers; and even his promise of support would be a very different thing. Who is there to conduct the House of Lords?
Lady Conyngham is certainly moving to introduce the Opposition. I was told last night (but I can't positively vouch for the fact) that Lord and Lady Grey and children are invited to the Carlton House ball this evening; if so, nothing can more strongly mark her influence; for you must remember the language the King held to me, not six months ago, about Lord Grey individually. There was no opprobrious or harsh epithet he did not use. He dines with the Duke of Devonshire to-morrow, and has a limited party to meet him in the evening—a ball. I have not heard who are the invitations—but of course Diplomacy and Opposition. The King has left out many of the Ministers' ladies and his old friends to-night—such as the Duchess of Rutland, Lady Bathurst; the only Minister's wife, Lady Melville, asked.
I will keep this open, in case I have anything further to tell you. Adieu!
Ever sincerely yours,
W. H. F.
House of Commons, Six o'clock.
I have little more to say, excepting that Lord Londonderry is unwell, and no particular business will come on this evening. Lord and Lady Grey are certainly invited to Carlton House to-night, and Tierney to the evening to-morrow, to meet the King at the Duke of Devonshire's. The strongest rumours are afloat, and increase with regard to his leaning towards the Opposition; and certainly these invitations do not discourage them. What he can mean seems difficult to unravel.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, June 16, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I feel that I acted wrong in showing your letter marked "Confidential" to Charles Williams, and am sorry I did so, particularly as it has given you pain, but a variety of reasons prompted me at the time; the subject was so important, and the nature of the commission so delicate, that I did not sufficiently consider how it might embarrass you. I am quite aware of the many difficulties you have to contend with, and this made me feel (from past experience) the danger of moving without explanation; however, I can only say I am sorry I showed your letter, and it will be a lesson to me in future to act with more caution.
The state of things is most critical and curious. Everybody now acknowledges, and seems to admit, that changes must take place and are pending, but what with the King's flirtation with the Opposition, the strange absence and conduct of Canning at the House of Commons, the illness of Londonderry, and the death of Lady Liverpool, it is all loose and wild conjecture; my version is this—I have no hesitation in saying, from what I gather, that Lord Liverpool will not resign (the King has written him a most kind and considerate letter); that the King only plays a game with the Opposition from vexation and anger about Mr. Sumner's appointment, and a wish at the same time of keeping down a party for the Queen, but that he has no idea of changing his Government. That as soon as Lady Liverpool is buried and the Session is closed, a communication will be made to you, and that the Government will be strengthened by your accession. How and in what manner this will be arranged, in accordance with your feelings and views, I cannot pretend to say; but whenever that proposition is made, if you are afterwards to waive the accedence to a junction till you are enabled to satisfy the theories and calculations of your uncles, I am quite sure you might as well remain at Stowe. I have no hesitation in saying to you, that I think you would do well to make a sine quâ non of Charles Williams being of the Cabinet; but if beyond this he is to have all his difficulties of who shall fill the different offices, and how more or less the Government could be better classed, and if these difficulties are again to be weighed and reasoned on by your uncles, who sit in their libraries and fancy things and men are as they were twenty years ago, and forget we are under a new reign, and such a reign; and if above all, they fancy the Government is reduced to the state of giving you carte blanche, and that they cannot go on without your party, I am quite convinced they would not treat on these terms, and that they are prepared to go on, if they find such to be your feelings and line of conduct; I tell you this as my own opinion, and which I think I am bound to give you, knowing the situation in which you stand, and weighing well all these difficulties you have to contend against, and as they affect what I know to be the prevailing object of your mind to conciliate the junction.
The Opposition are whispering and cajoling about the King's conduct towards them, and I see are endeavouring to separate the Whigs from the Mountain; but they will be unable to do this while the Duke of Bedford, Lord Grey, Lord Lansdowne, &c. are at Carlton House, and Lords Tavistock, Fitzwilliam, Milton, Jersey, &c., are with the Queen on the same evening.
Lady Conyngham is the great link upon which this hangs, and the Opposition ladies are courting her to a degree and with success. The King goes to-day (if he is well enough) to the Cottage, for the Ascot week, and is to have his party, Lady C——, &c.
He is certainly very unwell, with a great degree of gout. He was in his bed on the day he dined with the Duke of Devonshire till he got up for the dinner, and went away at twelve. He sat nearly the whole evening on a couch with Lady C——, and the night before at Carlton House he did the same with her, attending very little to the children, and then dismissed his company at about eleven o'clock, to have a private supper with her. I cannot find that he spoke to Lord Grey on either of the evenings. Adieu.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, June 18, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I can have no idea that the Duke of Wellington speaks alone from his wishes, when he expressly told me that the chiefs of the Cabinet thought exactly as he did on the subject, and meant to act upon it. If the Chancellor, Lord Melville, and others, have counteracted this intention by stopping the arrangement with Canning, I cannot but think it must end in their quarrelling, for I am sure Lord Londonderry wishes for further strength in the House of Commons, and he will not be deterred in procuring it by the Chancellor's meddling, who does not suffer from this part of the Government weakness. However, a short time must disclose it. Lady Liverpool's body leaves town to-morrow to be buried at Hawkesbury; Lord Liverpool attends it, and sleeps on Wednesday night at Badminton (Duke of Beaufort's), very near the place; when he returns, which he does to Combe, on Thursday or Friday, he will of course resume business and communication with his colleagues. Lord Londonderry is better; possibly may come to the House of Commons to-day. There has been the devil to do with the Duke of Devonshire's dinner. The Spencers, indignant at not being asked, refused to go in the evening; she saying that she did presume to think that she was as much entitled to a family association as Mr. and Mrs. G. Lambe or Captain Clifford, and one must say with no little reason. He also wrote to Lady Jersey to beg her to send him an excuse, as he had reason to think her presence would be objectionable (this at the time he had invited Lady Tavistock, and who was actually there, having been with the Queen the night before); Lady Jersey is outrageous, but has written a most violent letter to the Duke; but is crying to everybody, saying she is abandoned by her friends and everybody; she was at Lady Londonderry's on Saturday, sobbing and bewailing to every soul, literally crying. Lady Conyngham carries it with the very highest hand. She met R. Smith (Lord Carrington's son) on the Friday morning, asked him if he was to be at the ball at Carlton House that evening. He answered, "No; he had not been honoured by an invitation;" to which she replied, "Oh, I'll take care of that;" and he received a card a few hours afterwards.
Lady Londonderry sent her an invitation for one of her evening parties; she sent word that Lady Londonderry not having invited her to one party last winter, as she was not fit company in the year 1820, she could not be better or more worthy in the year 1821. Lady Gwydyr is the great friend. I don't find the King spoke to one of the Opposition men either at Carlton House or at Devonshire House; at the latter, a great mass of them, Tierney, Lord Grey, Mackintosh, &c. &c., were collected in the outer room to make their bow as he went out, but either by design or accident he came out by another room, and the thing missed fire.
I perfectly agree with you in thinking the King's conduct towards them is more with a view to destroy a Queen's party, but at the same time it weakens most terribly his own. Canning looks like the D——; I never saw a man so cast down or so miserable. His late gasconade has done him great mischief; it is said that Charles Ellis disapproved it strongly before he wrote the letter. I shall keep this open till I go to the House. The King goes to-day to the Cottage for the week—Lady Conyngham, Esterhazys, &c. &c. The Agricultural Horse Tax is given up; it was surrendered in the Committee this morning. I met Lord L—— this moment, who told me he had just parted with Lord Sidmouth, who had seen Lord Liverpool this morning. He (Lord L——) asked Lord Sidmouth whether there was any disposition or feeling on the part of Lord Liverpool to resign; he answered him in the clearest negative, saying he had no such idea whatever; that he found him greatly subdued this morning, but that after a little conversation he recovered and began upon business. Adieu.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, July 2, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I am quite persuaded there is no person more anxious on the subject than C—— W——; and however sulky he may have been, he was not the less delighted at the steps you took, by which the prospect appeared to be so much opened.
I am quite at a loss now to account for the non-communication. Your conjecture is, most probably, that the party who do not feel the weight of the Government are too strong at present to enable the efficient members to accomplish their object: at the same time, it is quite clear something must be done. If they get both Canning and Peel, they may do; but I don't look to this. The former claims too much, and there is a great portion of the Cabinet who hate him. He certainly was walking with Lord Lichfield for an hour previous to his making his speech; but his friends (I mean Lord Binning, who told me so) say it was to dissuade him from making it. He paired off himself on the question, which is a clear demonstration of his ill-humour. I will endeavour to throw myself in the Duke of Wellington's way, but I should think it unwise to call upon him; and, if I have an opportunity, will open the subject. After his declarations, if the business is off, he will and must feel very awkward; but at the same time, I think he must also feel called upon to give you some explanation. The truth is, that the Government is so extremely weak, and so dis-united in itself, and upon such terms with the King, that they don't know from day to day, or from hour to hour, what will be their next proceedings. I understood last night, the Council were to hear an argument on the claim set up by the Queen to be crowned. The Chancellor was to see the King upon it yesterday. This will add disgust and ill-will from the King, who cannot listen to common forms on her subject. Nobody can account for the Peerages not having appeared, as also the Brevet in Army and Navy. Lord Talbot was to return this week.
Whenever I hear anything, or can procure information, you shall know immediately. I leave town on Saturday.
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, July 4, 1821.
My dear Lord,
You will receive with this another letter which I have written to you, but which I told the Duke of W—— I would not send without his first seeing, being upon a matter so important, and conveying his message. Nothing can be so thoroughly weak as the proceedings of the Government on this question: it is, as usual, holding off and endeavouring to tide on, trusting to accident, but knowing themselves to be incapable of continuing in their present form for another session.
I had a conversation with the Duke, in which he evidently felt embarrassed, because he admitted the folly of suspending any measures, but was forced to admit, at the same time, he was compelled to it. He talked over and admitted the inefficiency of many members of the Cabinet, but then said there were reasons which made it difficult to remove them, particularly when adverting to Lord Sidmouth—said he knew how "silly a fellow he was," but that a great following of the country attended him, and he would bring more "public opinion" to the Cabinet than any other member. It was to his change, however, they looked. That it was impossible the House of Commons could go on as it was; and the difficulty was, how best to strengthen it, when there was in all parts of the House such a parity of abilities. I admitted this, but said the disparity was only displayed in the Government benches; that B. Bathurst, Vansittart, and others (I did not name Pole) were perfect cyphers. It is clear that the efficient members—viz., Liverpool, Londonderry, and the Duke of Wellington—have been thwarted in their endeavours by the minor members of the Cabinet, and this arising from the want of energy in Lord Liverpool. I said, "Do you think the present supporters of Government, and the members of the Cabinet whom you may remove, would or could oppose the new Cabinet?" "Certainly not," he answered; "but though they would support, yet it would be an unwilling and cold support, such as could not be relied on." I made him feel as much as I could the awkward situation in which he himself was placed, with the opinions he entertained of the weakness of Government; and he really had nothing to say to this, except that it could not last, but that a strengthening of the Cabinet must take place before the opening. One thing, however, has [been] elicited—namely, that neither Canning nor Peel are thought of as in distinction to a more enlarged opening.
I have seen Charles Wynn since, and showed him the letter I was to show the Duke, and which is here sent. Our conversation was short. His impression is in favour of your joining the Whigs; but this would be madness. First, that they would repel you; and next, it would not a bit lessen the power of the present Government; or could it lead, under any circumstances, to the formation of a stronger or more efficient Government; it would and must lead you into the stream of the Radicals, who completely govern the Whigs. My opinion is, that you should now hold yourself liberated from all connexion with the Government, and that whether they do or do not communicate with you, is now a matter not worth your notice; but that you shall give your support and influence to the formation of any Government that can rescue us from the danger of revolution, which is fast approaching, and which daily threatens us more and more, from the weakness and want of energy of the present members of the Cabinet. I will add a word or two to this after I have seen the Duke.
You will see by the papers the death of Buonaparte. I met Lord Sidmouth, who told me the accounts had arrived. He died of a stomach attack of a cancerous nature, on the 5th April.
Four o'clock.
I am just come from the Duke, and I send you the letter as he has altered it.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, July 4, 1821.
My Dear Lord,
I have seen the Duke of Wellington this morning, who sent to me to communicate the last decision of the Cabinet with regard to change. He desired me to tell you it was found impossible, for reasons into which he could not enter, to make the arrangements which had been in contemplation, and that it was thought best not to come to you with an offer in an arrangement which was not complete, and therefore to delay to communicate with you till the complete arrangement could be made. This must be made between this and the next session of Parliament; and the Duke told me that nothing of the kind could be done without communication with you; that if the arrangement in contemplation could have been made at present, an offer would have been made to you which the Duke thinks would have been agreeable to you; and he was quite certain nothing of the kind would be done in future without something of the same kind. I begged to understand from the Duke whether any partial change—such as the introduction of Mr. Canning or Mr. Peel—would be considered change? His answer was, that no change whatever would take place without your being consulted and a party to it; and that he made this communication to you with the knowledge and concurrence of Lord Liverpool.
Believe me ever, my dear Lord,
Most sincerely yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, July 5, 1821.
My dear B——,
I yesterday met Fremantle, who told me of his conversation with the Duke of W——, which terminates that business just as I expected. The moment that the pressure of immediate difficulty is removed by the prorogation, they are content to go to sleep, just as they did in autumn, and depend upon what good fortune, chance, or the chapter of accidents may send them before next session, which will find them just as unfit, unprepared, and incapable as the present has left them. They all say that Lord Liverpool is in a state of such nervous irritation, from mental distress and the accumulation of business which has taken place in his absence, that it is impossible to get an answer from him upon anything. I spoke the other day to Lord Londonderry about Henry, and he held just the same language as before—hope of making an early communication, but had not yet been able to speak to Lord Liverpool.
Report states the intended reduction to be four regiments of dragoons, three of infantry, and ten men per troop and company on the remainder. I doubt the dragoons, since that would be lower than the establishment of 1792.
The Ordnance is also to be well pared.
Ever yours,
C. W. W.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, July 7, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I am just come from the Duke of W——, who had shown your letter to Lord Liverpool. Of course he said little upon it, more than admitting the general terms and the necessity of forming a strong Government.
I found him, however, I think, a great deal more irritable on the subject of the King, full of anger, and vexation, and complaint of the difficulties in which the Cabinet was placed; every hour increasing those difficulties from the conduct he was pursuing, not only by his flirtation with the Opposition, but by his strange whims and orders respecting the Coronation, and the impatience he already shows at any reductions, particularly when they touch the military. However, these are things that must be fought, and as I again repeated, the sooner the better. I found, however, from the Duke, that the great resistance was made to the re-introduction of Canning (and this is, I think, material for you to know). He cannot forgive him, and the particular offence is the letter he wrote to B——, explaining the grounds of his conduct regarding the Queen, and in which he stated he "was no party to laying the green bag on the table of the House of Commons," which is a direct falsehood. By this you will observe where the hitch rests; and it is likewise gratifying, with your views of the subject, to feel that the Cabinet consider a strong Government can only be constituted by the admission of Canning; indeed, the Duke entered into this part with a great deal of reasoning on the state of the House of Commons.
The more I hear and see of the matter, the more convinced I am that the whole thing hangs on a thread; that if the King dared turn them out he would, that is, he would submit to the influence of Lady C—— in so doing, but I don't know that if it were not but for this influence he would be so disposed. That the Cabinet knowing this are cautious not to give him any good ground, and not to exasperate him at the present moment. You cannot imagine the state of irritation in which the Duke was this morning, and I think not a little of it arose from the result of an interview which Lord Anglesea had with the King yesterday, for he said to me among other things—"You have no idea the mischief that is done to us by persons who have an opportunity of seeing and conversing with the King. Lord Anglesea saw him yesterday, and this has interfered already in our proposed military reductions." Afterwards he said—"There are not less than five Pagets named for situations at the Coronation." I give you all this to show the tone and temper.
I told him when he was talking over the state of the House of Commons, that I thought if he could in the arrangement secure the most efficient of the present members of Government, together with your squadron, Canning, and Peel, such a Government might defy not only the Opposition, but all the folly, or indiscretion, or passion of the King; to which he said, "It is the only Government that ought to be formed." Nothing could exceed his indignation and abuse of Lady C——. He said the situation in which she was now placed, was one she had been seeking for twenty years; that her whole object was patronage and patronage alone; that she mingled in everything she could, and it was entirely owing to the necessary interference of the Government on one or two points, and the offence given by Lady Castlereagh in not inviting her, that her present animosity to the Government proceeded, and the consequent difficulties with the King.
I have run on till the bell-man is actually passing; probably you will be in town before Sunday, when I shall see you, but I am compelled by business to go on that day. Adieu.
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
P.S.—The Peerages are expected out to-night, nobody knows why Lord Rous is made an Earl.
MR. C. W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
My dear B——,
Many thanks to you for your two letters. The account which Fremantle yesterday gave me of his second conversation with the Duke of W—— certainly bore a more decisive character than anything which had previously passed; still, even that is symptomatic of the general weakness and procrastination which marks the Administration in general and Lord Liverpool in particular. In general I concur most fully in the sentiments which you have expressed in your letter to Fremantle. Perhaps I do not so much wish as you do for Lord Liverpool's continuance in his present department; as, notwithstanding the weight which attaches to his character, I believe that the peculiar peril of the present day might be encountered with greater probability of success if Lord Londonderry were to unite that office with the lead of the House of Commons.
I do not yet know exactly whether I can be with you on Wednesday or Thursday, but on one of them I certainly will. I find that there is a probability of the Oxford election being deferred till the 23rd, or possibly the 24th. I think Heber has a fair probability of success, if his friends exert themselves; but his committee wants very much the order and method of your arrangements in St. James's Square. I fear that of the new Peers there will be a considerable majority against the Catholics. I can only find William Pole, Lord Ormond, and perhaps Liddell, among the favourable, and all the remainder who had not previous votes as representative peers, hostile.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, July 10, 1821.
My dear Lord B——,
I think I shall determine to return to town on the 17th or 18th, because I do not see how the bustle of the coronation can reach me in Cleveland Square, if I carefully avoid all nearer approach to it; so that, according to my present projects, I think I shall certainly see you in London. My expectation is that, more or less immediately, the influence of the lady will effect the change that she is supposed to be working for, more especially as I believe her lover's vanity would rather be flattered by the ostentation of displaying her power and influence on this subject, in spite of the manifest impropriety of her appearing in public affairs, and the hazard which might attend such a manifestation in times like the present and with the jealousy which the public mind has already shown upon these topics.
I perfectly agree with you also in the apprehensions which you express, of the weakness of the present ministers inviting and acquiescing in the transfer of the executive government from official responsibility to votes and resolutions and debates.
If the Opposition shall succeed to office, I shall certainly think their success not a whit more creditable to them on this occasion, than was their disgraceful failure last year; but whenever that happens, a new state of things will arise, which will create perhaps a difficult question, and certainly a most important one, as to the more or less support which the public interests might demand for them. If they take the government diffident of their own strength, they may court popularity among the lower ranks by measures, under the specious name of reform, which might irrecoverably ruin the constitution of the country, before they could be displaced; if, on the other hand, they could promise themselves a fair and extensive parliamentary support in endeavouring to bring back to government its proper dignity, authority, and responsibility, that would be so great a public good that all possible means should be taken to support it, however objectionable their conduct out of office had been: the difficulty would be to decide that important question; we shall have time enough to think and talk it over.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
White's, July 14, 1821.
It is impossible to describe to you half the lies or inventions that daily take place. To-day it is said, and confidently, that the King has nominated four extra Knights of the Thistle—Lauderdale, Cassilis, Melville, and Aboyne. The preparations for the Coronation are going on with infinite energy, but I should think with equal confusion. A grand quarrel between the Lord Great Chamberlain and the Earl Marshal, the latter engrossing all the Abbey, and the other all the Hall, and not allowing the smallest interference or even suggestion from each other. The King perfectly absorbed in all these petty arrangements of dress, seats, &c. A private box prepared in the Hall for the Great Chamberlain, in which Lady Conyngham is accommodated. Lord Conyngham said to-day, at White's, that he and family were to depart for Ireland immediately after the levee; not to wait for the ball which is to be given on Friday, 27th, at Carlton House. It is generally believed that Lord Sidmouth forgot to sign his name to the letter to the Queen; but the extraordinary part is, that yesterday it was generally understood, even by the Government, that the Queen was to have a place at the Abbey, and this I fully believe; but that the King said he had a full and complete control over the Hall, and there she should not come; and I believe this is the cause of the rejection altogether.
You can have no idea what an impression it makes in the public, the conduct of the King towards his Government. The flirtation he holds with the Opposition, and his general estrangement from them; the appointments he makes, without the least communication with them. I dined yesterday at the Duchess of Rutland's, where there was a large party of Government people, and where nothing else was talked of. The arrangement for reduction is this at present—ten men reduced from every troop in every cavalry regiment, and twenty-five per cent. from all official situations, high and low; this is what I heard to-day.
I go out of town early to-morrow. You will no doubt have much communication with the Duke of Wellington when you come, and, if he is as full as when I last saw him, you will hear much to astonish, and, I think, to alarm you.
Lord Lansdowne's appointment is confirmed.
Ever yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, July 11, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I waited till the last moment to see if I could pick up anything for you. Hume was cut off in the middle of his speech. The Queen certainly means to come to the Royal box at the Coronation, and it is now said the Cabinet have decided on providing her a seat. Whether this is true or not I cannot say; but they are mad if they leave her to fight the battle in the street, which she will certainly do. The peerages are delayed on account of the question of titles. Forester can't be Lord Forester or Wenlock, the latter claimed by Lawleys, the former possessed at present by Lord Verulam. Forester out of town, and expresses going to settle this. The list of Peers has given great offence to the friends of Government; and, to be sure, if England had been looked through for pretensions, there could hardly [have] been found a set of men who had so little claim. Lord Donoughmore (the Opposition say) is to take the title of Alexandria in honour of his brother, who was made a Peer for his conquests there. Old Foster is to be one of the new Peers; he was not before named. I do not hear any confirmation of Lord Lansdowne's appointment as High Constable of Ireland, and I therefore doubt it. Lady Conyngham dined a few days ago at Lord Gwydyr's; among the party was Brougham, who had pleaded in the morning before the Privy Council for the Queen. The report of the Queen's attending the Coronation has given such an impression of riot, that the seats have fallen to nothing, and, though they are preparing accommodation for thousands and thousands, the sale of tickets is very heavy indeed. I am frightened for the yeomanry, and hope Lord Temple will be able to get them well back without a row. I am sorry I shall not see you, for I must go on Saturday, and have a long appointment for Monday on public business in the country. You have no idea of the million of reports which are hourly propagating here on the subject of the Government and Lady Conyngham, and the Coronation, &c. &c. The town is absolutely in a ferment. You shall hear to-morrow from me.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
The day appointed for the imposing pageant, the Coronation, came at last. The Queen had made several vain efforts to obtain a recognition of her right to be crowned at the same time as the King; but the Privy Council decided against her on the 10th of July. Nothing daunted, the day following she wrote to Lord Sidmouth to inform his Lordship of her intention to be present, and a few days later published a protest against the decision of the Privy Council. On the 16th, Lord Hood, at her desire, wrote to the Earl Marshal, informing the Duke (of Norfolk) of her Majesty's intention to be present at the approaching ceremony on the 19th, and desiring that persons should be in attendance to conduct her to her seat on her arrival at the Abbey. The day arrived, and so did the Queen; but though she tried, with Lord Hood's assistance, to gain admission at more than one door, her entrance was opposed. She was not only obliged to endure this repulse, but sounds assailed her ears as soon as she was recognised by the spectators in the galleries, that declared how completely she had fallen in public estimation. Mortified and humiliated, she at last returned to her residence; and, though a mob of disorderly boys broke the windows of mansions belonging to noblemen known to be opposed to her, the intelligence failed to afford her sufficient solace. Lord Eldon thus describes her Majesty's final exhibition of spirit: "It is all over, quite safe and well. The Queen's attempt to make mischief, failed. She sent a message to say that she would be at the Abbey by eight o'clock. To take the persons there by surprise, she came between six and seven. After trying every door of the Abbey in vain, she came to the Hall; there she was also denied entrance. A few of the mob called 'Queen for ever!' I am informed that, on the other hand, there was great hissing, cries of 'Shame, shame! go to Bergamo!' and a gentleman in the Hall told us that when her Majesty got into the carriage again, she wept."[66] ]
She felt the crushing nature of this disappointment, and though she made an effort—a vain one, of course—to induce the Archbishop of Canterbury to crown her a day or two later, she was so thoroughly overwhelmed by this complete downfall of her hopes, that she became seriously ill, and died on the 7th of August—a week after the King had left Carlton House for Ireland. The suddenness of her death created to some extent a reaction of public opinion in her favour, particularly among the lower orders, and riots of a serious nature attended the passage of her remains through the metropolis, on their way to Brunswick; but the nine days' wonder had scarcely lived out its brief reign, when the town was entertaining itself with accounts of the King's amazing popularity in Ireland, in a manner that betrayed its eagerness to get rid, as soon as possible, of a disagreeable subject. Thus passed away Caroline of Brunswick—a character variously represented by that very unsatisfactory photograph, Party; but, though the likeness has often been idealized by those whose credit was likely to suffer by too natural a resemblance, sufficient physiognomical likeness has remained to show that she was far from being the sort of woman a sensible man would court for a wife, or the kind of Princess that would confer any distinction on the nation that would accept her as a Queen.
CHAPTER V.
[1821.]
EFFECT OF QUEEN CAROLINE'S ILLNESS AND DEATH ON THE KING. HIS NARROW ESCAPE IN THE ROYAL YACHT. HIS VISIT TO IRELAND. ENTRY INTO DUBLIN. POSITION OF THE KING'S MINISTERS. GEORGE IV. ON THE FIELD OF WATERLOO. THE KING'S VISIT TO HIS HANOVERIAN DOMINIONS. COALITIONS AND DOUBLE NEGOTIATION. POLITICAL GOSSIP. A NEW CLUB. DISMISSAL OF SIR ROBERT WILSON FROM THE ARMY. PUBLIC SUBSCRIPTION FOR HIM.
CHAPTER V.
Intelligence of the serious character of Queen Caroline's malady reached the King, as was stated in the last chapter, when his Majesty was making a yachting excursion, and its effect upon his mind may be gathered from the following extract of a letter written by the King soon after the information had reached him:—
"On Tuesday, at noon, as I had heard nothing from my friend Lord Sidmouth, who had passed over to the other coast some hours before, we took up our anchorage here. We had reason to know he had heard the report before he left Holyhead, and it was determined, as the best medium line that could be adopted until I could hear from him, that I should proceed for twelve hours to Lord Anglesea's. Accordingly, I wrote to Lord Sidmouth and Bloomfield to acquaint them with the communication I had received respecting the Queen, to account for the delay in my not proceeding to Ireland, and desiring Lord Sidmouth's advice as to what I had best do, and that he would make all the arrangements which might be necessary under existing circumstances.
"I returned from Plas Newydd to my yacht here about four o'clock on the next day (Wednesday), and found Lord Sidmouth just disembarked, and ready to receive me. He stayed about two hours with me on board, and then again took his passage in the steam-boat, having arranged with me that if the accounts from London of the Queen the next day should represent her to be in an improved state, that then we should set sail as quickly as possible, and land at Dunleary, and make my public entrée at Dublin on that day (Friday), although he had already taken measures for a private entry if matters should be worse, as it was utterly impossible for me, under any circumstances, not to proceed now to Ireland, where public notice would be given that I should observe the strictest privacy for some days, until we were acquainted either with the Queen's recovery or her demise, and till after the body should be interred.
"Lord Londonderry fortunately arrived the next morning, after Lord Sidmouth left me—that is to say, yesterday (Thursday), before seven o'clock in the morning—and has remained with me, and will continue to do so till I have set my foot on the Irish shore. He approved of all the arrangements I had made with Lord Sidmouth as the best possible, and with every view I had taken of the whole circumstance; and it is now determined that, either in the course of the day, or as soon as possible as the wind and weather will permit (but which at present does not appear very encouraging), we are to set sail either in the yacht alone, or by steam to Ireland; to make Howth (about five miles from Dublin), and to proceed, without any sort of show or display, to the Phœnix Park, without entering or passing through Dublin at all. My arrival there will then be publicly announced, and that the strictest privacy for a few days will be observed, as far as proper decency and decorum may require; and that after that the day will be announced when I shall make my public entrée, and when all public ceremonies and rejoicings will commence."[67] ]
This careful attention to decency and decorum disproves all the reckless allegations that have been put forward of the King's indifference, or, as some writers have asserted, exultation, when intelligence reached him of the serious nature of the Queen's indisposition. It proceeded further than is indicated in the extract just quoted; for, when he put to sea with the intention of returning to England, his Majesty and all the royal suite had a narrow escape from a watery grave. The scene is thus graphically described by his Majesty's hand:
"We sailed again yesterday morning between four and five o'clock, with a most promising breeze in our favour, to make the Land's End. About two or three in the evening the wind shifted immediately in our teeth, a violent hurricane and tempest suddenly arose, the most dreadful possible of nights and of scenes ensued, the sea breaking everywhere over the ship. We lost the tiller, and the vessel was for some minutes down on her beam-ends; and nothing, I believe, but the undaunted presence of mind, perseverance, experience, and courage of Paget preserved us from a watery grave. The oldest and most experienced of our sailors were petrified and paralysed; you may judge somewhat, then, of what was the state of most of the passengers; every one almost flew up in their shirts upon deck in terrors that are not to be described."[68] ]
In this position the Royal yacht and her amateur sailors must have made a study for a marine painter, than which nothing, we believe, more striking has ever appeared on canvas. The King subsequently sailed on his intended visit to the sister island, and arrived off the coast in due course. On his Majesty's landing, the inhabitants of Dublin and of the neighbourhood, says a chronicler of these events, "escorted him with the most tumultuous acclamations to the vice-regal lodge, from the steps of which he thus addressed them:—'This is one of the happiest days of my life. I have long wished to visit you. My heart has always been Irish; from the day it first beat I loved Ireland, and this day has shown me that I am beloved by my Irish subjects. Rank, station, honours, are nothing; but to feel that I live in the hearts of my Irish subjects is to me exalted happiness.'"
"These felicitous expressions," we are told, "diffused universal enchantment, and combined with the graceful condescension and dignified affability of manner, which the Sovereign knew so well to exhibit when inclined to do so, roused the loyalty of the people to a perfect enthusiasm. For the week that he remained there, his life was a continued triumph."[69] ]
His stay in the island was marked by a series of loyal demonstrations that could not fail of producing in the mind of his Majesty intense gratification. On the 15th of August the King held a private levee at the Lodge in Phœnix Park, Dublin, at which the principal members of the Irish Government were presented. On the 17th was his public entry into the metropolis, when his progress to the Castle was a scene of devotion such as Dublin had never before exhibited. He re-embarked at Kingston on the 5th of September, but did not quit the Irish shore till three days later. After a stormy passage, he returned to English ground at Milford Haven on the 13th, and arrived at Carlton House on the 15th of the same month. Some particulars of this memorable visit hitherto unknown may be found in the following letters.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Aug. 26, 1821.
My dear Lord,
Not knowing in what part of the world a letter would find you, I have not written. I don't know whether you have heard any of the details from Ireland, but the conduct of the Irish is beyond all conception of loyalty and adulation, and I fear will serve to strengthen those feelings of self-will and personal authority which are at all times uppermost in The Mind. The passage to Dublin was occupied in eating goose-pie and drinking whiskey, in which his Majesty partook most abundantly, singing many joyous songs, and being in a state, on his arrival, to double in sight even the numbers of his gracious subjects assembled on the pier to receive him. The fact was, that they were in the last stage of intoxication. However, they got him to the Park. Lady C—— has been almost constantly at the Phœnix Park, but has not appeared much in public. He was greatly satisfied at the time with the conduct of Lord Liverpool, &c., on the death of the Queen, and it had reconciled him to them. Whether these sentiments will remain is more than I can say. I think her death a great gain to the Whigs; it relieves them from great embarrassment. The officers of the Guards have sent in to the Duke of York a remonstrance against the conduct of Sir Robert Wilson[70] ] on the day of the funeral. He has been called upon to give in his answer, which I understand he has done. I have no doubt, on the King's return, he will be dismissed the army, which he ought to be. His conduct was most atrocious, leading and directing the mob.
The King is determined to go to Hanover, and has engaged to be there on the 16th. If this holds good, which I have no doubt it will, nothing will take place till after his return from thence. He wrote to the Duchess of Gloucester from Dublin, full of joy and happiness and spirits. Not a soul in Ireland in mourning. The person most talked of to succeed Lord Hertford is Lord Wellesley. Lord Stewart does not return to Vienna.[71] ] Heber gains his election, which I am delighted at, for it was an attempt to shake the interest and strength of Lord Grenville in the University.
Ever, my dear Lord, most faithfully yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
P.S.—I hear the Whigs at present disclaim the conduct of Lushington.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Bagshot Park, Sept. 5, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I send you a few lines from hence, where I have been staying a few days. The Duke of G—— is full of the idea of changes in the Government, but is fully convinced it will not be to take in the Whigs. He thinks Lord Liverpool is to go, and Lord Londonderry to be at the head of the Government; and the latter, you may be assured, from all I have heard, has replaced himself in the King's good opinion, and has equal influence to what he has ever had. The Irish journey has done this. The Duke has not the least idea of the real state of things; but I find from him the Whigs are aware of some change before the meeting. I cannot at all guess whether the steps which were proposed are intended previous to the King's departure for Hanover. He will be in town to-morrow if the wind permits, or perhaps he may be delayed a few days. He proposed to leave town for Hanover the 16th or 17th. He appoints Lords Justices (not a Regency), to consist of all his Ministers, together with the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Steward and Master of the Horse, and the Lord Chamberlain. These are to do nothing but the common routine of business. Lord Londonderry accompanies the King abroad; and all correspondence is to be kept up through him, and no appointments of any sort to take place but such as absolutely demand immediate filling up. He goes to Vienna, and Paris, and Homburg, Munich, &c., &c.: such is his present intention. He cannot be back till the end of November or December, and I can hardly conceive it possible they will defer all changes till that time, when any new members of a Government must be so ignorant of measures just as the meeting of Parliament is about to take place. The Duke of Wellington will be back from Paris time enough to meet the King. I do not believe one word of Lord Liverpool's going out. He certainly has not done the thing well as to the funeral; but the great blame is in that booby, Sir R. Baker. Lady C—— has been living with the King at the Phœnix Park, and he has never slept out but at Slane Castle. The Royal yacht went to Holyhead to take her over to Dublin; the Admiralty yacht took the Princess Augusta to Ostend. The latter does not go to Hanover; it is said the former does. Lord Grosvenor loses upwards of 80,000l. by his agent More's failure. He has two vacancies for Shaftesbury, and brings in Mr. Ralph Leicester, of Toft, in Cheshire, and offers the other seat to Lord Normanby. I see Canning is waiting in England (having intended to return to France), which looks very like an immediate arrangement. I suppose you heard that a Board of General Officers is examining into the conduct of Sir Robert Wilson on the 14th. I think I told you this in my last.
The story abroad is, that they are trying to cook up a match for the King with a Princess of Tour and Taxis (I believe a sister of the Duchess of Cumberland), and a sister of the Princess Esterhazy. Metternich is at the bottom of it. Query, whether Lady C—— will oppose or promote a match? If her lord would go, other objects might occur to her; indeed, it is hinted that she is trying to push her daughter for the prize. The Duchess of G—— had a long letter from the King a few days ago, full of the highest spirits.
I think I have told you all I have picked up.
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. F.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Llangedwin, Sept. 9, 1821.
My dear B——,
The enclosed letter came to-day from Wheatley. I send it you, though I certainly do not attach much credit to the virtuous refusal of the Whigs to come in under Lady Conyngham's auspices, forasmuch as I should rather believe that if the daughter of the Devil would engage to bring them in, they would even conform to the condition of admitting old Nicholas (not Vansittart) as their colleague and patron. The opinion of the breach between the King and his Ministers being past all mending, seems every day to gain ground, for I hear of it from different quarters. If the King goes to Hanover, it seems almost impossible that he should return in time to make any new arrangement before the meeting of Parliament.
My uncle has, I find, returned from Bowood, strongly impressed in his own mind with the wish of Lord Lansdowne, to form an Administration in conjunction with us, if he can effect it.
Certainly this is what I should individually prefer to any other arrangement, but it is impossible not to see the extreme difficulty which must arise in drawing a line between the less violent and more furious of the Opposition, since no man can say where that line should run, or who should be included in each division.
It hardly can be desirable that we should select that moment for connecting ourselves with those whom we have so long opposed, when they are on the point of being kicked out, when they have lost both the favour of the Crown and the confidence of the House of Commons. Yet that is the present appearance, and I think you will agree that our union with them could not of itself be sufficient to save them, unless Canning were also included, and unless we could see some reasonable probability of an arrangement of the Catholic question, which I am inclined to fear the King's visit to Ireland, by raising the hopes and the tone of the Irish Catholics, will place at a greater distance than ever. If the King has really made up his mind to part with his present Ministers, it is not unlikely that instead of taking upon himself the responsibility of turning them out, he may only negative any minor change, and so either drive them to resign, or instigate the House of Commons to turn them out in the first month of the next Session. The miscarriage of all the Irish Peerages must of course manifest still more publicly than before the bad understanding between master and servants. Pray send me word what you have heard on that subject, as well as on the general posture of things. Your host is lucky that the dispute did not arise on the English instead of the Irish Peerages.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Sept. 16, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I went to town with the express object of seeing the Duke, but did not succeed; I called twice on him, but he was from home, and I did not think it was advisable to write to ask to see him, as it would have looked so very like impatience, and I am quite sure that until the King's arrival he would have been able to say nothing. I find the King arrived yesterday evening, but my full belief is, that nothing will be done till his return; I differ with you, however, completely in thinking that this fever of loyalty in Ireland will induce them to try to tide on; I am quite convinced the thing is impossible, the state of the public mind in this country is so agitated, the unpopularity of the King so great, the weakness of Government so apparent, and the general resistance to the reductions, both civil and military, so strongly demonstrated in the supporters of Government, that I am quite satisfied a change must take place, and I have quite altered my opinion with regard to his taking the Opposition. He may try Lord Lansdowne (which will fail), but my speculation is, that your friends and Canning will be and must be in office, previous to the opening of Parliament. You see by all the papers that Lord Talbot is to remain another year, and I think if it were not true, it would have been contradicted. The change I contemplate is—Canning, Home Secretary (Sidmouth retiring, who wants to do so), and you Admiralty, Melville the India Board, and B. Bathurst making way for Wynn. I consider the boutique of Sidmouth as going altogether; how it will be arranged I won't pretend to say, but this is the quarter that is to make the opening.
I never in my life heard of anything equal to the K——'s infatuation and conduct towards Lady C——. She lived exclusively with him during the whole time he was in Ireland at the Phœnix Park. When he went to Slane, she received him dressed out as for a drawing-room. He saluted her, and they then retired alone to her apartments. A yacht is left to bring her over, and she and the whole family go to Hanover. I hear the Irish are outrageously jealous of her, and though courting her to the greatest degree, are loud in their indignation at Lord C——. This is just like them. I agree in all you say about Ireland. As there is no chance of the boon being granted, no Lord Lieutenant could have a chance of ingratiating himself, or of fair justice done him, with the King's promises and flattery. I cannot see how he can be so long absent as his journey must necessarily make him. I have heard it thus calculated:—Supposing he sets off the 24th or 26th; a fortnight to Hanover, as he goes through the Low Countries and visits the King of the Netherlands; this would make it the 10th October. A month there, 10th November. A fortnight's journey and stay at Vienna, 24th November. A fortnight more from Vienna to Hamburg, Wurtemberg, and to Paris, 10th December. Four days at Paris, about the 15th or 16th December return. And all this with the present state of the country. I do not think it possible for him to be allowed to do it. I have not touched upon expense, for although it is said Hanover is to pay for his stay there, the presents and remainder of the journey must be paid by England.
Whatever I hear, you shall have forwarded to you as quickly as I can. I shall direct always to Pall Mall. I think of going to Brighton for some warm baths next week.
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. F.
P.S.—I hear Lord Lauderdale is seriously ill.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Sept. 21, 1821.
My dear Lord,
The arrangements for the foreign tour are all changed since the King's return from Ireland. Vienna, Hamburg, Wurtemberg, and Paris are given up, and he goes only to Hanover, sails from Ramsgate to Ostend, visits the King of the Netherlands, and passes on immediately. His promises are that he will return in six weeks; and there has been a great exertion to induce him to give up the foreign tour altogether, but this could not be carried.
No appointments whatever have been made—not the Chamberlainship—and you see his name omitted in the Lords Justices. With regard to these appointments and changes, I am thoroughly convinced they will take place before the meeting, but I really think on every account it would be unwise, and too much beneath your dignity, and indeed injurious to your objects, was I to see the D—— of W——, to know more upon it at present. It would place him, perhaps, in a very awkward predicament, and after his solemn assurances and written communications to you personally and through me, he must write to you or send to me should the arrangements be relinquished.
Be assured the state of the public mind is such that they cannot attempt to tide over another session. The King in his journey home overtook Lord and Lady Harcourt (now the bosom friends of Lady C——), stopped them, got out of his carriage, and sat with them for a quarter of an hour in the public road, recounting all his perilous adventures at sea and flattering reception in Ireland. Lady Harcourt told me his pious acknowledgment for his great escape of being shipwrecked was quite edifying, and the very great change in his moral habits and religious feelings was quite astonishing, and all owing to Lady C——.
The Duchess of Gloucester went to see him yesterday. He was in particular good health and spirits, but not so much enraptured with Ireland as she expected to see him. I believe he is a little alarmed at the advances and favour he has shown to the Catholics. Lord Londonderry is in the highest possible favour, which certainly don't look like the Whigs coming in, although many circumstances give reason to think Lord Liverpool will go, which, however, I shall never believe till I see. It was not intended to have named the Duke of York in the Lords Justices, but for some reason which I can't tell you, his name was inserted. They are to execute nothing but absolute necessary measures, and to fill up no appointments without communication with the King. Lord Londonderry accompanies him to Hanover—all the family of the C——s also, which the Duchess of Cambridge does not very much relish. I shall leave this place on Saturday; therefore, if you write to me, direct to Stanhope Street. I think of being at Brighton about Tuesday or Wednesday.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
The particulars, as I understand, of Sir Robert Wilson, are what is stated in the papers; but they have the additional proof of his having paid individuals for breaking up the road and intercepting the hearse; I believe he has not even a feather to stand upon, the facts are so strong against him. The King is to go to Waterloo, Sir Andrew Barnard, Lord Francis Conyngham, Sir William Knighton, and Sir B. Bloomfield are all that are at present appointed to accompany him.
Adieu, my dear Lord,
Ever sincerely yours,
W. H. F.
The King quitted England to visit Hanover, embarking from Ramsgate, and disembarking at Calais, whence the royal party proceeded by way of Lisle to Brussels; then, attended by Prince Frederick of Holland, the Duke of Wellington, and Lord Clancarty, he rode to the field of Waterloo. It was a locality full of the deepest interest to the King, increased by his Majesty having for his cicerone the victor who had made it so celebrated. The weather was bad, but it did not in the least damp his Majesty's ardour, or make him abate his curiosity. He went "into the little church of the village, examined all the tablets of inscriptions upon the walls, then visited the willow-tree under which was buried the shattered limb of Lord Anglesea, and seemed greatly impressed with all around him." Nothing escaped him, he carefully examined every position, and did not leave the field till he was master of all the details of the battle.
The party then proceeded to Namur, thence to Aix-la-Chapelle, which they reached on the 2nd of October, and entered the dominions of the King of Prussia on the 4th; the royal suite consisting of forty horses, besides the escort. Though the King's reception by the Prussians was very satisfactory, no time was lost in getting into his own territories, which he reached on the 6th, resting at the palace of Osnabruck.
An incident occurred during the King's sojourn in his German dominions which has thus been recorded. "Early in the morning a poor woman, with a countenance apparently much worn with sorrow, on her knees presented a paper to the King's Hanoverian Chamberlain, which was rejected. I saw this from the saloon, from which I was looking down on the many thousand persons assembled in the court-yard, and I observed the expression of despair which followed. I hastened down, fearing to lose sight of her, got her petition, and presented it to the King. It craved his mercy for her husband, who was doomed to five years' hard labour in a fortress. She was the mother of eight little children, and, it need not be added, in great poverty and want. The crime was of a nature to be pardoned, and this was done by the King, with his pen, instantly, for here his authority is absolute. We had the poor woman in the saloon, and you may imagine the rest."[72] ]
The visit excited a great deal of Hanoverian enthusiasm, the whole population of Osnabruck coming out to greet their King, and all the streets through which the royal cavalcade passed were strewed with flowers and evergreens. "Every village, too," adds the same authority, "had triumphal arches erected, with appropriate inscriptions, all bearing evident marks of real religion."[73] ] The pastor in his robes is described as standing by the whole parish on either side, and the women carrying their Bibles under their arms.
The King's reception at Hanover was equally gratifying. His Majesty made his entry on horseback, and the occasion produced a grand spectacle. His Majesty held a levee and a drawing-room in the capital, which was brilliantly attended; and everything was proceeding in the most gratifying way, when a severe fit of the gout, brought on by spraining his knee when getting on horseback, put a stop to all festivities. This occurred about the middle of October, and he did not commence his return till the end of the month, when the same enthusiastic spirit accompanied his progress. "Every town and village was crowded. The sacred emblem of the arch, with flowers and branches of trees, with happy devices, prevailed everywhere. The peasantry all well dressed." Subsequently, a curious incident occurred. "Some hundreds of miners from the mountains came to serenade their king. They are a particular race of Saxon origin, and for centuries have preserved their customs, language, and manners. Their countenance is interesting; I saw five or six in a room. They have a resigned silent melancholy, arising, I believe, from being so much underground; they are very religious. They sang with a band of music, two of the most beautiful hymns I ever heard. These miners had walked thirty miles for the purpose of paying their devotion to their sovereign."[74] ]
A tournament was got up for his entertainment at Göttingen, which is described as having been beautiful and magnificent. At this famous university an address was presented by the authorities, that affected the King to tears. He had felt warmly the loyal affection his continental subjects had so earnestly displayed; and of the visits he had paid to different portions of his dominions, he appears to have enjoyed this the most thoroughly. His return journey was rendered gratifying by the fine weather with which it was accompanied, and the beautiful scenery through which he passed. Everything seemed to favour him, and he reached England without being sensibly affected by the fatigue, and with his general health very much improved.
The impression his Majesty made was not always favourable. "I cannot help suspecting," observes an intelligent cotemporary "that his Majesty's late journeys to see his kingdoms of Ireland and Hanover will not on the whole redound much to his honour or advantage. His manners no doubt are, when he pleases, very graceful and captivating. No man knows better how to add to an obligation by the way of conferring it. But on the whole he wants dignity, not only in the seclusion and familiarity of his more private life, but on public occasions. The secret of popularity in very high stations seems to consist in a somewhat reserved and lofty, but courteous and uniform behaviour. Drinking toasts, shaking people by the hand, and calling them Jack and Tom, gets more applause at the moment, but fails entirely in the long run. He seems to have behaved not like a sovereign coming in pomp and state to visit a part of his dominions, but like a popular candidate come down upon an electioneering trip. If the day before he left Ireland he had stood for Dublin, he would, I dare say, have turned out Shaw or Grattan. Henry IV. is a dangerous example for sovereigns that are not, like him, splendid chevaliers and consummate captains. Louis XIV., who was never seen but in a full-bottomed wig, even by his valet-de-chambre, is a much safer model."[75] ]
The rumours of changes in the Government had taken every possible shape; but, like the long-talked of negotiation to include the Grenvilles, though often imminent, had never been accomplished. The probable reason of this may be traced to the King's varying disposition—possibly to his insincerity. It appears that two arrangements were going on at the same time, totally opposite in their intentions; one, a coalition of the Marquis of Buckingham and his friends, was negotiated by the Duke of Wellington, with the express authority of the King; the other, the introduction of a Whig Ministry, with the Marquis of Lansdowne at their head, was evidently brought forward under less creditable auspices, but could scarcely have gone on without the King's cognizance. We are much afraid that it was but a repetition of the old "Comedy of Errors," performed during the Regency, where the principal character trifled with both parties, till he had made more advantageous terms with the servants in his employ. The comedy, however, still proceeded, for the last act had yet to be played out.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Llangedwin, Oct. 4, 1821.
I am very much obliged to you, my dear B——, for your letter. I scarcely know what to wish as the final result of the arrangement. If I had entirely my own way, I should desire that Lord Londonderry should unite the offices of First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord Liverpool take some other office; but this is not to be hoped for, and the question resolves itself into that whether the increased strength which the Government would derive from placing its chief in the House of Commons, would counterbalance the general loss of character and influence which would result from the retirement of Lord Liverpool. On the whole, I am disposed to think it would; added to which is the advantage which would result from the whole strength, if not the whole of the Cabinet, being unanimous on the Catholic question. You are perfectly right, in my opinion, in determining not to go to Ireland unless you can carry concession to the Catholics with you. It is true that the King's language to them is perfectly undecisive, and cannot be construed into anything like a pledge or assurance of support, but still the complexion of his general conduct has been such as to convey, not to them only, an impression of his favourable disposition, and unless he makes some marked demonstration the other way, I am convinced you will perceive the effect in the next divisions in both Houses. Many hold the language of disapprobation of concession, but at the same time express the opinion that it must be carried, and if so, the sooner the better. These will never support the measure, but will be well disposed to stay away.
Lady C—— seems to hazard a good deal in letting her husband and two sons perform the parts of deputy guardian angels while she remains behind, especially if Lord Londonderry be in favour again, since he may contrive to bring some rival charmer in view.
I quite agree with you that there is no difference of principle which opposes our union with Lord Londonderry. The whole resolves itself into a question of expediency. Is there a prospect of his being able to form with us an administration strong enough to carry on the public business advantageously and creditably? And this we have not the means of answering till we know more fully what the plan and what the further intentions are. If there appeared any reasonable chance of our carrying the Catholic question, I should myself feel that a paramount motive to accede to the Government, even if I were certain that the King's aversion to the individual Ministers joined to the general feebleness of the administration, were sure to break it up the next day after that object had been effected.
Vansittart's retirement from the Exchequer is indispensable, and if Castlereagh does not himself take the office, Huskisson is the only candidate for it whom I should think likely. Canning would be objected to by Lord L——, and Robinson is wholly unequal.
All this, however, is premature, and till we have more data to reason upon, a mere useless consumption of ink and paper.
Meanwhile, the state of Ireland seems to show that the blessed conciliation effected by H. M.'s visit is confined to those districts which have been illuminated by his countenance, and doubts may be entertained whether the reduction of the army may not have proceeded somewhat too far. It is not likely that as the nights lengthen they will become more tranquil.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Welshpool, Oct. 12, 1821.
My dear B——,
Henry's beau frère, Bob Smith, came down to Llanvorda last week with the story of a violent quarrel about the appointment of Lord Conyngham to be Master of the Horse, which the K——, when last in town, insisted on. That Ministers positively refused, and on the Sunday night tendered their resignations. That the K—— would not give a final answer, but postponed his decision till after his return, and so set out with Lord C—— in his carriage and his two sons in his suite. He also, I understand, told Henry that Canning had refused office unless we were included, which piece of intelligence makes me incredulous as to the rest, though most positively asserted, since from what you have told me, the persons in the latter story ought to be nearly reversed.
The Opposition seem to think the result to be that the ball is at Lord Lansdowne's feet, which may be true, and yet he unable to take it up.
There was a grand Whig dinner at Chester on Tuesday, and by calling in Wales, Lancashire, Staffordshire, and Shropshire, they mustered a hundred.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Brighton, Oct. 12, 1821.
My dear Lord,
Since I have been here I have seen a great deal of Sir Mathew Tierney, who accompanied the King to Ireland, and who is of course pompous of his station, and glad to communicate all he knows. I am quite astonished to hear the language he holds, so highly favourable to the Catholics, and he does not scruple to say that their demands must be granted; that it is injustice to the King that they should be withheld; that they are the most loyal and attached subjects he has; and the manner in which they behaved to the King, and he to them, rendered it necessary for the Government to bring forward the measure. Now, as I am convinced he would not hold this language if it were not the one he hears, I leave you to judge of what may be the result of it. I hear, also, from Lady Gwydyr, who is here, that this is the style of Lady Conyngham's language.
The yachts are ordered to be off Calais the beginning of next month, and the King is under engagement to be back by the 9th. I am pretty sure this is true. He goes nowhere; but has written to his sisters, &c., to meet him at Hanover; and Mrs. Fremantle had a letter from the Landgravine of Hesse Homburg, saying she should be there as to-day.
Ever, my dear Lord, most truly yours,
W. H. F.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Oct. 24, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I am just returned here after paying a visit for a day or two to Lord Arran, at Bognor. I did not answer your last because I had nothing to tell you; and now I have only to say, that Lady G. Monk, who is mother to Charles Paget's wife, told me he had orders to be at Calais to receive the King on board on the 4th, and up to this day he has received no counter order; so that, in my opinion, the King will not remain beyond the time he had promised to return. But I see by the papers he has got a touch of the gout: one can never say to what extent this may go, or whether it is really gout.
While I was at Brighton, or rather the last day I was there, which was Saturday, I met Croker, with whom I had a good deal of conversation. He said the thing could not go on as it is; "that all parties were agreed upon that;" and so soon as the King came back, it must be brought to a decision, either for him to strengthen his Government by the admission of your party and Canning, or to change his Government altogether. These were his words. He also said that Ireland was going to the devil, in consequence of Grant's indolence. I said, "Surely he is a Catholic, and that suits our views." His answer was, "Yes, that's true; but he thinks of nothing but devotion; he is a saint, and can and will do no business whatever. The government of Ireland must be changed, or the country will go to the devil." This, I think, corresponds something with Sir M. Tierney's language, but it shows, from such a man as Croker, that the Government is dissatisfied with the state of affairs there, and the suspension of all the Irish Peerage promotions confirms this. I believe every part of your history about the King's intention about the Mastership of the Horse. From a variety of causes I think it is correct; but I believe, at the same time, that a powerful interest is making abroad to lead him to encourage a wife. How far this will be successful must be seen; the attack of the gout is against it.
Ever, my dear Lord, most truly yours,
W. H. F.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, Oct. 26, 1821.
My dear Lord B——,
My brother came up to town for a day of Exchequer business. He told me that he sees (by a letter of invitation to belong to a new club) that T—— is one of the committee.
I have also received a similar letter of invitation, but neither of us has sent an answer. In conversing together yesterday upon this subject, it occurred to us that if you and your son took some lead in the forming such a new club, and endeavoured to get your friends to belong to it, it might be made, perhaps, a source of some advantage as well as convenience to you. It would not be at all necessary that any exclusive rule should be adopted in the election of the new members; all that would be desirable would be that the leading persons in it should not be those of Brooks's or of White's, and that it should be seen as a sort of neutral ground, in which the violent party leaders on both sides would not be found to predominate. If Lewis and Plunket, and Charles Williams and Fremantle, and some others, would belong to it; and if you and T——, upon consideration, should think the thing practicable and desirable, and would set about it in earnest, perhaps such a shape might be given to it as would appear to you to be worth your while to pursue. At all events, I thought it best to make the suggestion to you. I am too old to go much to clubs, and belong now only to the Literary Club; but if T—— and you think there is any advantage in having my name as belonging to it, pray tell T—— that he is authorised, if he wishes it, to give in my name as a subscriber. Lord G—— told me he would write to you to offer his name likewise, if it strikes you that the object I allude to is worth pursuing, and if our names are likely to be of any use to you for the purposes above mentioned. Town is thin; few people, and less news; but an increasing report among Sidmouth's friends that he is in too bad health to continue, and that he must resign.
The Radicals, as you see, are all trying to make out a mob case for Sir R. Wilson, but the army, I am told, is well pleased at his dismissal.
Ireland is, from the account of a very intelligent friend of mine, in a worse state than ever; and unless vigorous measures are soon adopted there, no authority will remain in the country.
Yours affectionately,
T. G.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, Oct. 29, 1821.
My brother is not here, but I have sent him your letter. It is not easy to advise you on a matter so much depending on feelings into which you alone can thoroughly enter. But, as a mere question of interest and convenience, I should think, on your statement, that delay was advisable.
I got, some time since, a circular notice of a new club, and a proposal to include my name amongst its members. I disregarded it, as I have long done all such offers, having as long ago as when I married, discontinued all attendance on clubs.
But I had another letter some days since, by which I see that T——'s name is on the committee, and this has revived a notion which I had at first, of suggesting to you the very great political advantage which you and Charles might derive from the formation of some new establishment of this sort, which might relieve those who, with you, might hold a middle course, from the necessity of a society in either of the extremes of Brooks's or White's.
I well remember the very great advantage that Pitt derived from Goosetree's, previously to the time when we took possession of White's. If you like any notion of that sort, and think you can make anything of it, or if it would in any way be at all gratifying to T——, I will most willingly send in my name; if not, I shall decline as before. Pray, therefore, let me know what you wish.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, Nov. 3, 1821.
My dear Lord B——,
I received last night, with a letter from Dr. O'Connor, the "Mysterious Mother," and I have this morning ordered Coutts to transfer to your account there 5l., which is the price that you have been so good as to pay. There is a general stagnation of all news, though London begins to have a sprinkling of visitors. It is supposed that Lord Liverpool put a final stop to the Paris visit by declaring that no drafts could be answered except for the direct return home; if the 29th has been again changed for the departure, it is probable that it is occasioned only by gout.
I agree with you that there is no possibility of preventing the Opposition from making motions about Sir R—— W—— (as they did in Lord Cobham's case); but the apprehension which I feel is, that Government will not answer as they ought by claiming and asserting the prerogative, but by evidence of facts, &c. &c., and if they do they will, in my opinion, do an unconquerable evil. A very intelligent field-officer the other day said very truly, in speaking of the subscribers, "what are all these brown coats about? if it is a grievance, it is a grievance to the army, and I verily believe that there is not a single officer in it who is disposed to make any other complaint than that the Commander-in-Chief ought to have dismissed him three years ago." The subscription has utterly failed, no names being procurable except the Opposition party names that you have seen.
Yours most affectionately,
T. G.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Llangedwin, Nov. 5, 1821.
My dear B——,
Another week will, I suppose, bring the King back, and with him intelligence of more interest. Lord Grey and his friends appear to be most kindly exerting themselves to the utmost to defeat Lord C——'s efforts in their favour. It looks as if there was a schism in Opposition on the subject of this subscription, and I am told that several of them hold strong language against it. Government have, I think, fallen into the same mistake which they did in the Manchester business, of keeping back their justification, while they allow their adversaries to preoccupy the ground in public opinion. I know enough of the folly and mischievous disposition of W——, to give them full credit for the sufficiency of their reasons; but in the present temper of the country, and in the absence of all confidence in the Administration, I do not conceive it wise to have acted on those reasons, unless they could be publicly and explicitly, though not perhaps officially, avowed. All that is known is that it has reference to the Queen's funeral, but whether it be for the improper language said to be addressed to the officer on duty, or for planning and organizing or encouraging the riot, we at a distance do not know. Among the names of the wise men who have subscribed on this occasion, I am most surprised to see that of my old friend the Duke of Somerset: first, because I thought he had computed too often the number of pence, half-pence, and farthings in a hundred pounds to give so much away on any occasion; and secondly, because, if a liberal fit did come across him, I thought he had more sense and moderation than to let his name appear on this. I am very glad not to see N——'s on the list. Have you yet heard the reason of the frost which blighted the Irish Peerages in their bud. Phillimore writes me word that Lord Grenville is very anxious that the Catholic question should be brought forward as early as possible in the next session. While Lord Liverpool and Lord Eldon retain their present offices, I feel convinced that nothing but the active influence of the King (which I think is not likely to be so exerted) can carry the Bill through the Lords, and unless some favourable circumstances should seem to open fresh hopes of their passing it, we shall, I am sure, have great difficulty in procuring the attendance of its friends in the Commons, many of whom feel that they support it at the imminent hazard of their seats, and will highly disapprove of its being so soon agitated again without an increased chance of final success.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Nov. 6, 1821.
My dear Lord,
You may depend upon it there is no truth whatever in the supposed difference between the chief and his love. I know it has been said, but the attachment is as strong as ever, and the influence as great. He is expected in the course of a few days, and I have no doubt still that the arrangement will take place soon, and that he will not have courage to change his Government. He is to come to the Cottage here for a few days, and it is said is then to go to Brighton. Lord St. Helens is now passing a few days with me, and his language is, the necessity of strengthening the Government, and the impossibility of changing it, and if one could believe him, the impossibility of the latter. I see, however, Lord Lansdowne is just arrived from Paris, and none of his friends or anything but the actual Mountains have subscribed to Wilson.
What a horrid circumstance the death of Lady Elz. Stanhope: she was walking in the garden with Mrs. Arthur Stanhope, and dropped down—never spoke afterwards. They were going the next day to Fawsley.
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. Fremantle.
CHAPTER VI.
[1821.]
THE GOVERNMENT. RUMOURED CHANGES. PROPOSALS. MR. CANNING. NEGOTIATIONS COMMENCED BY THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON FOR THE JUNCTION OF THE GRENVILLES WITH THE MINISTRY. REPORT OF CONVERSATION WITH LORD LIVERPOOL ON THE SUBJECT. PROPOSAL OF THE GOVERNMENT TO RAISE LORD BUCKINGHAM TO A DUKE. MARQUIS WELLESLEY AS LORD LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND. HIS OPINIONS ON THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. MR. W. C. PLUNKET ON IRISH AFFAIRS. LORD GRENVILLE ON THE PROPOSED ARRANGEMENTS. NEGOTIATIONS RESPECTING THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS.
CHAPTER VI.
The King returned from his Continental dominions about the middle of November. On the 16th his Majesty held a Court at Carlton Palace, to receive addresses from the Lord Mayor of London, the Court of Aldermen, and the Common Council. With his return recommenced the usual round of rumours affecting the stability of the Government; but, although there is no doubt it might have claimed the merit of being the best abused one in the world, the principal members of it, at least, held a perfectly secure position. Their conduct, particularly with respect to Sir Robert Wilson, excited Mr. Grenville's severe animadversions.
RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, Nov. 7, 1821.
My dear Lord B——,