E-text prepared by Richard Tonsing, Brian Coe,
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
([http://www.pgdp.net])
from page images generously made available by
Internet Archive
([https://archive.org])

MEMOIR OF THE SERVICES
OF
THE BENGAL ARTILLERY,
FROM THE
FORMATION OF THE CORPS TO THE PRESENT TIME,
WITH
SOME ACCOUNT OF ITS INTERNAL ORGANIZATION.

BY THE LATE CAPTAIN E. BUCKLE,

ASSIST. ADJ.-GEN., BENGAL ARTILLERY.

EDITED BY J. W. KAYE,

LATE LIEUT. BENGAL ARTILLERY.

LONDON:

Wm. H. ALLEN & Co., 7, LEADENHALL STREET.

1852.

PRINTED BY

COX (BROTHERS) AND WYMAN, GREAT QUEEN STREET,

LINCOLN’S-INN FIELDS.

TO

LIEUT.-GEN. SIR GEORGE POLLOCK, G.C.B.

OF THE BENGAL ARTILLERY,

THIS MEMOIR

OF THE SERVICES OF A CORPS

OF WHICH HE IS SO DISTINGUISHED A MEMBER,

IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED BY

HIS SINCERE FRIEND AND ADMIRER,

THE EDITOR.

ADVERTISEMENT BY THE EDITOR.

The circumstances under which the greater portion of this Memoir was written, are set forth so truthfully in the following passages, taken from an Indian periodical, that I cannot do better than transcribe them:—

“It was well known for some years before Captain Buckle, driven homewards by the pressure of ill-health, resigned the important regimental office which he had held so creditably to himself and so advantageously to his corps, that he had long been collecting materials for a Memoir of the Bengal Artillery, and had been engaged, in brief intervals of leisure, in their arrangement and reproduction in the form of an elaborate work of military history. In the immediate circle of his own private friends it was known, moreover, how deep was the interest that he took in the progress of this work; how laboriously he pursued his investigations into the past history of his regiment; and what gratification it afforded him, in the midst of much that was necessarily dull and thankless, to exhume, out of a mass of long-buried records, or a heap of printed volumes with the damp of years upon them, some neglected historical fact, some forgotten statistics, or some illustrative anecdote which had never reached the ears of the present generation. It was emphatically a labour of love. It was the recreation, after hours of office drudgery, of the last few years of his sojourn in India,—of the last few years of his life. His health had been for some time perceptibly failing; and for many months before he finally determined to turn his back upon Dum-Dum, he had suffered under one of the most distressing and most fatal disorders of the country. Like many others, who have been buoyed up by such delusive hopes, he thought that he could weather it out a little longer. Intervals of seeming convalescence gave him new confidence and courage; and he was disinclined to anticipate the date at which he had originally designed to visit Great Britain. But the hot weather of 1846 tried him severely; his disorder was aggravated; and at last he reluctantly determined to strike his tent, and to seek renewed health beneath the milder sun of his native country. He embarked on board the steamer leaving Calcutta in September; and it was hoped that the sea-breeze would check the progress of his malady; but as the vessel steamed down the bay, he grew worse and worse, and on the 19th of that month, off the island of Ceylon, he rendered back his soul to his Maker.

“It was, we believe, one of his last expressions of earthly solicitude, that the manuscript of the Memoir of the Bengal Artillery, on which he had been so long and anxiously employed, should be given over to his executor, an old brother officer and most esteemed friend, to be dealt with as might seem best to him. It was the known wish of the deceased, that the work should be published: indeed, the thought of laying before the world a fitting memoir of the distinguished regiment to which he was attached, had often, in hours of sickness and weariness, been a solace and a stimulant to him. It is an ambition worthy of any soldier, to be the historian of his corps.”[^[1]]

The manuscript was placed in my hands by Captain Buckle’s executor, and I undertook to see it safely through the press. The Memoir was brought down by the author to the close of the Afghan war; but during the interval which had elapsed since he laid down the pen, the Sikhs had crossed the Sutlej, and the battles of Moodkhee, Ferozshuhur, Aliwal, and Sobraon had been fought. It seemed desirable that some record of these engagements should be added to the Memoir, and I attempted to supply what was wanting to complete the work. But whilst the sheets containing the annals of this campaign were passing through the press, the second Sikh war broke out, and the further necessity of bringing down the chronicle to the close of that memorable campaign which resulted in the annexation of the Punjab, was imposed upon the editor. Others would have done this more effectively and more expeditiously. My qualifications for the due performance of the work intrusted to me were mainly the cheerfulness with which, both from respect for the memory of the deceased author and affection for the regiment of which I was once a member, I undertook the labours it entailed; and such aptitude as may be supposed to result from a life spent in literary pursuits. For the three last chapters I alone am responsible. I am indebted to others for the information they contain; but if any errors should appear in them, they must be laid to the account of my misuse of the materials placed at my disposal.

That, valuable and interesting as are many of the details of this Memoir, it would have been more interesting and more valuable if Captain Buckle had lived to complete it, is no mere conjecture of mine. The marginal pencil notes which appear on the face of the manuscript, indicate the writer’s intention of furnishing fuller information on many important points already touched upon, and of supplying many additional details which in the progress of the work had escaped his notice, but which subsequent inquiries, or, in some instances, the suggestions of friends, had enabled him to introduce, and which would have been introduced had he lived to superintend the passage of his Memoir through the press. It is certain, too, that the details in the concluding chapters would have been more accurate and more complete. I have followed the original manuscript, as far as it went, with scarcely the alteration of a word; and I have endeavoured, in the concluding chapters, as nearly as possible to retain the manner of the original work.

Some apology is due for the delay which has occurred in placing the Memoir before the public. This has been occasioned partly by the necessity of obtaining original information relative to the events of the Sikh campaign, and partly by the pressure of other literary engagements which have absorbed the editor’s time. In the record of the great victory of Goojrat, the history of the achievements of the Bengal Artillery has a fitting termination; and I can hardly regret the delay which has enabled me to chronicle, however inefficiently, the services of so many of my distinguished cotemporaries in the course of the last few memorable years.

J. W. K.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

Introduction—Artillery previous to 1756—Destruction of 1st Company in Black Hole—Recapture of Calcutta—Plassey—Re-formation of 1st Company; 2nd Company and 3rd Company raised—Campaigns of Colonel Calliaud, Major Adams, &c.—Massacre at Patna—4th Company raised—Major Munro’s Campaigns—Artillery attached to brigades—Artillery Companies formed into a Battalion—Board of Ordnance—Practice-ground near Dum-Dum—Three Companies of Artillery raised for Nawab of Oude—Transferred to the Establishment—Artillery formed into a Brigade, p. [1]–53.

CHAPTER II.

Reduction of Golundaz Battalion—Formation of Regiment into Two European Battalions with Ten Battalions of Lascars—Goddard’s Expedition—Popham’s Capture of Gwalior—Insurrection at Benares—Attacks on Pateeta, Luteefpoor, and Siege of Bidgegurh—Colonel Pearse’s Expedition to the Coast—Reduction of Golundaz Companies—Transport Train, Foundry, Powder-works—Reduction in Establishment—Pay—Artillery formed into One European Battalion of Ten Companies—Lascar Battalions abolished—Battalion Guns—Artillery formed into Three European Battalions, Lascars into Thirty Companies, p. [54]–106.

CHAPTER III.

Artillery, one of the brigades of the army—An Infantry Officer, Brigade-Major—Succeeded by an Artillery Officer—Dress—School orders—School—Inoculation—Companies numbered by seniority—Method of exploding mortar-shells on reaching the ground—Fire in the arsenal—Death of Colonel Pearse—Lieut.-Colonel G. Deare, Commandant—War in the Carnatic—Second Battalion of Artillery sent—Sattimungulum—Bangalore—Retreat from Seringapatam—Nundydroog—Savendroog—Attack on fortified camp at Seringapatam—Return to Bengal, p. [107]–162.

CHAPTER IV.

Matériel organization, and its successive changes—Guns and carriages first used—Royal pattern—Madras pattern—Ammunition-carriages—Tumbrils—Horse Artillery ammunition-carriage—Elevating-screws—Ordnance in use—Siege-carriages—Howitzer and Mortar combined carriage—Gribeauval’s pattern—French caisson—Hardwicke’s pattern—Horse Artillery guns—Mountain-train carriages—Siege-carriages and ordnance—Royal pattern (block trail)—Gun and Ammunition carriages introduced, p. [163]–198.

CHAPTER V.

Reorganization in 1796 of the army—Successive additions to Artillery companies—Ceylon—Seringapatam—Introduction of Horse Artillery—Egypt—Deficiency of Artillery—Organization of 1801–2—Composition of the regiment—Foreign service—Sieges of Sarsnee, Bidgygurh, and Cutchwarah, p. [199]–248.

CHAPTER VI.

Lord Lake’s Campaigns—Captain Hutchinson’s proceedings in the neighbourhood of Rampoorah—Sieges of Komona, Gunnourie, and Adjeegurh—Augmentation by adding Golundaz—Increase of Horse Artillery—Ordnance-drivers organized—Colonel Horsford, Commandant—Expeditions to the Isle of France and Java—Bundlecund Campaigns—Callingur—Gribeauval pattern carriages introduced—Additional Golundaz companies—Head-quarters removed to Dum-Dum, p. [249]–311.

CHAPTER VII.

Campaigns against the Goorkhas—Rocket Troop raised—Bombardment of Hattrass—Death of Sir John Horsford—Ordnance General Officers debarred the General Staff—Conceded to them—Guns formed into Batteries—Organization of 1818—Pindarrie and Mahratta Campaigns—Gun Carriage Agency—Ordnance Commissariat Department—Commandants’ position improved—Model Department—Select Committee formed—Reduction of Lascars—Increase to Golundaz—Battalion system introduced into Bengal—Burmese War—Siege of Bhurtpoor—Increase to the Regiment, p. [312]–391.

CHAPTER VIII.

Reductions—Half-batta order—Further reductions—Brevet of Colonel given to Lieutenant-Colonels Commandant—Alterations in uniform—Shekawuttee Campaign—Establishment of Retiring Fund—The Afghan Campaign—Capture of Ghuznee—Services of the Artillery—March to Bamean—Our disasters at Caubul—Nichol’s troop—The Army of Retribution—Pollock’s force—Honours to the Artillery, p. [392]–451.

CHAPTER IX.

State of affairs at Gwalior—The Army of Exercise—The battle of Maharajpore—Want of heavy ordnance—The Battle of Punniah—The Gwalior contingent—Honours conferred on the Artillery—The Ordnance Commissariat remodelled—The Artillery in Sindh—Reorganization of the Regiment—Increase of horse-batteries, p. [452]–466.

CHAPTER X.

The Sikh invasion—Battle of Moodkee—Services of the Artillery—Battle of Ferozeshuhur—Scarcity of ammunition—Measures taken for its prevention—The Artillery reinforced—Affair at Buddowal—Battle of Aliwal—Battle of Sobraon—Honours conferred on the Artillery—The Occupation of Lahore, p. [467]–516.

CHAPTER XI.

Kote Kangra—Use of Elephant-draught—Interval of Peace—Reassembling of the Army—Mooltan—Ramnuggur—Chillianwallah—Fall of Mooltan—Goojrat—Close of the Sikh War—Honours to the Artillery—Medals—Concluding Remarks, p. [517]–571.

MEMOIRS

OF

THE BENGAL ARTILLERY.

CHAPTER I.

Introduction—Artillery previous to 1756—Destruction of 1st Company in Black Hole—Recapture of Calcutta—Plassey—Re-formation of 1st Company; 2nd Company and 3rd Company raised—Campaigns of Colonel Calliaud, Major Adams, &c.—Massacre at Patna—4th Company raised—Major Munro’s Campaigns—Artillery attached to Brigades—Artillery Companies formed into a Battalion—Board of Ordnance—Practice-ground near Dum-Dum—Three Companies of Artillery raised for Nawab of Oude—Transferred to the Establishment—Artillery formed into a Brigade.

Adepts in natural history, from a few fossil bones and teeth, are able to delineate the animal to which they belonged, and from comparing the analogy of the parts, to clothe their skeleton with appropriate covering, thus making, as it were, the animal kingdom of by-gone ages pass in review before the present generation.

A similar talent would be necessary, effectively to rake up the early history of a regiment. Old records preserved in public offices form the fossil bones; and the “fleshy tenement” with which these are to be clothed must be culled from many a quarter ere the “animal” can be completed; and when this is done, there still remains the difficult task of giving him life and spirit, or, to drop the metaphor, of rendering the record useful and entertaining.

Much difficulty besets the undertaking; and, though we are conscious of our want of ability to do full justice to the present task, yet, as we believe that a good deal of information not generally known, and collected from sources inaccessible to the majority, is contained in the following pages, and which will be acceptable for its own sake, without reference to the form in which it appears, we have been induced to give publicity to our rough notes.

The first company of Bengal Artillery was raised in 1749; the orders were received, it is believed, from Bombay, then the chief presidency. A company was ordered, at the same time, at each presidency, in the Court of Directors’ general letter of 17th June, 1748. A copy of the warrant for that at Madras will be found in the “Artillery Records” for October, 1843, and for Bombay in one of a series of papers entitled “Three Years’ Gleanings,” which appeared in the E. I. United Service Journal in 1838, and some extracts from which are made hereafter in these pages: the entire warrants are too voluminous for insertion. A similar one was most probably sent to Bengal, but all records perished when Calcutta was taken.

Admiral Boscawen was requested to supply such aid in raising the companies as he could spare from the fleet, for gunners; and the master gunner was appointed to the Bombay company. The companies were to be completed as early as possible, and all the gun-room’s crew, who were qualified, were to be included.

The “gun-room’s crew” appears to have been the denomination given to a certain number of men set apart for the duties of the artillery; their officers were called gunners, gunners’ mates, &c., and combined the magazine duties with the more properly-called duties of artillerymen.

The new company was to consist of one captain, one second captain, one captain-lieutenant, and three lieutenant-fireworkers; four serjeants, four corporals, three drummers, and one hundred gunners; the established pay was as noted below:—

The want of artillery during the wars on the coast from 1746 to 1754, and the impossibility of forming a sufficient number on the spot, induced the Court of Directors to obtain and send out two companies of Royal Artillery to Bombay; and, when the war broke out in 1756, three companies more were sent, with the reinforcements under Clive, to Bombay, and were afterwards distributed among the presidencies.

With Colonel Aldercron’s regiment (39th Foot,—“primus in Indis”) at Madras, there were also forty artillerymen, on its arrival in 1754; these he considered part of his regiment, and they were most probably borne on its rolls, and allotted to the duties of the field-pieces attached.

At Madras, attention seems to have been earlier paid to the military establishment than in Bengal. A field train had been organized in 1755, to which Lieutenant Jennings was appointed adjutant (this officer was afterwards transferred to the Bengal presidency), but in Bengal in 1756, on the war with France breaking out, the whole force amounted to only 300 European troops, including the company of artillery raised in 1749.

In 1756 the company of artillery was commanded by Captain Witherington, and stationed in Fort William, with detachments at the smaller factories, such as Dacca, Balasore, Cossimbazar, Patna, &c. On the siege of Fort William by Sooraj-ul-Dowlah, only forty-five artillerymen were in the garrison, and these, with their commanding officer, perished in the Black Hole.

The character of Capt. Witherington is sketched in Mr. Holwell’s interesting “Narrative” as “a laborious active officer, but confused. There would have been few objections to his character, diligence, or conduct, had he been fortunate in having any commander-in-chief to have a proper eye over him, and take care that he did his duty.” One point, however, is clear—that whatever his talents or character may have been, he perished at his post, whilst others deserted theirs.

An instance of devotion highly honourable is also recorded by Mr. Holwell of a man named Leech, an artificer, most probably of the artillery, “and clerk of the parish, who had made his escape when the Moors entered the fort, and returned just as it was dark to tell me he had provided a boat, and would insure my escape if I would follow him through a passage few were acquainted with, and by which he had entered. I thanked him in the best terms I could, but told him it was a step I could not prevail on myself to take, as I thereby should very ill repay the attachment the gentlemen and garrison had shewn me; that I was resolved to share their fate, be it what it would, but pressed him to secure his escape without loss of time, to which he gallantly replied that ‘then he was resolved to share mine, and would not leave me.’”[^[3]]

The remnants of the company were probably collected together at Fultah, and joined the force with which Clive afterwards avenged our disgrace on its reaching the Hooghly. In the arrangements made for retaking Calcutta, it was intended that the guns sent from Madras on the Marlborough should have been worked by the artillerymen of Aldercron’s regiment. This plan was, however, frustrated by the colonel refusing to allow them to go, unless he accompanied with his regiment, or, in other words, unless the command of the expedition was vested in him. The want of artillerymen was therefore supplied by a detail from the Madras company under Lieutenant Jennings. The actual strength is not known; but as in February 1757, in the attack on the Nawab’s troops near Omichund’s garden, we find from Orme that Clive mustered about 100 artillerymen, and as not more than 20 or 30 of the old company can be supposed to have escaped, it must have been at least half a company.

The expedition reached Fultah on the 20th December, 1756, and met with but little opposition (a night attack on the troops landed near Fort Marlborough being the chief) in the progress to Calcutta, which was retaken, after a short cannonade from the shipping, on the 2nd January, 1757.

To protect Calcutta from the incursions of the Nawab’s army, Clive formed a fortified camp, with outposts around it, about a mile north of the town, and half a mile from the river, on the spot now called Chitpore. This situation was well chosen, as it was impossible for the enemy, when coming from the northward, to enter Calcutta without passing between the camp and salt-water lake (then more extensive than at present), within sight of the camp. Towards the end of January the field artillery was completed by the arrival of the Marlborough,[^[4]] which had the greatest part on board.

On the 3rd February the Nawab’s army passed along the Dum-Dum road, leaving it near the turning at the Puckah-bridges, and spreading irregularly over the plain to the eastward of the Mahratta ditch, the Nawab’s own camp being pitched in Omichund’s garden, the ground now called “Nunden Bagh.”

Surrounded by so numerous an enemy, Clive would soon have been straitened for provisions. To prevent this inconvenience, and to alarm a timorous enemy, he resolved to surprise their camp before daylight, and for this purpose he marched out from his camp—the artillery, 100 men, and six 6–pounder guns in the rear; the ammunition on lascars’ heads, guarded by sailors; the sipahis and European battalion leading. At dawn, they came upon the enemy’s advanced posts, placed in the ditches of the Dum-Dum road, whom they easily dispersed, and continued their march parallel to the Mahratta ditch until they came opposite Omichund’s garden, when the fog, usual at that season, came on and obscured every thing before them; they proceeded onwards, however, the field-pieces in the rear firing round shot obliquely outwards, until they reached a causeway which ran from the ditch towards the lake, and on which was a barrier; mounting the causeway, the troops wheeled and marched along it, which brought them under the fire of their own guns, and caused considerable confusion. In order to avoid this, Clive ordered all the troops to cross the causeway and lie down till the firing from the rear could be stopped. Some guns from the ramparts of the Mahratta ditch also opened on them, and made great havoc, so that Clive was forced to continue his march until he reached the Bally-a-ghat road, when, turning to his right, he marched up the Boitaconnah and Salt Bazaar to the old fort, abandoning two of his guns, whose carriages broke down, and in the evening regained his camp by the road along the river.

This expedition, though ill-planned, produced the desired effect on the Nawab, who eagerly desired to enter into terms of accommodation with the British, whose activity he feared.

In March, the reinforcements arrived from Bombay, and an attack on the French settlement of Chandernagore was resolved on; it was attacked both by land and from the river, the chief attack being made by the ships of war; the artillery had but a comparatively small part to play.

The political events which followed, and the intrigues which led to our subsequent hostilities with Sooraj-ul-Dowlah, it is not our province to detail. We purpose only to relate events with which the corps is connected, and accordingly we next join Clive on the 21st June at Cutwah. With his little army, we find 100 artillerymen, eight 6–pounder guns, and two howitzers, commanded by Captain Jennings. In the council of war which sat, Captain Jennings’s vote was given for an immediate attack (as recorded in the Life of Clive, while in Sir Eyre Coote’s evidence before the Secret Committee, the names and votes of the members are found very differently recorded. Sir Eyre Coote’s is more probably the correct list, as he spoke from memoranda); the majority were for delay, but Clive, after dissolving the council, followed the dictates of his own bold spirit, and directed the army to cross the river, which was done, and by midnight of the 22nd, the army had reached Plassey.

The next day the battle took place; it was chiefly a distant cannonade. The guns were placed three on each flank of the Europeans, and the remainder about 200 yards in advance of the left division of sipahis, sheltered by some brick-kilns, to check the fire of the enemy’s guns, manned by the French party, and posted at a tank in front. The shot from the British guns which missed those opposed to them, took effect on the bodies of cavalry and infantry in the rear. The cannonade was sustained till noon, when rain falling damaged the enemy’s ammunition, and forced them to slacken their fire. The English fire continued, and Major Kirkpatrick, advancing with a party, drove the French from the tank, and the English guns were pushed on.

Meer Jaffier, with his troops, at this time advanced, intending to join the British, but was opposed and driven back by a party and the fire of a field-gun, under Mr. Johnston, a volunteer.

The whole of the guns now cannonaded the enemy’s camp from the high banks of the tank; the enemy came out, and Clive advanced, posting half his troops and guns at a smaller tank in advance, and the rest on a rising ground about 200 yards to their left; the French field-pieces renewed their fire, and the enemy’s cavalry prepared to charge, but were always driven back by the quick firing of the English field artillery; the enemy beginning to draw off, the whole British army advanced, and driving them from a redoubt and mound, part of the intrenchment of their camp, about five in the afternoon completed the victory which laid the foundation of our Eastern empire.

The volunteer, Mr. Johnston, above noticed, was one of the fugitives collected at Fultah. His name is mentioned among those saved at Dacca; he not improbably belonged to the artillery, and was employed as a clerk in some confidential office, for, in a letter dated in 1765, from himself to Lord Clive, he endeavours to exculpate himself from a charge of disclosing confidential transactions from his office, preferred against him by Governor Drake. In this letter, he mentions his having been “remanded to the artillery, his former” occupation, and serving with the army till 1765, when he returned to Calcutta; the date of his removal is, however, uncertain.[^[5]]

A detachment was sent forwards towards Patna, under Major Coote, consisting of 230 Europeans, 300 sipahis, 50 lascars, and two 6–pounders, but much delay occurred in starting, owing to the debaucheries ensuing on the plunder gained at Plassey. It was protracted by a mutinous spirit on the way, so that the French party had, by the time they arrived, rendered their position at Patna too strong, and the detachment returned to Cossimbazaar in September. The remainder of the army was removed to Chandernagore.

Towards the close of the year 1757, a second advance, with a stronger party, and Clive at its head, was made, and an arrangement satisfactory to the British having been concluded, he returned to Moorshedabad in May, 1758.

His first care was to organize the army, and in doing this, the coast army was taken as a model; a company of artillery was raised in Fort William, 29th June, from the men who had served at Plassey. Lieutenant Jennings was promoted to its captaincy, and this may be considered as the first company of the present establishment, and bears at present, after many changes of numbers in the successive formations of the regiment, the denomination of 1st company, 4th battalion.

A second company was raised at Cossimbazaar on the 19th September, the party mentioned above as being left there most probably having been incorporated in it: Captain Broadbridge or Broadburn, from the Royal Artillery, was its captain.

The company of Royal Artillery[^[6]] which came from Bombay accompanied Colonel Forde’s detachment to Masulipatam in April, 1759, and aided in that brilliant operation, but did not return with the detachment after the campaign. Since that period no Royal Artillery have served in Bengal, except in 1798, when a company was in Fort William; but this probably was a temporary arrangement, the company coming to Bengal en route to Ceylon.

In 1759, a combination having been entered into against the British, the English troops, aided by Meer Jaffier, marched towards Patna, against the Shahzadah; Patna was taken, a garrison left, and Clive returned to Calcutta, Colonel Calliaud having joined him first at Berhampoor, with 300 Europeans, 1,000 sipahis, 50 artillerymen, and 6 guns. The artillerymen, there is reason to suppose, belonged to the 2nd company.

The battalion of sipahis left at Patna with two 6–pounders and 70 Europeans, under Lieutenant Cochrane, was defeated in an engagement into which they were forced, in assisting our ally Ramnarain against the Emperor’s forces, in January, 1760.

The conduct of the European troops is spoken of as highly creditable. The European officers of the sipahis all fell, and the sipahis were cut to pieces or dispersed. The English who remained fought their way back to the city under Doctor Fullerton. “Other English officers may have been present,” says the author of the Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, “whose names I know not, who ranged them in order, and as one of their guns was to be left behind on the field of battle, they found means to render it of no avail, by thrusting a large needle of iron into its eye; the other being in good condition, they took it with them, together with its ammunition; and that handful of men had the courage to retire in the face of a victorious army, without once shrinking from their ranks; during their journey, the car of ammunition chanced to receive some injury, the Doctor stopped unconcernedly, and after having put it in order, he bravely pursued his route again.”

Lieutenant Buck, of the artillery, was killed in this action.

Calliaud’s advance having been delayed by his allies, he did not engage the enemy till the 22nd February, near Sooraj, and the same cause prevented his following up the advantage.

The 50 artillerymen of the 2nd company were engaged in this action, and the carriages of four of their guns broke down during the engagement, causing some delay in repairing them.

After his defeat, the Emperor fled, and endeavoured to double back and surprise Moorshedabad ere Calliaud could overtake him. In this, however, he failed; the British pursued in boats, and coming up with him, he struck across the Currukpoor hills. The British disembarked and followed him. After a difficult march, the Emperor emerged from the hills, about 30 miles from Moorshedabad. The English and Jaffier had, however, joined, and on their attacking him, he set fire to his camp and fled.

To secure Patna, a detachment of 200 Europeans, a battalion of sipahis, and four field-pieces, marched from Moorshedabad, under Captain Knox, in May, 1760, and, marching with the utmost rapidity, reached it in thirteen days. Crossing the river, this little band attacked and defeated the army of the Naib of Purneah, who had come to the Emperor’s assistance, near Mozufferpore, on the 27th May.

A third company of artillery was formed on the 26th May, 1760,[^[7]] in Fort William, promoting Captain-Lieutenant Kinch; but there is reason to believe he remained with the second company, until Captain Broadbridge’s death, in 1761, gave him the command.

Colonel Calliaud having been succeeded by Major Carnac, returned to Calcutta; the latter pursued the Emperor’s forces to Gyah Maunpoor, where he overtook and completely routed him in January, 1761. Mr. Law, the head of the French party, was captured in this engagement.

The 2nd company of artillery, under Captain Broadbridge and Captain-Lieutenant Kinch, shared in these transactions, and remained as part of the garrison of Patna.

It forms no part of our plan to enter into the history of such occurrences as those which led to the dismissal of the members of council from the Company’s service, and placed Mr. Ellis in charge of the factory at Patna; or to examine whether our subsequent misfortunes are attributable to his mismanagement. For information on such points we must refer the reader to the histories of the times.

Many points of difference arose with the Nawab, Meer Cossim, which led to various misunderstandings; they were brought to a crisis by the British, on Mr. Ellis’s order, surprising and seizing Patna, on the 26th June, 1763. Mr. Amyatt was attacked and killed near Moorshedabad, by order of Cossim Ali, whom he had left only two days before, having been deputed to him at Monghyr by the Council, and this brought on open war.

The energy shewn at first was, however, suffered to die away, and the troops in Patna dispersing for plunder, the late governor of the city rallied his men, and, being joined by a reinforcement from Monghyr, attacked and drove out the British, who, spiking their guns, retired to Bankipore, and afterwards fled in boats to their factory at Manjee, near Chuprah; where the whole, and among them the company of artillery, were taken prisoners.

The prisoners taken were sent to Monghyr, and there confined with others captured at Cossimbazar, which factory was plundered about the same time.

On the news of these disasters, the English army, under Major Adams, moved from their cantonments at Ghyrettee early in July. The first company of artillery was with this force, under the command of Captain Jennings.

In the present day it would scarcely be deemed possible to march a force at the season in which this army moved through Bengal—in the middle of the rains, when the whole land is a swamp, and every stream full to overflowing; yet, in spite of the difficulties presented, this gallant band, about 800 Europeans (including the artillery) and 2,000 sipahis, forced its way, and came in contact with Meer Cossim’s troops at Gheriah, near Sooty, on the 2nd August.

A severe action was fought, lasting nearly four hours, and at one time two of the British guns were taken possession of by the enemy; victory at length decided in favour of the British.

The artillery lost one officer, killed during the action, Lieutenant Kaylor.

Undaunted by his defeat, Meer Cossim again disputed the advance of the British at the pass of Oudenullah, a little to the south of Rajmahl, where the road is confined between the river and spurs of hills. This pass had been intrenched with walls and towers at short distances, and several strong posts raised on eminences along its front. The army was detained before these intrenchments for nearly a month. At length, by an attack on the hill forming the right of the lines, and a feint on the river end, they were carried with severe loss on 5th September, Captain-Lieutenant Green, of the artillery, acting as field engineer. Meer Cossim left his troops the next night, and retired to Monghyr in haste, thence carrying his prisoners with him to Patna.

In October Monghyr was invested, breached, and capitulated. Meer Cossim, driven into a paroxysm of rage by this event, directed the massacre of all his English prisoners. In this horrid act he found a ready tool in Sumroo, the German,[^[8]] whose widow, the Begum Sumroo, has rendered his name notorious in history. All were massacred save Mr. Fullerton, the surgeon, who, in the exercise of his profession, appears to have gained a place in the esteem and affections of Meer Cossim.

Whether Captain Kinch and his subalterns perished in the attack on Patna or in this massacre we are unable to say, but in one or other he fell. The bodies of all were thrown into a large well, over which a tomb has been since built, but no record of the names of those who perished exists on it.[^[9]]

After avenging the fate of their comrades by the reduction of Patna, the army followed Meer Cossim, who threw himself on the protection of the Nawab of Oude, as far as the banks of the Carumnassa. Here Major Adams left them, and the command devolved on Major Jennings, of the artillery. The force was cantoned on the frontier of the Nawab’s territories, in the expectation that he would give up Meer Cossim, and also to watch the Emperor’s troops, which, under the pretence of preparing an expedition against the Boondelas, remained in the vicinity of Allahabad.

In the month of December, 1763, a fourth company of artillery was raised in the field, probably at Patna.

In February, 1764, an alarming state of dissatisfaction shewed itself in the English army, still in its cantonments at Sant. The troops were dissatisfied with the rewards bestowed upon them for having regained the provinces from Meer Cossim. The English battalion seized the park and marched towards the Carumnassa. The sipahis were also in motion; but by the exertions of Major Jennings and the other officers, the English and sipahis were nearly all induced to return. The French and foreigners, to the number of 150, went off, under Serjeant Delamar, to Allahabad. Few of the artillery joined in this affair.

The seeds of this mutinous disposition still remained when Major Carnac arrived in March and assumed the command. Provisions were scarce; and though the Government instructions were to carry the war into the Nawab’s territories (whose hostility was now open), he agreed with his officers, that, in the then temper of the troops, it would not be safe to proceed.

On the enemy’s forces crossing the river, the English fell back and encamped under Patna, where, on the 3rd May, 1764, they were attacked. Sumroo, with a large body of the Nawab’s cavalry and infantry, assailed the front. The engagement lasted till sunset, when the enemy withdrew with a heavy loss; and although he hung about the neighbourhood till the end of the month, did not venture on another action.

A detachment, under Colonel Munro (whose army had joined Major Carnac’s at Patna), marched after one of the sipahi battalions, which had deserted, with four guns. Colonel Munro sent on 100 Europeans, one sipahi battalion, and two guns. This force overtook them at Chuprah, and coming on them while asleep, took them all prisoners. Colonel Munro, on receiving them, considered that strong measures were necessary to check the spirit of insubordination which had arisen, and accordingly selected fifty of the worst for execution. Twenty-four were blown from the guns at Patna and other stations. On this occasion it was that the grenadiers claimed precedence in death—an anecdote familiar to all acquainted with the early history of our Indian army.

The whole army now advanced towards the Soane. The advance was covered by Colonel Champion with a detachment and four guns, who was attacked by large bodies of the enemy’s horse near Mooneah, at the junction of the Soane and Ganges, whom they beat off, and Colonel Munro coming up crossed the river immediately. The march to Arrah was a good deal harassed, and the guns frequently called into play to keep off the enemy’s horse.

At Buxar, on the 22nd October, they came up with the enemy, and on the following morning, about 8 o’clock, the enemy marched out to attack them. The British were drawn up in line with their guns, twenty field-pieces and seventy-one artillerymen of the 1st company, on the flanks of battalions. The enemy were repulsed, and about 12 o’clock they retired slowly, blowing up their tumbrils of ammunition. One hundred and thirty-three pieces of artillery, mostly with English carriages, and among them twenty-seven which had been lost the previous year at Patna, were the trophies on this occasion.

In the acknowledgment of this victory, written by Mr. Vansittart and his council, 16th November, 1764, to Munro, he was requested “to return thanks to the field-officers and commandant of artillery (Major Jennings) for their care and diligence in preserving the disposition for attack, and taking every advantage over the enemy.”

Captain Winwood and Lieutenant Duff of the artillery are mentioned “as meriting particular notice, and having gained great honour.”

A detachment of two battalions failed in November, in an attempt to take the fortress of Chunar; in January, 1765, however, Sir Robert Fletcher succeeded in gaining possession of it, and in February he breached Allahabad, when the garrison evacuated it. On the 3rd May a battle was fought near Korah,[^[10]] against the vizier, aided by the Mahrattas; these latter were quickly dispersed by the fire of the artillery, and they separated from the vizier and retired towards the Jumna with precipitation. These events placed the southern part of the Dooab under British rule.

The army was this year (1765) divided into three brigades, and the companies of artillery attached one to each, while the remaining company was stationed in Fort William.[^[11]]

In addition to the guns with the park, each battalion of infantry was equipped with two six-pounders or three-pounders, worked by the men of the regiment, assisted by native officers and lascars from the artillery.

A major was this year allowed to the artillery, to command the corps, and a practice-ground formed at Sulkeah.

In 1766 the alarming mutiny on the part of the officers of the army, caused by the reduction of allowances, broke out, and was only suppressed by the firmness and decision of Lord Clive and Colonel Smith. The part taken in this by artillery officers cannot now be fully traced; but Captain Duff, Captain-Lieutenant Clifton, and Lieutenant Black, appear to have taken prominent parts. Many, we learn from the army-list, were dismissed about that time, most probably on account of the mutiny; others resigned. Nearly all, in every branch of the army, were, however, restored to the service, and placed in the position they would have held, had they remained in it.

Insubordinate as the conduct of a large portion of the officers of the army was on this occasion, and deservedly as it has been stigmatized, yet it must be borne in mind that they failed of success by conscientiously not admitting the soldiery to a knowledge of or participation in the measures they had taken to secure the batta, though solicited by the latter to accept of their support, as soon as it was known that Government had resolved to persist in enforcing their resolution to deprive them of their allowance.

In 1768 a lieutenant-colonel and a major were added to the regiment, and, in consequence of the Court of Directors being desirous of obtaining, not only cadets but officers from Woolwich, Major Pearse was nominated to command the corps, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. He was, however, superseded by Captain Martin, to whom the command was given by the Indian Government, and again by Major Kindersley, whose commission as major was antedated by the local government, on the vacancy being caused by Captain Fleming’s removal to the engineers, from which he came. On the death, however, of Major Kindersley, which occurred in 1769, he succeeded to the command of the regiment.

The application for a supply of officers and cadets from the Royal Artillery originated in a difficulty of finding candidates, the artillery service being neither so lucrative, nor holding out the same prospects, as the infantry. In the Secret Committee’s letter of 30th September, 1765, to the Court of Directors, it is stated that “it would be of the utmost benefit to our plan that you should send out, every year, six or seven gentlemen from the academy at Woolwich for artillery officers; this being a service which suffers extremely for want of persons properly instructed in the business, since no officer who knows the benefit of the infantry service here will choose to quit it for any advantages the artillery offers.”[^[12]]

On the death of Major Kindersley, 28th October, 1769, Lieutenant-Colonel Pearse succeeded to the command of the regiment, and, as its organization is much indebted to that officer, it is fortunate that we are able to quote from letters to his early friends his record of the state in which he found it:—

“When I first came into command of the corps I was astonished at the ignorance of all who composed it. It was a common practice to make any midshipman who was discontented with the India ships an officer of artillery, from a strange idea that a knowledge of navigation would perfect an officer of that corps in the knowledge of artillery. They were almost all of this class, and their ideas consonant to the elegant military education which they had received. But, thank God! I have got rid of them all but seven.”

The strange idea above referred to appears to have affected the Home Government at a still earlier period, as, on the first formation of artillery companies, “such assistance as the fleet could spare” was given. To this idea are we indebted for many terms which have hung about the corps till the present day: our tindals, lascars, serangs, cossibs, all came from the naval nomenclature, and their etymology would most probably be found in the Portuguese dialect, which has retained its influence on shipboard; from the same fountain of “English (not) undefiled” must have been drawn the “bankshall,” a name by which our gun-sheds are known throughout the regiment, but a term of considerable mystification to the uninitiated.

In March, 1770, a fifth company of artillery was raised in Fort William, and in May the companies were formed into a battalion, to which an adjutant was allowed. In September the lascars were divided into 28 companies, of which seven (consisting of 2 serangs, 2 tindals, and 100 lascars each) were attached to each of the three companies, with the brigades, and to one of those in Fort William.

The embodying the companies of artillery into one battalion must have increased the efficiency of the army, by introducing uniformity of system into their management, and a more effectual supervision than could have existed in their scattered state.

The regiment at this time, supposing no change had occurred in the strength of companies, would have consisted of—

Of the officers of the corps a description was given in Colonel Pearse’s letter, above quoted. It was written in 1775, and refers to the period now described. An extract from one written in 1772 contains a very graphic picture of a fast man of those days, specimens of whom long continued:—

“To be a gentleman you must learn to drink by all means—a man is honoured in proportion to the number of bottles he can drink: keep a dozen dogs, but in particular if you have not the least use for them and hate hunting and shooting. Four horses may barely suffice; but if you have eight, and seven of them are too vicious for the syce to feed, it will be much better.

“By no means let the horses be paid for; and have a palanquin covered with silver trappings—get 10,000 rupees in debt, but 20,000 would make you an honester man, especially if you are convinced that you will never have the power to pay. Endeavour to forget whatever you have learnt—ridicule learning of all sorts—despise all military knowledge—call duty a bore—encourage your men to laugh at orders—obey such as you like—make a joke of your commanding officer for giving those orders you do not like, and, if you obey them, let it be seen that it is merely to serve yourself.

“These few rules will make you an officer and a gentleman, and they are the first lessons which young men take when they arrive in this country.”

With officers of this stamp, and the class of men from whom the Company’s European troops were then recruited, we cannot suppose that much discipline existed. Drunkenness—the bane of the European soldier in India—was rife, and its natural consequences, disease and death, followed. To this cause, too, must be added the want of good barracks and internal economy, which of late years have gone far to remove the idea of the climates of India being deadly to the European constitution.

The lascars were employed in dragging and assisting the Europeans to work the guns; a detail also was detached with each infantry regiment, to assist in working the guns attached to it, for two 6–pounders formed part of the equipment of each battalion, and thirty sipahis were set apart for their service. These duties, with those of the park, would account for the number of lascars being so large in comparison with the establishment of the present day. They were in many respects native artillerymen, and in the subsequent successive changes from lascars to golundaz and back again, the change was often rather in name, and increase and decrease of pay, than of the men themselves.

They were a most efficient and useful body—a class on whom, perhaps, more of the hard work of the service and fewer of its substantial rewards have fallen than any other of the native army. At all times accompanying the European artillery, they have borne a part in every expedition which has left the shores of India. On land and on board ship, hard service has been their lot, and all who have been brought into contact with them join in testifying to the willingness, courage, and patience they have exhibited.

A large body of artificers was also at this time attached to the corps; these, with the quartermaster’s establishment, completed the regiment as to its personnel.

The matériel appears to have been as bad as possible. At this time Colonel Pearse complains that “the fuzees burnt from nineteen to forty-eight seconds, though of the same nature; the portfires were continually going out; the tubes would not burn; the powder was infamous; the cartridges were made conical, and, when necessary to prime with loose powder, a great quantity was required to fill the vacant cavity round the cartridge; the carriages flew to pieces with common firing in a week.” The contractor who furnished the carriages, and the laboratory in which the fuzees were made, appear to have been beyond his control: “I have no more to do with it than his Holiness at Rome,” are his words. The iron guns were all very indifferent: “two 12–pounders burst on the ramparts in 1770 in firing the morning and evening gun, and one 12–pounder on a rejoicing day, in firing salutes.”

It was under such circumstances that Colonel Pearse took command, and set himself to work to improve the state of the regiment. To weed the inefficient from the officers; to teach the remainder and the new-comers their duty; to introduce an efficient internal economy and discipline into the ranks, and to obtain a proper control over the matériel of the regiment, were his first duties. That his endeavours were in some degree successful may be gathered from his correspondence, for in 1772 he writes,—“Now I have got all the laboratory implements with me at practice, and am going to teach my officers what they never saw.” Steadily he pursued his object through difficulties and disappointments, and was rewarded, ere his death, by seeing the corps raised to a high state of discipline and efficiency. At a review of it by General Clavering in November, 1774, he expressed himself as delighted with the corps, and astonished at its performance, being superior to any thing he could have expected in India, and so much to his satisfaction, that Colonel Pearse, in a letter to an old friend, writes, “the performances at the review would not have been a disgrace to dear old Woolwich.”

The years 1771–2 afforded leisure to attend to the discipline of the corps, for it seems not to have been called on for any field service. In 1773 the expedition under Captain Jones proceeded against the hill fort of Delamcotta, situated on the pass by which the Durla river, which runs into the Teestah, emerges from the mountains, and not far from the present sanatarium, Darjeeling. Lieutenant R. Bruce, of the artillery, was present at the attack, but with what portion of the corps is unknown.

This year the army was again called into the field to check the Mahrattas, but after a cannonade across the Jumna at Ramghat, near Delhi, they retired, and our army went into cantonments at Sultanpoor, Oude.

In 1774 a portion of the army under Colonel Champion was sent to assist the vizier in his attack on the Rohillas. An action was fought on the 23rd April, in which the 2nd company of artillery was present. In his report Colonel Champion says, “The Rohillas made repeated attempts to charge; but our guns being so much better served than theirs, kept so constant and galling a fire, that they could not advance, and where they were closest was the greatest slaughter.” Captain W. A. Baillie was wounded in this action. Lieutenant G. Deare, Lieutenant B. Doxat, and Lieutenant W. W. Hussey were also present.

The action was followed by much severe marching and exposure in the hot and rainy season, in the jungles of the Pillibeet district. While encamped near Pillibeet, a report reached Colonel Champion of four crores of rupees being concealed in the fort; and in a letter to Government he suggests “the propriety of examining into the truth of the report, in duty both to the Company and to the army:” a naïve suggestion, which, considering the British were there as allies of the vizier, the Government negatived. However, as a compensation to the army, the vizier granted a donation of 10½ lacs, which was divided among the 2nd brigade in August, 1779, agreeably to a scale laid down by a committee of officers. This scale gave a sipahi two-thirds of a European soldier’s share,—a proportion which has been adhered to ever since in distributing prize-money. The scale there fixed is here given:—

In 1775 an alteration took place in the arrangements for the matériel of the army; a Board of Ordnance was formed, and magazines established, at the principal fixed stations of the army.

The Board consisted of the “Governor-General as president, the Commander of the Forces, the members of the Supreme Council, the Commissary-General of Comptrol; the Commandant of Artillery; the Chief Engineer; the Commissary of Stores, and the Military Store-keeper, as members; with a secretary, and such assistants as might be found necessary.”

To this Board returns of all ordnance and military stores were to be made by commanding officers of garrisons and cantonments, artillery officers, and all others in charge; all contracts for the supply of stores, proofs of ordnance and powder, plans for new construction of ordnance, reports of powder-works, laboratory and arsenal, were to be submitted: in short, the general control of the stores for the army was vested in this Board.

Magazines were established at the fixed stations of Berhampore, Dinapore, and Chunar; a commissary, a deputy-commissary, and two conductors were appointed to them, and placed under the control of the Board; they were to be paid by the Board-office, and receive instructions for carrying on their duties and office from the Board, independent of any other control but that consistent with the general regulations of the army, which required that they should be subordinate to the commanding officer in the field or fixed stations, and the commanding officer of the artillery under whose immediate control they were placed.

To the commissaries were intrusted the ordnance stores, camp equipage, &c., for the use of corps; and an officer of the department was to accompany the army, when moving on service, to superintend their issues. A return was to be made monthly of all receipts and issues; and no issue was to be made without the orders of the Board, or commanding officer.

Carriages for the ordnance were to be constructed in Fort William by the military storekeeper. No repairs of magnitude involving large contingent bills were to be made in the field, but the articles required supplied on indent.

The establishments for the magazines were furnished by a reduction of the artificers and lascars attached to the artillery; the lascars were reduced to a small number, and the surplus applied to the magazines.

were the number retained with the regiment.

The appointment of this Board appears to have interfered with the control which the commandant of artillery had previously exercised over his department, and Colonel Pearse attributed its formation to a personal motive, on the part of General Clavering, to lower him. In writing to an old friend, after other complaints he goes on to say: “General Clavering instituted a Board of Ordnance, and made me a member of it; took all my authority away, and made me a cipher. I was hurt, and complained, as he had put into the Board a Lieutenant-Colonel Dow, the translator of a miserable history of Hindustan, and the author of two wretched plays. This man is commissary-general, and, as such, controller of military accounts. He uniformly attacked me and my department, and I defended myself and officers. This created disputes, and, as I was wounded, I was warm; and thus, because my opinions were always contrary to Dow’s (and D—— is the general’s tongue, brains, head, and heart), it was as bad as attacking the general himself.”

Of the working of the cumbrous machinery of the Board of Ordnance, in its original formation and in the successive changes which have been made from time to time, in the vain attempts to obtain energy and celerity from a body of men without individual power or responsibility, it will often, in the course of these pages, be necessary to speak, for to the want of arrangement on their part must be attributed, in many instances, the inefficient state of the siege-trains with the armies.

At this time the head-quarters of the regiment were quartered in Fort William, moving out during the cold months to a practice-ground at Sulkeah, nearly opposite the western mouth of the Circular Canal: the powder-works were between the canal and Cossipoor. The dress of the regiment consisted of a blue coat, faced with scarlet, and cut away in the fashion of the time; white cloth waistcoat and breeches, with buckles at the knees; and gaiters, or half-spatterdashes, as they were called; red leathern belt, with swivels; black silk stock; buff gloves, and regimental hat, supposed to be a plain cocked, in the fashion of George the Second’s time. The hair was worn greased, powdered, and tied in a queue, false hair being substituted when the natural was not long enough.

The hours for parades, and, in fact, for every thing, were early: parades were before gun-fire in the cold season; dinners were in the middle of the day, not only in private houses, but on public occasions; and invitations were given on a scale of hospitality only practicable in a small society. The orderly book was the common channel of invitation used by the Governor-General and officer commanding the garrison. Many such entries as the following will be found in it:—“The Honourable the Governor-General requests to be favoured with the company of officers and gentlemen belonging to the army now in the garrison of Fort William and the Chitpoor cantonment and the presidency on Monday next to dinner, at the Court House, and in the evening to a ball and supper. The Governor-General requests that gentlemen will not bring any servants to dinner, nor their hookahs to the ball at night.”

Or, “Lieutenant-Colonel Wilding presents his compliments to all the officers in Fort William, staff of the garrison, and surgeons, and requests their company to breakfast, and dinner at half-past two o’clock.”

A good account of the manners and habits of the people at this period would be interesting, and probably materials for the purpose could be found, were a qualified person to undertake the task:[^[15]] they are only noticed above incidentally, as likely to affect the discipline of the regiment. The early dinner was too much followed by a long sederunt over the bottle, and the absence of ladies’ society gave a tone of grossness to the habits, which are happily much improved in modern days.

This year a number of memorials were presented to the Board by artillery officers, as to the relative rank of cadets; and it was decided that those appointed expressly to the artillery should have the full benefit of the Court of Directors’ order, that all cadets appointed in India were to rank below those of the same year appointed in England, but that the time of service was to date from arrival in Bengal; and all those who were in the infantry, and entered as cadets in the artillery, were to rank above all who were cadets in the artillery at the same time. This, and the circumstance of several who resigned in the mutiny of 1766 being allowed to return to their original standing, will partly account for the supersessions which will appear on consulting the gradation list.

At the conclusion of the year 1775 three companies of artillery, to be commanded by European officers, were ordered to be raised for the Nawab of Oude and attached to the brigade of disciplined troops raised for his service; officers were nominated to them, and struck off the strength of the regiment; but whether the companies were ever raised seems doubtful. In the following year they were directed to be formed into a battalion, under command of Major Patrick Duff, and then to be transferred to the regular army, and fresh ones raised of native artillery in August, 1777. If the companies first ordered had been European, it is difficult to say what became of them, because the sixth, seventh, and eighth companies were raised by minutes of council, July 13th and 24th, 1778; the two former, however, may have been raised from the men of the Oude companies.

The artillery, in 1775, appear first to have used Dum-Dum as a practice-ground, and to have been encamped there, when, their tents being wanted for the use of a brigade marching to Patna, they were ordered into Fort William, and their practice cut short with one fortnight instead of two months. In the following year, however, in December, they marched out with their tents and stores, and began the practice (as the orders record) by firing “a royal salute, and after that one of 19 guns, for the Company.”

It is not easy to ascertain what Dum-Dum was previous to its occupation by the artillery. The first mention made of it is by Orme, in the account of the action near Omichund’s garden, in 1757. He speaks of Clive crossing “the Dum-Dum road:” this road, however, was only a cutcha-bund[^[16]] leading to Dum-Dum, the name of the place now occupied by Dum-Dum House, the origin of which building is enveloped in mystery. It is said to have been built by a Mr. or Colonel Home,[^[17]] but who he was, or the date, cannot be ascertained. Supernatural aid has been called into play, and the mound on which it stands is reported to have been raised by some spirit of the ring or camp, in the course of a single night, and to this day visions of ghosts haunt the grounds.

At the practice season the officers inhabited the house, and the men’s tents were pitched in the compound, and the natives in the “Montague lines,” the ground now occupied by the Nya Bazaar, called after Lieutenant Montague, the adjutant who marked them out. The name is known to the present day.

It was not until 1783 that the cantonment was marked out by Colonel Duff, who is said to have made, or rather widened, the road from Shambazar to Barasut,[^[18]] and to have planted the avenue of mulseery trees now running along the southern end of the small exercising-ground.

Many villages were scattered over the ground occupied by the cantonment; their sites were purchased up, from time to time, by Government; the last, that of Deiglah, in 1820.

From 1775 to 1778 the corps does not appear to have been called into the field, and Colonel Pearse occupied himself in improving its internal economy. A regimental school for the instruction of the native officers and gunners was established in 1775—an institution which, with all the faults which still exist in it, has been of much use, both in teaching the elements of knowledge and affording a rational employment to some of the many hours which hang heavily on the soldier.

That the corps had attained a respectable proficiency in its peculiar duties we may believe from an extract of one of his letters, dated March, 1777: “I have had my corps reviewed twice; first by the governor, who was excessively pleased, and thanked us in orders; and next by the general, who also thanked us. It was our good performance forced the general’s thanks; he would have been better pleased to have found fault—first, because we pleased the governor; and next, because I commanded and had disciplined them myself.” ... “Not one circumstance had I to lessen the pleasure I received from the good performance of my corps, as a battalion of infantry, as a battalion of artillery with sixteen cannons, and as a body of artillery on service in their batteries; for we went through all these exercises equally well. The Saturday following, General Clavering reviewed us, and what gave me most satisfaction was, to hear that he had said in private he had reviewed most of the King’s regiments, and never saw any perform better.”

In May, 1778, General Leslie’s force marched from Culpee, on its expedition to assist the Bombay Government; it consisted of six infantry and one cavalry corps, some European artillery, and the 1st company of golundaz, raised for the Nawab’s service. A short account of this detachment will be given when we come to speak of its return, in 1784.

The formation of the three native or golundaz companies for the Oude service was most probably recommended by Colonel Pearse, and the experiment answered so well that in August, 1778, a new organization of the artillery was ordered, in which the golundaz were to form a considerable part.

Hitherto, as want dictated, company after company of artillery had been added to the establishment; but the artillery was now formed into an independent brigade of one European regiment and three native battalions. The European consisted of seven field and one mounted, or garrison, company, and the native battalions of eight companies each: the former was to be completed by drafts of fifty men from each of the three European infantry regiments (and possibly the Oude companies), and the latter by all fit for the service who might volunteer from the two native companies, with the temporary (Oude) brigade and their lascars, from the lascars of European companies and with the guns of infantry regiments, and from the eight companies of lascars at the Presidency.

The lascars were all reduced.

The European regiment, exclusive of garrison company, consisted of seven companies:—

The three golundaz battalions consisted of eight companies each, in all—

The European commissioned officers of the artillery brigade were—

The staff and artificers of the field-train will be referred to shortly, when another formation of the corps renders it necessary to advert to the subject.

In the above formation we find the great error which has pervaded the service ever since—the supposition that companies of Native do not require as many officers as companies of European artillery; and while the establishment of officers of the latter was fixed at a proportion which shews that the wants of the branch were then better understood than they have been in later times, the former was left ridiculously unprovided with officers.

The officers of a company of artillery should be proportioned to the number of guns it is intended to man. No officer can do justice to more than two pieces; and as the companies were then adapted to eight field-pieces, four officers, with a fifth to command the whole, is the number which ought to have been present in the field. On this subject, however, it will be necessary to dwell more, as the successive changes pass under review.

CHAPTER II.

Reduction of Golundaz Battalion—Formation of Regiment into Two European Battalions with Ten Battalions of Lascars—Goddard’s Expedition—Popham’s Capture of Gwalior—Insurrection at Benares—Attacks on Pateeta, Luteefpoor, and Siege of Bidgegurh—Colonel Pearse’s Expedition to the Coast—Reduction of Golundaz Companies—Transport Train, Foundry, Powder-works—Reduction in Establishment—Pay—Artillery formed into One European Battalion of Ten Companies—Lascar Battalions abolished—Battalion Guns—Artillery formed into Three European Battalions, Lascars into Thirty Companies.

The formation detailed in the preceding chapter was not destined to remain, for in March, 1779, Lieutenant-General Sir Eyre Coote arrived from England with the commission of commander-in-chief, and soon after his arrival it was rumoured that he had brought authority to disband the golundaz.

From representations grounded in error and party views, alarm had been taken by the Court of Directors and the Government at the supposed danger of teaching the natives the use of artillery, and in August the golundaz were ordered to be disbanded, the men having the option allowed them of entering infantry regiments or joining the lascars.

To this corps, having been raised at his suggestion and disciplined by himself, Colonel Pearse was much attached, and, both on public grounds and private feelings, was averse to its being broken up. He unfortunately had many enemies in high rank in Calcutta;—the consequence of the feelings of rancour which had so long disturbed the settlement, and which were still kept up by Mr. Francis’s and General Clavering’s faction and Warren Hastings’s adherents. Among these was Colonel Watson, commanding the engineers, who vowed the overthrow of the golundaz, and, having considerable influence, urged Sir Eyre Coote to proceed in this ill-judged measure.

Those readers, who may recollect the golundaz at Cawnpore under Major Hay, may well conceive how deeply it must have wounded Colonel Pearse to see a similar corps sacrificed to jealousy and party views; and there is every reason to suppose that Colonel Pearse’s golundaz were equal to Major Hay’s, which is saying every thing, for there never was a corps better disciplined than the latter.

Colonel Pearse determined that the golundaz should not be reduced, if any exertions on his part could save them; and accordingly, as soon as the rumours reached him, addressed a letter to the commander-in-chief, in which he urged the necessity of employing native artillery, from the impossibility of keeping up sufficient European artillery for the service of our extended empire, liable to be attacked at both extremities, and at such a distance as to preclude the possibility of assistance. He combated the argument of danger from native artillerymen deserting and teaching their art to the golundaz of native powers, by proving that, at that time and previously, the native states had artillerymen not inferior to ours in the mere gun exercise and preparation of common stores, and that, were this not the case, the desertion of a few European artillerymen would render all precautions useless; that in reality for many years past there were thirty men nominally infantry, but in reality artillerymen attached to each battalion, for the service of the two field guns, which arrangement entailed the possibility of all the evils now feared, though without the advantages which a regular corps of native artillery would give. He deprecated the system of battalion guns as useless, the guns being without officers to manage them so as to produce the best effect, by attending to the advantages of ground and selection of ammunition best adapted to the occasion; the two European artillerymen detached with each battalion for this purpose being ignorant of the higher—the more scientific parts of the profession, which knowledge is confined in general to the officers; that it ruined the discipline of these men, who, though they went out good men, returned, in general, drunken vagabonds; that the lascars sent, though of the artillery, were only employed in dragging the guns, and were unarmed and undisciplined, but that they served for menial offices, which made them desirable to captains commanding the infantry battalions. He recommended that the guns should be collected in small brigades, or batteries, and brought to the points wanted, instead of being frittered away along the line; that the discipline of the men working them, from being under their own officers, would be better preserved, and that cannon would be better looked after, and their fire produce more effect in action, by being under the exclusive command of an officer bred up to the profession. He concluded by urging that, even should the artillery desert and take service with native powers, there was in reality little to fear, for though the country powers have infantry formed like ours, they are inferior in every respect: their irregularity of pay is the grand foundation of it; their want of sufficient instruction and of the essential knowledge of our discipline, will long keep them so; and such as their sipahis are to ours their artillery will be to our artillery, though the men should desert in equal proportion, which he did not think would occur, particularly if the golundaz had a small increase of pay over the infantry, which was the case in all other services.

On the receipt of the order, Colonel Pearse again attempted to prevent this ill-judged measure, by a respectful representation to Government, in which he pointed out that the European artillery numbered but 370 in all, of whom only 150 were at the presidency; that two ships of the season had come in without a single recruit; that it would therefore be impossible to complete the corps till the next year, and that, even, was doubtful, from the scarcity of recruits, his Majesty’s regiments being filled by pressing; that if an attack was made, the European artillery were insufficient even for the defence of Fort William, much more were they unable to furnish the detachments which would be necessary; that the golundaz were good artillerymen; the name and service the highest in repute among the natives; and that they would not, even if the pay were equal, enter the ranks of the lascars; so that raw and ignorant men must be enlisted for that class, who would require instruction, and, till they were taught, the presidency would be almost destitute of artillery. He submitted that, under these circumstances, the execution of the order should be delayed until the commander-in-chief could be consulted, lest any ill consequences should follow the immediate execution of it.

Colonel Pearse’s endeavours were, however, looked upon by Sir Eyre Coote as arising from a spirit of insubordination, which never had a place in his breast; and they drew forth a severe and cutting letter from the commander-in-chief, taxing him with unmilitary and unprecedented conduct, tending to sap subordination and obedience to its foundation, and telling him that he was called upon for obedience and not for an opinion, and that he was in nowise answerable for the results.

It must, however, be stated, in justice to Colonel Pearse, that, during the command of General Stibbert, several important military transactions occurred, and General Stibbert being absent in the field, Colonel Pearse obtained permission from him, as commander-in-chief, to address the Government direct on urgent occasions; and it was in the spirit of this permission, considering the disbanding the golundaz as a measure fraught with danger, that Colonel Pearse addressed the representation to Government.

To the commander-in-chief’s letter Colonel Pearse replied, regretting he had fallen under his displeasure, and detailing circumstances, such as the rumour of a body of Mahrattas being in the neighbourhood of Burdwan; the arrival of the ships without any recruits, of which he believed the commander-in-chief to have been in ignorance when the order was dictated, and which seemed to call for the exercise of some discretion on his part, in carrying into execution an order which would cramp the means of defence; that he had, in the exercise of what he deemed a sound discretion, stated the facts to Government, who could at once determine whether orders might with safety be instantly carried into execution, or whether they should be delayed until the commander-in-chief could be consulted; he deprecated any unguarded expressions, if such there were, in his former letter, being construed into a want of respect; and concluded by begging that the step he had taken might be considered as founded in error of judgment, and not in want of obedience; and entreated the commander-in-chief to overlook his error, and entertain a more favourable opinion of him than that expressed in the letter with which he had been honoured.

The appeal to Government was ineffectual, and the minutes of Council of 23rd November, 1779, “ordered that the native officers of the golundaz corps, at the presidency, be paid up to the end of this month and immediately discharged from the service; that the commandant of artillery be directed to repeat the offers already made to the men, and those who still decline to accept of them be immediately discharged.”

Those who feared the native powers training up good artillerymen by means of deserters from the British service, do not appear to have considered that without the material which is provided and kept up at a heavy expense, the best artillerymen would be useless; and that, although artillerymen are taught the preparation of stores, still very few have that intimate knowledge which only results from constantly handling and making them up; and which is, in reality, found in a much greater degree in the magazine workmen—a class who come and go at their pleasure, and appear to be little thought of, although the practical information they could carry to an enemy would be worth more than hundreds of mere well drilled artillerymen.

The Court of Directors, however, must be excepted, for in their warrant (17th June, 1748) they direct that “no Indian, black, or person of a mixed breed, nor any Roman Catholic, of what nation soever, shall, on any pretence, be admitted to set foot in the laboratory, or any of the military magazines, either out of curiosity, or to be employed in them, or to come near them, so as to see what is doing or contained therein.” And to such an extent did this fear then carry them, that another paragraph runs: “And if any person belonging to the company of artillery marry a Roman Catholic, or his wife become a Roman Catholic after marriage, such person shall immediately be dismissed from the company of artillery, and be obliged to serve the remainder of his time in one of the other companies, or be removed to another of the Company’s settlements, to serve it out there, if the Council think fit,” &c. And again, in their military letter to Bombay (6th April, 1770), they say: “As it is very essential that the natives should be kept as ignorant as possible, both of the theory and practice of the artillery branch of the art of war, we esteem it a very pernicious practice to employ the people of the country in working the guns; and, if such practice is in use with you, we direct that in future you attach European artillerymen to the service of the guns which may belong to sipahi corps, and that no native be trusted with any part of this important service, unless absolute necessity should require it.”

With these views it is not to be wondered at that the Home Government should have directed the golundaz to be reduced; but Indian experience might even then have taught that no more dangerous ally can be found for a native army than a large and imperfectly-equipped artillery. A native power will hardly bear the heavy continued expense required to keep it efficient; or, if the state should supply the means, the want of integrity in its agents will divert them from their proper course; and consequently, in the hour of emergency, the army is forced to fight a pitched battle to protect the unwieldy train of cannon, which becomes an incumbrance instead of a support: so it had been at Plassey and Buxar, and so it has been in every general action since. Assye, Argaum, Laswaree, Mahidpoor, would have been avoided, had there been no artillery in the native armies; unencumbered, they could have evaded the British; but the necessity of protecting their trains, and, perhaps, the confidence which their presence inspired, induced them to try the result of a battle.

Instead of discouraging native powers from organizing large parks of artillery, our policy should have been the reverse, resting confident that native parsimony and dishonesty would insure inefficiency in that branch.

In the new organization of the artillery now ordered, it was formed into two European battalions of five companies each, and to each company was attached a battalion of six companies of lascars, under the command of the same officer; they were to perform the whole duty dependent on the corps of artillery, and to be instructed in the usual services of artillery, with the exception “of pointing and loading guns and mortars.” They were dressed in uniform, and armed with a light pike, so constructed as to form a cheveux-de-frise.

The regiment was to be commanded by a colonel, and Lieutenant-Colonel Pearse was to hold the rank of lieutenant-colonel commandant, “until the lieutenant-colonel in the army next above him was disposed of by promotion or otherwise; and then, in conformity with the custom in Bengal, and the concurrence of the Court of Directors, to be promoted to the rank of colonel;” the promotion of the additional lieutenant-colonel and major, to complete the new establishment, to take place on the arrival of the recruits of the season.

The brigade-majorship was abolished, and his duties performed by a regimental adjutant.

These changes were not completed until April, 1780, as far as relates to the European portion. The golundaz were discharged in December, 1779, very few taking service in the ranks of the lascars.

The golundaz considered themselves belonging to the most honourable branch of the army, and were unwilling to enter an inferior service; the difference of pay was another, and a stronger reason, and we accordingly find, that from 2,438 golundaz of all ranks who were on the rolls of the regiment in November, 1779, in December 1,783 took their discharge. The returns for the next months are incomplete, and it therefore cannot now be ascertained what became of the remaining 650 men; but it is probable some were those who were entertained from the lascars in 1778, and had less objection to return.

It has been said before, that a company of golundaz from the Oude Brigade accompanied General Leslie’s detachment. The force marched from Culpee in May, 1778, on what appeared to many the wild expedition of crossing India and effecting a diversion in favour of the Bombay Government, heavily pressed by the Mahrattas.

After crossing the Jumna, the force was soon brought into contact with the enemy; the Boondeelas met them at M’how, near Chatterpoor, but they were beaten, with the loss of their guns; all of which that were serviceable were taken on by General Leslie, who found his own train of four 12–pounders, twelve 6–pounders, and two howitzers insufficient.

Leslie remained in Bundelcund until October, when his death devolved the command on Colonel Goddard, who pushed on to Hoshungabad, which place he reached on 30th November, and remained at until the middle of January, awaiting a reply from Bombay.

That the sipahis looked on this service with some dread and dislike we may conclude from the desertions which took place, and which called forth strong reprehension from Colonel Goddard in the orders of 1st November; after pointing out the ingratitude for all the former indulgences they had received, and the unmilitary nature of their conduct, in quitting their colours in their present situation, with the daily expectation of being engaged with an enemy, he concluded with the following high compliment to the golundaz:—

“The commanding officer, with much pleasure, excepts the corps of artillery in the foregoing observations. Their steadiness, fidelity, and military conduct claim his particular thanks; and he desires the commanding officer will assure himself that he will make proper mention of their merits to the Honourable the Governor-General in Council.”

Leaving Hoshungabad on 16th January, this gallant band continued their route through an unknown country until, on the 9th February, 1780, Colonel Goddard received a letter from the Bombay field deputies, directing his return to Bengal, in consequence of a treaty they had negotiated with the Mahrattas. This mandate he declined obeying, urging that his orders were from the Supreme Government, and he continued his march to Surat, which he reached on the 25th February.

The following are the Artillery officers who served with the force:—

Major W. A. Baillie, on the returns till April, 1781—retired in 1802. Captain — Sears, joined detachment in March, 1781—returned in 1784. Lieutenant R. Bruce, promoted to Captain in 1781 and joined Major Popham’s detachment. Lieutenant A. Forbes, died in 1779. Lieutenant L. Kempt, returned in 1784. Lieutenant — Hamilton, ditto. Lieutenant J. Harris, died October 15, 1780. Lieutenant W. Rattray, returned in 1784. Lieutenant H. Cotes, died in 1782 in China, whither he must have gone sick. Lieutenant A. Rattray, joined detachment October, 1779—died at sea 1782. Lieut. Fireworker McLean, joined detachment March, 1781—returned in 1784. Lieut. Fireworker Boyce, joined detachment December, 1782—returned sick in March, 1783.

In January, 1780, this force took the field again, and, crossing the Taptee, attacked the fortress of Dubhoy, in Guzerat, on the 19th, and took possession of the province; on the 10th February the army was before Ahmedabad, and stormed it on the 15th, and it was intended to have attacked the combined camps of Holkar and Scindia at night; but intimation that the Mahrattas were willing to treat prevented its being carried into execution; evasion followed, and all attempts to bring them to action were fruitless, till on the 3rd April, marching at 2 A.M., Colonel Goddard, with four European companies, four grenadier sipahi battalions, and twelve field-pieces, entered the camp at dawn, and quickly threw the Mahrattas into confusion; they attempted to take up a position near, but on being again attacked, fled and dispersed. In this attack Lieutenant-Colonel Baillie, of the artillery, led the first line.

The detachment returned to Surat, and in October, 1780, moved against Bassein, a fort on the mainland opposite the northern extremity of Bombay Island. The detachment was increased by a body of Europeans from Madras. A battery was opened on the 16th November of six guns and six mortars, at 900 yards, and a second of nine heavy guns at 500 yards on 9th December, together with twenty mortars to bombard the works; on the 10th, the breach being practicable, the enemy offered to surrender, but some demur taking place, the fire was renewed, and on the 11th they yielded at discretion.

From Bassein, in the middle of January, 1781, the detachment marched for the Bore ghat, and reached it on the 8th February. Holkar and the Poonah armies were encamped on the top, but Goddard struck awe into them by storming the pass the night of his arrival, and by 5 A.M. the next day gained complete possession. It was not deemed advisable to carry the war further into the Mahrattas’ territories, so the detachment remained holding the ghats until the middle of April, when they descended without disturbance, but were a little harassed by the enemy in the three days’ march to the coast, during which Lieutenant W. Rattray, of the artillery, was wounded.

The detachment continued in the Bombay Presidency until the cold weather, 1783, when it set out on its return to Bengal, under Colonel Charles Morgan (Brigadier-General Goddard having sailed sick for England), and reached Caunpoor in April, 1784.

The European artillerymen who returned with it were posted to the company at Caunpoor, and the golundaz were also cantoned at that station. All the lascars entertained previous to 1783 were retained in the service, the worst from the battalions being discharged to make room for them. The remainder were discharged.

The orders which were issued by Government, on this occasion, will be noticed when the return of Colonel Pearse’s detachment is mentioned, and in the mean time it is necessary to look back a little, to relate the part the regiment took in other operations then going on.

With the detachment under Captain Popham, collected in 1779, for the purpose of reinforcing Colonel Goddard, was a portion of the 2nd company 1st battalion, being under the command of Captain Mayaffre, Lieutenants Legertwood and Vernon. The original destination of this force being changed, it was employed in aiding the Ranee of Gohud against the Mahrattas. In February, 1780, it crossed the Scind, and in April besieged Lahar. From want of a sufficient battering train, the breach made was imperfect, and on this, as on many future occasions, the want of matériel was supplied by the spirit of the troops. Lahar was successfully stormed on the 21st April. To this succeeded, on the 3rd August, the dazzling enterprise of the escalade of Gwalior. In this attack the advance of two companies of sipahis was followed by twenty Europeans, artillerymen of Captain Mayaffre’s detachment.

Captain Popham’s detachment was replaced towards the end of the year by one under Colonel Carnac, with which was the 1st company 2nd battalion of artillery, with the officers noted in the margin.[^[19]] The detachment pushed on to Seronje, where, surrounded by a powerful enemy, and their supplies cut off, they were reduced to great distress, and would have perished, had not the bold resolution of attacking Scindia’s camp by night, on 24th March, 1781, been taken and successfully carried out, rewarding the victors with guns, elephants, and grain, the “spolia opima” of an Indian camp.

The difficulties being removed, the detachment fell back towards Gwalior, and met Colonel Muir’s brigade coming to their assistance at Antree, on 4th April. The detachments then moved into cantonments.

When Captain Popham’s detachment was broken up, Captain Mayaffre with his company (2nd company 1st battalion) was stationed at Mirzapoor, and on the massacre of the force placed by Warren Hastings over the Rajah of Benares, on the 16th August, 1781, an order was sent to him, as senior officer at Mirzapoor, to march, with the company of artillery, remaining four companies of Popham’s battalion, and the French Rangers (sending his guns and stores by water to Chunar), upon Ramnagur, viâ Chunar, and wait further orders; and also by Major Popham, with a caution to avoid hostilities, and attend to the safety of the whole party until Major Popham should arrive.

On receiving the order from Warren Hastings, on 17th August, Captain Mayaffre immediately set out, replying, that he would march, “observing his directions in every respect, and otherwise acting to the best of his judgment for the good of the service.”

Colonel Blair, commanding at Chunar, was also directed to send four 6–pounders, two tumbrils of ammunition, an 8 and 10–inch mortar with 100 shells and 200 fuzes each, with powder, &c. to Chota Mirzapoor on the 20th, where Captain Mayaffre was expected to be. These were intended to have been used from an open space on the shore opposite, selected by Major Popham to bombard Ramnagur, and there is little doubt that a place so particularly ill-adapted for defence against such a mode of attack would have proved an easy conquest.

On reaching Ramnagur, however, without waiting for the arrival of Major Popham or further orders, without plan, without inquiry, and contrary to the advice of the officers with him, Captain Mayaffre, on the morning of the 20th August, marched precipitately into the narrow streets, where, in an instant, the leading party was annihilated. Captain Mayaffre, and Captain-Lieut. Doxat, with thirty-three of the Rangers, fell at once, and the detachment was forced to retreat with a loss of 107 killed and 72 wounded, two field-pieces and a howitzer remaining in the enemy’s possession.

It is most probable that Captain Mayaffre was urged to his precipitate and rash attack by the recollection of the successful enterprise against Gwalior, in which he had shared the preceding year; the hope of acquiring reputation led him to disregard the maxims of prudence, forgetting that, although he staked his own life upon the issue, he also hazarded his Government’s safety unnecessarily.

This failure raised the whole country in arms, and rendered Mr. Hastings’s flight to Chunar imperative—a flight which gave rise to the memorable but oft misquoted distich—

Ghora per howdah, hat’hee per zeen,

Juldee bagh gee’a, Warren Hasteen.

Lieuts. F. W. Grand[^[20]] and Sand, doing duty with Major Popham’s detachment, accompanied W. Hastings to Chunar.

Active measures were taken to collect troops, and on the 3rd September a party was sent out to surprise the enemy’s camp, which was formed at Pateeta (about seven miles from Chunar), but being retarded by the bad bullocks and drivers with the two 6–pounders which accompanied it, at daylight it found the enemy, to the number of 4,000 infantry and 400 cavalry and six guns, drawn up; the fire of our artillery and infantry was, however, so quick and effective, that the enemy fled, leaving four guns, among which was the one left by Captain Mayaffre at Ramnagur, in our possession.

With the enemy’s guns, was all the usual apparatus of artillery, such as portfires, tubes, chain-shot, quilted grape, equal or nearly equal to the production of an European laboratory; the artillery, however, was not equal to the stores: one gun, a modern cast, was pretty good; the others old and indifferent; the carriages of all much worn and bad.

The conduct and activity of Lieut. Baillie, of the artillery, was particularly acknowledged by the commanding officer.

On the 10th September, a brigade from Caunpoor, under Major Crabb, arrived, with which were thirty European artillerymen (1st company 2nd battalion), four 6–pounders and 1 howitzer, under Captain Hill.

The enemy had collected in force at the strong holds of Pateeta and Luteefpoor, the former seven miles, the latter fourteen miles from Chunar, and from information received, it was deemed advisable to drive them from those positions, rather than attack Ramnagur; two detachments were therefore got ready, one under Major Crabb, and the other under Major Popham; the former, accompanied by four 6–pounders and one howitzer, under Lieut. Baillie, with the ammunition, carried on bullocks, marched, on the night of 15th September, by a route through the hills, to take Luteefpoor in reverse, under the guidance of a native, named Bandoo Khan, who had proposed the plan of attack; and as the chief difficulties of this march were caused by the guns, it will not be out of place to give an abstract of Major Crabb’s interesting journal of the expedition:—

“15th.—The stores and ammunition being ready by ten P.M., the detachment marched at that hour, but was very shortly brought up at a nullah, the water in which was deep, and the limber ammunition-boxes forced to be taken off and carried over on the lascars’ heads: a delay of two hours. The road led along a plain through low jungle, a ghat with sharp turnings caused a long delay, and it was sunrise ere the guns reached the top. A low thick jungle continued for about a coss, and was succeeded by an extensive plain, slightly cultivated and with two small villages. About a coss in advance, two hours’ delay was caused by a narrow deep nullah, and three-fourths of a coss further, a second, with rocky beds and banks, occupied an hour and a half in crossing. The road led along the bank under a high hill, for about a mile, full of rocks. Recrossed the river with more difficulty than before; the banks very high, and forced to cut a road for the guns, and it was two P.M. ere all were over; the jungle thick, ground broken, hills on both sides. Came upon a small nullah, its bed full of rocks and the opposite sides a steep pass; the cattle were knocked up, and the sipahis were put on to the drag-ropes to aid them; over by four P.M., and then no water to be found nearer than a lake three miles in front, which they reached by sunset and halted, after twenty hours’ marching and about six coss from Chunar.

“17th.—Under arms at four A.M.; marched through a thick jungle, crossed a small river by a steep and narrow road, up a long steep pass with a deep gully on the right, the ascent very difficult from large smooth stones, on which the cattle could not retain their footing; the sipahis again at the drag-ropes, and by ten A.M. the top was gained. A large level but rocky plain, studded with large trees, now opened; about a mile further a river, bed full of large rocks, and the guns were moved with much labour.—One P.M.; after moving over rocky ground, the country opened, and about a coss from the river, an extensive plain near the village of Korada; several villages scattered over the plain, whose inhabitants fled. The country was cultivated, chiefly rice khets. At sunset encamped: computed distance, six coss.

“18th.—Started three A.M., over a plain full of deep holes, difficult and dangerous for the cattle; before daylight, entered a thick jungle with many deep dry nullahs—forced to cut roads for guns; no trace of a road. About two P.M., entered a large plain with several small villages, whose inhabitants fled. At three P.M., encamped by a large lake, and set smiths and carpenters to mend yokes and pintles of two guns, broken: distance, five coss.

“19th.—Marched at four A.M., at first over a plain, then through swamps and rice-fields; the high banks retarded the detachment much. Passed a large deserted village, Muddoopoor; had the intelligence that the Rajah’s troops were in front, with guns, at the village of Loorah; encamped: day’s march, three coss.

“20th.—Moved at daylight, for one coss through jungle, in parts thick; by sunrise, the advance guard was clear of jungle, and saw the enemy drawn up, about 2,000 in number, in a good situation, guns on their right, immediately opposite the road out of the jungle, on a rising ground, and with a small bank thrown up in front. Tope and village of Loora on their left, and a deep morass in front. The enemy’s guns opened on the troops emerging into the plain, and fired briskly until all had cleared the jungle and formed, the advanced guard returning it from one gun. When formed, the detachment advanced as quickly as the ground would admit, firing the 6–pounder until near enough for small-arms. A party was detached to the (enemy’s) right, under Lieut. Polhill, to carry the guns, and the enemy fled, leaving their guns, 150 dead, and 20 wounded, and made for Luteefpoor, distant about four coss, through the jungle. The ammunition was destroyed and the guns spiked and buried, there being no means to carry them off. The road to Luteefpoor ran through the jungle, rugged and steep, and no water; pursued them to the pass of Succroot, about a coss from Loora, and halted to bury the dead and collect the wounded, amounting to thirty-four; two and a half coss.

“21st.—Marched at four A.M., road good but jungly for two coss; a dry nullah, descent rugged and ascent still more so; road narrow and winding, full of large stones and rocks; the guns were lifted over these, and gained the summit with much labour. The fort visible about three miles off; the road now along the side of hill was worse than ever; from the bottom of hill to fort very narrow though level, through thick jungle; at noon, entered town of Luteefpoor, which had been evacuated and plundered by the Rajah’s people while the detachment was getting down the hill; six pieces of cannon and a quantity of ammunition were found; three pieces were taken on the hills, intended to defend the entrance from Pateeta.

“The fort of Luteefpoor stands in a bottom, surrounded on three sides by high steep hills, with thick jungle close up to the ditch, which is deep on the Pateeta side, where, too, the wall is of stone with loopholes; on the other sides it is part stone and part mud; the guns, on wooden swivels in the centre of bastions; the citadel has a high stone wall, with deep ditch and loopholes, in many places much cracked.”

In concluding his report, Major Crabb says, “Lieut. Fireworker Baillie, of artillery, in particular I beg leave to recommend to your notice, for the very great attention he shewed in his particular department.”

The other detachment under Major Popham marched against Pateeta on the 16th, but, on arriving, he found it so strong, that he sent back for the two battering-guns and one mortar, originally intended for Ramnagur; these reached him, and Captain Hill either accompanied these or was with the original detachment. After five days’ firing he made no impression; he ordered a storm, which took place successfully on the 20th, about the same time that Major Crabb defeated the enemy at Loora Succroot.

After these defeats the Rajah fled to Bidjegurh, through the hills, and was followed by Major Popham.[^[21]]

On the 4th November, a battery of two 18–pounders opened against the fort, but probably from the rapidity of the firing, one of the guns burst, and it became necessary to send back to Chunar for others; in the mean time a mine was opened, which it was hoped would be ready to be sprung on the 6th.

On the 11th the place was taken, and the spoil divided among the captors on the spot, giving a large amount of prize-money to officers of all ranks,—a proceeding highly disapproved of by the Governor-General, though not unwarranted by his instructions. All attempts, and there were several subsequently made to recover the amount for the use of Government, were ineffectual. The total value of the prize was estimated at twenty-five lacs.[^[22]]

The officers in the margin[^[23]] took a part in these exciting proceedings, and those marked§ shared in the prize-money of Bidjegurh. Lieut. Balfour claimed a share for bringing up the heavy ordnance, but they probably arrived too late, and his claim was not allowed.

The misfortunes which had occurred in the Madras Presidency in the war with Hyder Ali, and particularly by the defeat of Colonel Baillie’s detachment and retreat of Colonel Munroe, rendered assistance from the Supreme Government necessary: a detachment, consisting of two European companies of artillery (5th company 1st battalion, and 4th company 2nd battalion), with their battalions of lascars, and 350 European infantry, was prepared, and sailed in October, 1780, under the command of Sir Eyre Coote. The detachment reached Madras early in November, and shared in the relief of Wandewash and Cuddalore in January and February, 1781, in the unsuccessful attack on the fortified pagoda at Chillambram, and the victory near Porto Novo.

Another detachment, under the command of Colonel Pearse, of the artillery, consisting of one European (5th company 2nd battalion), and one Native (2nd golundaz) company of artillery, with their lascars, and three additional companies raised for the service, one company of gentlemen volunteers, about forty or fifty, and six battalions of native infantry, and 16 field-pieces, followed by land.

The golundaz company raised for this service was most probably formed from the remnants of the old golundaz battalions, reduced in the preceding year; so soon had the inexpediency of that measure forced itself into notice.

Much delay occurred in preparing camp equipage, and it was not until the middle of January, 1781, that Colonel Pearse joined the detachment at Midnapoor.

Before starting, he complained of the inadequacy of his artillery (twelve 6–pounders, two 12–pounders, and two howitzers), and indented for six more 6–pounders; but whether these were furnished is not known.

Soon after the detachment started, we find Colonel Pearse complaining of the absurdity of the Board of Ordnance expecting regular and minute returns of all articles expended in a train while on service with the same punctuality as within a settled cantonment; and pointing out that all stores issued to a train on service should be struck off the Board’s books, and an account rendered when the service was over.

The detachment reached Ganjam in March, where it suffered severely from cholera, then a new disease, and which gave an impression that the water had been poisoned.

In April they had reached Vizianagram, Ellore on 20th May, Pulicat on 1st August, and joined Sir E. Coote’s army at St. Thomas’s Mount on the 3rd August, 1781.

Immediately after their arrival, the Bengal division was broken up and divided among the other brigades; an ill-judged and rash measure, causing much desertion, which resulted from ill-feeling on the part of Sir Eyre Coote towards Colonel Pearse, partly, perhaps, on account of the correspondence regarding the golundaz, but chiefly, no doubt, from Colonel Pearses being a friend of Warren Hastings, against whom he expressed himself very strongly in a letter to the Supreme Government in March, 1781, objecting to Colonel Pearses detachment accounts being kept separate, as likely to cause expense and unnecessary staff appointments; to his being entrusted with permanent authority in any shape, as unjust to himself, and assuming a privilege (on the Governor-General’s part) in military details, which cannot be vindicated; and complaining that the instructions given Colonel Pearse were a direct indignity offered to his authority. He concludes by observing, “that he sees the newspapers are replete with promotions and arrangements in the military department in Bengal, without any reference to him as commander-in-chief: he protests against the whole as irregular, unmilitary, and entailing enormous unnecessary expense, and has the satisfaction of committing to record in this place, that he ascribes these encroachments on the authority of the commander-in-chief to the Governor-General, who now unites in his person the whole powers of Government.”

The officers and companies of the regiment employed in this service were as follows, as well as can be gleaned from the records. Unfortunately, from July, 1780, to April, 1781, the returns are left blank, and these companies are not included in the returns until their rejoining in 1785.

The above sailed with Sir Eyre Coote’s detachment.

On the 16th August, 1781, the army marched from the Mount, and reached Tripassore on the 18th, and took possession of it after only three days’ siege. 27th.—Engaged Hyder Ali’s army on the spot where Baillie had been defeated, and were forced to retire to the Mount from want of provisions. On the 19th September the army again took the field, and on the 23rd the Fort of Pollom surrendered to it. Hyder’s army was in sight; the two next days were spent in collecting grain, and on the 27th, Sir E. Coote went out to reconnoitre, and found the enemy’s whole force in camp near Cuppoor, about five miles off. He then advanced to attack them, Colonel Pearse commanding the left wing, which, from having to pass through much broken ground, bore the heaviest part of the action. Hyder endeavoured to turn it, but his attempts were frustrated by Colonel Pearse’s movements, and his cavalry driven back by discharges of grape. The two wings were much separated, and Colonel Pearse was at one time nearly captured, from his horse taking fright and running away with some of Hyder’s horsemen, who charged through an interval in the line; in endeavouring to get back, he was followed by a horseman, whom his aide-de-camp shot. The action lasted from three till dark, and it was eleven p.m. before the army had encamped at Cuppoor, on Hyder’s ground.

In October, the army marched into the Pollams, and a detachment of six battalions with two 6–pounders from the artillery, the whole under the command of Captain Owen, were sent to secure provisions and intercept a convoy of Hyder’s. Captain Owen conceived the quixotic design of storming the fort of Chittoor, but, unluckily, Hyder marched suddenly and attacked him, on the 23rd October, in his camp, and drove him back with heavy loss. One of the guns fell into the enemy’s hands, but was retaken by a gallant effort made by Captain Moore, with forty Bengal grenadiers, whom an artilleryman informed of the loss.

After this, the whole army moved against Chittoor, on the 7th November. On the 8th, a battery of two guns and two howitzers fired from a hill against the fort, but without effect. On the 19th, a battery of two 18–pounders was formed on the banks of an artificial lake, within three hundred yards of a ruinous round tower, in which a breach was made before night, and the enemy offered to capitulate. Their terms were refused, and firing renewed, and the next day, the troops being ready to storm, the fort surrendered.

Hyder had, in the mean time, taken Poloor, in which were four 18–pounders, and surprised Polipett, where the baggage was left under charge of a battalion with three 6–pounders, and carried off all, and moved against Tripassore.

The army marched to relieve Tripassore, and arrived just in time, as a breach was just made. After destroying the works, they moved into Poonamalee on the 30th November.

Early in January, 1782, the army marched to the relief of Vellore, and on the 9th, encamped near Hyder’s troops. On the 10th, Hyder attacked the rear, while the main body was moving through the dry bed of a lake. Beyond this was a wet one, and the main body crossed this also, but the carts and followers were in the swamp when Hyder reached the bank of the dry lake. Colonel Pearse, who was commanding the rear, formed up three battalions, and his guns, consisting of one 12–pounder, one howitzer, and six 6–pounders, which checked the enemy, who opened a cannonade from upwards of twenty heavy guns, but, with little effect. The position was held for upwards of an hour, until the baggage had all crossed, when Colonel Pearse crossed also, and joined Sir Eyre Coote, and after a little desultory firing Hyder withdrew.

Having thrown his convoy into Vellore, Sir Eyre Coote returned on the 13th, and on reaching his old ground, at the swamp, was again attacked. The passage was covered by a heavy cannonade from the 12 and 18–pounders, and when across, Hyder fell back, but made another attempt at sunset, which was beaten off. The succeeding days were spent in manœuvres on both sides, without coming to an action.

The detachment was engaged in no further service of any consequence until the unsuccessful and mismanaged attack on Cuddalore, in June, 1783, in which Colonel Pearse was wounded, whence they returned to Madras, and remained encamped till April of the next year,—the death of Hyder Ali, and conclusion of a peace with Tippoo, rendering their further services unnecessary.

On the 22nd April the detachment made their first march homewards, and the European artillery accompanied them as far as Musulipatam, where, about the middle of May, they embarked with guns and stores, and reached Calcutta in June, 1784. The strength of each company on its return is annexed.[^[24]] There must, however, have been some recruits sent during the service; but as from the day of their quitting Bengal, the companies were struck off the strength of the regiment, it is impossible to trace their actual loss. Captain Hussey and Lieutenant Brown appear to have suffered from wounds, for in Mem. C. 19th July, 1784, on Lieutenant Browns promotion to Captain-Lieut., “The Board observes that this promotion occasions the number of artillery officers to exceed the establishment, which they have been induced to admit, in consequence of the peculiar situations of Captain Hussey and Lieutenant Brown, by the wounds they received while on service in the Carnatic.”

The following order was issued by Government the 5th July, 1784:—“The Board having received ample testimony from the late Sir Eyre Coote, from Colonel Pearse, and from the President and Council of Fort St. George, of the uniform good conduct of Lieutenant-Colonel Elliot, and the officers and men of the artillery, who have served under his command in the Carnatic, have much pleasure in expressing to this part of the Bengal detachment, the high sense they entertain of their gallant behaviour, and the important service which they have rendered to the Company, during the course of the war.

“The Board trust that this special mark of their approbation will be remembered as an animating example to the Bengal troops, whenever the public service may call for similar exertions.”

The golundaz company, when the Europeans embarked, continued its march with the detachment, and the whole reached Ghyretti in January, 1785, where Warren Hastings honoured them with a visit, and testified the approbation of Government, in general orders, which after expressing thanks to the commander and troops, for “their gallant behaviour, and useful services in the defence of the Company’s territories,” direct that, “as a lasting mark of their approbation, a pair of honorary standards be bestowed on each sipahi regiment; on each soobadar a gold, and on each of the jemadars, a silver medal, with such device, motto, and description as shall be judged applicable to the occasion; and medals of the same sort to the officers of the golundaz company; also similar badges of inferior value, to such of the men, warrant officers and privates, as have served with the detachment from the commencement of the expedition until its return to the provinces.

“The Governor-General and council further direct, that in acknowledgment of the services of the two great detachments, which have served in the Carnatic, and the West of India, an additional pay of two rupees per month be granted to each non-commissioned officer and private of the European corps, and one rupee per month to each non-warrant officer and sipahi of the native corps, composing those detachments, who were originally attached to the same, on the march to their respective destinations, and returned with them.”

The Governor-General likewise issued an order on the occasion of his visiting the detachment, and one of the last acts of his government was a proposal in Council that “a sword should be given to Col. Pearse and the two officers next in command; that all officers holding commands in the detachment of infantry battalions should be confirmed in them, notwithstanding the general rules of appointment, and that the names of all the officers be entered on record, for such future marks of the favour of Government as the rules of the service may admit;” and to these propositions the Council readily agreed.

It was also ordered, that the lascars of the artillery who were with these detachments should receive medals, in like manner as the sipahi regiments.

We are not sure whether medals for these services can now be found; we have been able to obtain a medal, the reverse of which is illegible, which we are induced to believe was given to one of these detachments, probably Colonel Goddard’s, and the fort in the distance, representing Ahmedabad: a drawing of it is annexed. We have also been informed by an old native officer, that the medal was of the same pattern for both detachments.

The 1st golundaz company, which marched with Colonel Leslie’s detachment, was raised in 1777; the 2nd, which marched with Colonel Pearse, in 1780; and the 3rd, 4th, and 5th were raised in 1782, at the Presidency, Chunar, and Dinapore. But the same feeling, before spoken of, prevented their retention, and accordingly, in August, 1784, the 3rd and 4th golundaz companies were reduced, with the option to the men of the former of entering the lascars, and the latter, the 9th or 14th regiments, which were at the same station. In March, 1785, the 5th company followed, the native officers being allowed the option of half-pay at Chunar, or three months’ gratuity and discharge, and the men, after completing the 2nd company, of enlisting in the infantry.

In 1779, the necessity of a train of draught-bullocks for the artillery was pressed on the Government by Sir Eyre Coote, and 4,000 were directed to be kept at certain stations for this purpose: they were to be from four to six years old, of fifty inches high, and to be condemned at twelve years old, and able to draw ordnance, as in annexed statement.[^[25]] The commanding officers of artillery and of trains were to be inspectors of all bullocks received into the service, and responsible that none but proper cattle were admitted, and they were to be marked in the presence of an artillery officer. They were reduced to 600 at Caunpoor, 400 at Futteygurh, and 250 at Chunar, by Mem. of Council, 14th February, 1785, and the contract given to Sir Charles Blunt.

A gun-foundry existed at this time, for, in 1781, we find that “two 12–pounders and ten 6–pounders were ordered to be cast (if none available) for the use of the ship ‘Betsey,’ Captain Giddes, going with opium to China.” It was probably under the commissary of stores.

Powder-works also existed on the banks of the river, near Cossipoor. The gun-carriages were all constructed by the commissary of stores at Fort William.

On the reduction of the artillery brigade, Captain C. R. Deare, the major of brigade, was appointed regimental adjutant, but the brigade-majorship was restored in April, 1781, to be again, however, reduced to a regimental adjutant in 1785. Captain G. Deare resigned it in October, 1784, and Captain C. R. Deare was appointed.

In July, 1784, the adjutancy to the train in the field was abolished, but each company in the field appears to have had an adjutant and quarter-master attached to it.

In March, 1785, at the recommendation of Colonel Ironside, commanding at Caunpoor, tatties were first allowed to the European troops at Caunpoor.

Colonel Pearse at this time resumed command of the corps, Colonel Duff having temporarily held it while he was employed with the army on the coast; and earned the acknowledgments of the Council and General Orders, for the state of discipline it was in.

In this year many reductions were made in the army, by abolishing staff appointments, fixing the rate of pay and allowances to all classes, and laying the foundation of a code of regulations to guide all.

The commissaries of ordnance were reduced from five to two, and the deputies from eight to four; the brigade-majorship of artillery was altered to an adjutancy; the general command of artillery in the field was given to Lieutenant-Colonel Duff; his station was not fixed, but he was to move as his judgment prompted, was to inspect the field magazines and report on their state, but in these tours he was to exercise no command (though entitled by seniority) in the stations which he visited.

The following was the rate of pay allowed to all classes of the regiment:—