Transcribed from the 1897 (Lowestoft) edition by David Price, email ccx074@pglaf.org. Many thanks to Ivan Bunn for helping me with the transcription.

GILLINGWATER’S
HISTORY OF LOWESTOFT.

A reprint: with a chapter
of more recent events by
A. E. MURTON.

LOWESTOFT.

mdcccxcvii.

SECTION I.
OF THE ISLAND OF LOTHINGLAND.

This island (lately become a peninsula) is situated in the most eastern part of Great Britain and in the northern corner of the County of Suffolk. It is bounded by the German Ocean on the east, by the river Yare on the north, by the Waveney on the west, and by the beautiful and spacious water, the lake Lothing on the south; thus encircled by water on every side it is generally called the Island of Lothingland, and would strictly be so, did not a very narrow neck of land (near Lowestoft) intervene, and make it a peninsula. Its length, from north to south, is about ten miles; its breadth from east to west, about six miles; and contains sixteen parishes, viz.: Lowestoft, Corton, Gunton, Olton, Ashby, Lound, Fritton, Flixton, Hopton, Somerley, Blundeston, Gorleston, Belton, Burgh, Bradwell, and Herringfleet, of which Lowestoft is the principal, and is the only market town in the island. During the Saxon Heptarchy, this island was part of the kingdom of the East Angles. In respect to the civil government of the county, it is reckoned but a half hundred, the other half being the district of Mutford. They are generally called the half-hundreds of Mutford and Lothingland, but were incorporated as one hundred by an Act of Parliament in 1764, for the better relief of the poor, and for building an house of industry for their use.

In the ecclesiastical division of the county, this hundred was one of the rural deaneries under the archdeacon of Suffolk. Bishop Kennet, in his parochial antiquities, informs us that this office in the church was very ancient, for in one of the laws ascribed to Edward the Confessor, it is provided, that of eight pounds penalty for breach of the king’s peace, the king shall have an hundred shillings, the earl of the county fifty, and the dean of the bishop in whose deanery the peace was broken, the other ten; which words can be applied only to the office of rural deans, according to the respective districts which they had in parts of every diocese. At first their office was merely to inspect the manners and behaviour of the inferior clergy and people, but by degrees they became possessed of a power to judge and determine in smaller matters, and the rest they were to report to their ecclesiastical superiors. Some time before the Reformation, by the great power of the archdeacons and their officials, the jurisdiction of rural deans declined almost to nothing; and at that period no steps being taken for the restoration of this part of the government of the Church, their name and office unhappily ceased together, notwithstanding attempts have since been made to revive this ancient and useful institution, which in some places have been successful.

Rural Deans of the deanery of Lothingland, Anno 1325, Jeffrey de Boudon, priest, upon the resignation of William de Weston: 1326, John de Wynneferthyng; 1328, John de Thrillo; 1339, Edmund de Bokenham; 1376, Roger de Belton. [1]

It has been conjectured by some, that the island took its name from the lake Lothing, but, I apprehend, without any foundation; it seeming more probable that both the island and lake derived their names from Lothbrock, a noble Dane, whose descendants, in order to perpetuate his memory, gave to this part of the kingdom of the East Angles—frequently the seat of war in their descents on the British coast—the name of Luddingland, Lovingland, Luthingland, or as it is now called Lothingland.

This Lothbroth was of royal race, and had two sons, named Ingwar and Hubba. It happened once, as he was alone in a boat hawking for birds near the island on the coast of Denmark, that he was driven by a sudden tempest across the German Ocean and was carried into the mouth of the Yare up as far as Reedham. The inhabitants of the country having discovered the stranger they brought him to Edmund, king of the East Angles, whose palace was at Caister, about ten miles from thence. The king was astonished at the man’s figure and fortune, and received him with a countenance and behaviour so engaging that Lothbroch relinquished every desire of returning to his own country again, and was so delighted also with the diversions of the courtiers, particularly that of hunting that he oftentimes accompanied Berno the king’s huntsman, in that amusement, in order to become more expert in it; and in a short time made such great proficiency therein, and so far excited the envy of his master that having seduced him into a wood under the pretence of hunting, he privately murdered him. While Lothbroch was missing, a vigilant greyhound which he had kept, guarded his body; but being at last stimulated with hunger he sometimes visited the royal palace, which being observed by the servants, it excited their curiosity to follow him on his return, and they presently discovered the murdered body of Lothbroch. Berno being suspected, was apprehended and found guilty of the crime, and was sentenced, by the order of the king’s court, to be put alone into Lothbroch’s boat, and without a compass or any other instrument was committed to the mercy of the wind and waves which fortunately carried him to Denmark. The boat being there known he was suspected of having been accessary to the death of Lothbroch; and being examined upon the rack concerning it, he affirmed that the murder was committed by Edmund, king of the East Angles.

The Danes having resolved to revenge the death of Lothbroch upon King Edmund and his subjects, levied an army of 20,000 men, made Ingwar and Hubba (the sons of Lothbroch) commanders in chief of the expedition; and having made every necessary preparation for the voyage, and taken Berno with them as a leader, who knew the country, they immediately embarked and set sail for East England in the year 865, in the tenth year of King Edmund’s reign; but meeting with contrary winds they were driven ashore at Berwick upon Tweed, in Scotland, where having committed the most violent outrages, and in some measure gratified their revenge for the murder of Lothbroch, they soon after returned home. But in the following year the relentless Danes re-visited our coasts, when after burning and destroying all they could meet with, and also having greatly harassed and had frequent skirmishes with King Edmund’s army, they returned to their own country. The year after, the Danes again renewed their descents on the British coast, and so far succeeded in their enterprises against King Edmund, that they reduced him to the utmost distress; for surrounding him in a certain place in the Island, where he was so inclosed with marshes and rivers, that it was almost impossible for him to escape, he was left to this dreadful alternative, either to surrender to his enemies or fight his way through them. Having resolved upon the latter, he sought out a place most convenient for his design, and having at last discovered a ford (which was called Berneford, from Berno,) and now called Barnby, he passed it, and falling furiously upon his enemies, he routed them with a great slaughter, and compelled them to return immediately to Denmark. [3] In the succeeding year, the Danes returned again to England, and having committed the most horrid ravages in divers part of it, they came to Ely, where Hubba being left to guard their spoil, Ingwar, with his army entered East England, when, after committing many barbarous cruelties at Thetford, he sent a message to King Edmund, who was then at Eglesdune (now Hoxne, in Suffolk), proposing to him that if he would renounce christianity, pay adoration to his idols, and become his vassal and servant, he would then divide not only his treasure but also his kingdom with him. No sooner did the king receive this message than he marched with his whole army against the Danes and engaging them at a place not far from Thetford, the contending armies fought with great obstinacy from morning till evening, and great numbers were slain on both sides, when the Danes retreated from the field of battle. But the pious king was so exceedingly affected at the fate of so many martyrs who had shed their blood in this battle in defence of the christian faith as well as for the unhappy end for such a numerous body of Pagans that he returned with the shattered remains of his army to Eglesdune with a resolution excited by religious considerations never to engage any more in battle with the Pagans, but if it was necessary to appease their rancour by yielding himself up as a sacrifice for his people and for his christian faith. The army belonging to Ingwar was much diminished from the loss he sustained in this battle; but receiving information of Edmund’s retreat he instantly proceeded to Thetford, where, being joined by Hubba with 10,000 men, the brothers united their forces and pursued the unhappy king to Eglesdune, where, taking him prisoner he was martyred in the year 871, in the 29th year of his reign; and with him expired the kingdom of the East Angles.

After the death of Edmund, the Danes settled themselves in Lothingland, to which tract of land they are supposed to have given that name, in remembrance of their ancestor Lothbroch.

The following tradition respecting the death of King Edmund, is current in the parish of Hoxne to this day; namely, that the King, after he had relinquished every intention of opposing the Danes any farther, in consequence of the horrid carnage which the numerous contests between them had occasioned, fled to this village for safety, but finding himself closely pursued by his enemies, was obliged for security, to conceal himself under a bridge in that parish, now called Gold Bridge, so named from the gilt spurs which the king happened to have on whilst there concealed. A newly-married couple that were returning home in the evening, saw, by moonlight, the king’s spurs glitter in the water, and immediately discovered him to the Danes, who instantly put him to death. The king, in the warmth of resentment, pronounced a curse upon every couple that should afterwards pass over this bridge to be married. A superstitious regard is paid to this sentence even to this day; as not one will pass over the bridge in their way to the parish church on that occasion. It is now about a thousand years since the event happened, and is a remarkable instance of the length of time which traditions in parishes are sometimes continued.

The Danes, when they got the king into their possession, endeavoured to prevail with him to renounce the christian faith; which he refusing to do, they first scourged him with whips, and afterwards bound him to a stake and shot him to death with arrows. He was first buried in an obscure wooden chapel at Eglesdune (now Hoxne), but being afterwards esteemed a martyr, and canonized by the Church, his bones were removed to Bury St. Edmund’s, where a magnificent abbey was erected to his memory.

It appears from that ancient survey of the landed property of this kingdom, the Book of Domesday, that the fee of this hundred was originally in the crown, for that record informs us that Earl Guert [4a] held Gorleston, (and probably the whole island), in the reign of Edward the Confessor; and describing the extent and property of this manor in the time of Edward, and comparing them with the survey made in the reign of William the Conqueror, it says it contained five carucates of land; that there were then twenty villains, now only twelve; five bornars, then five servants, now only four; then two carucates in demesne, now but one; then cattle for five carucates of land, now only three; then two workhouses, now none; ten acres of meadow land, three salt pans, wood for five hogs, always three hundred sheep, and twenty-four fishermen at Yarmouth.

Both history and tradition informs us that some centuries since, there were numerous and violent disputes between the lords of this island and the men of Great Yarmouth, respecting the privileges of that burgh; and whereas it was alleged that those privileges had been greatly infringed by the said lords of the island.

King John in the ninth year of his reign, granted the burgesses of Yarmouth a charter, whereby it was created a free burgh, the burgesses were thereby invested with many valuable commercial privileges, and empowered to hold it in fee farm [4b] paying to the king and fisheries an annual rent of £55 for ever; for payment whereof they had nothing but the customs arising out of the port, not being allowed to receive any custom of goods bought or sold in the market in Lothingland at any time of the year.

Soon after the granting of this charter, the burgh of Great Yarmouth became most flourishing, and made a more respectable figure in trade and commerce than before; and whilst Yarmouth and Lothingland were both holden in the king’s hands, no disputes about customs arose betwixt them, nor do any records now extant mention any suits about them, payable at this or that place, but as the charter had invested the men of Yarmouth with the sole property of their land, as well as their merchandise, they sought to monopolize the trade to themselves, and to hinder the king’s tenants of Lothingland from enjoying any part with them. [4c]

The granting these privileges to the burgh of Yarmouth, was effectually emancipating the inhabitants; no sooner, therefore, had this charter passed, than the men of Lothingland, and particularly the inhabitants of Little Yarmouth and Gorleston (much more considerable places than now) began to be alarmed at the acquisitions of their neighbours, and dreaded their future power. In consequence of this grant several infringements were made, and many disputes arose; however, they did not arise to any considerable degree, till about the twelfth year of Henry III., when Roger Fitz-Osbert [4d] who was then the king’s bailiff or warden of Lothingland, endeavoured to draw the trade of herrings and other goods to his own side of the river Yare, and took certain customs in the port of Yarmouth, contrary to the liberties which the burgesses claimed by their charter.

Complaints against these proceedings of the bailiff of Lothingland were exhibited by the burgesses of Yarmouth, and king Henry, willing to terminate the dispute, as being a party concerned, and being also desirous of being informed what customs really belonged to Yarmouth, and what to his manor of Lothingland, sent Martin de Patteshall, an itinerant justice, to determine it, who took an inquisition at Yarmouth upon the oaths of forty-eight persons belonging to the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, upon which a verdict was found, that all wares ought to be unladen and sold at Great Yarmouth, and that all the haven belonged to the burgesses of Yarmouth; but that small merchandise and provisions of all kinds might be unladen on the Yarmouth or Lothingland side of the river, at the option of the owners or importers thereof. This affair being thus decided, the respective parties continued for some time on more amicable terms, but it was of short duration, for upon king Henry’s exchanging the manor of Lothingland, and the rent of the fee-farm of Yarmouth, in 1228, with John de Baliol, for certain lands in Cheshire, it opened a new source of contention; for although the men of Yarmouth had seemingly the advantage in the late decision yet, as a license was given to unlade ships with provisions on either side, and as fish—which was the chief merchandise then carried on—was evidently included in that permission, they soon found, that in reality, they had gained no other advantage than an expensive suit and an ambiguous decree. John de Baliol seems to have been as well apprized of this as of their inability to dispute it with him, for in 1244 he brought a writ against the burgesses for depriving him of his customary tolls in Little Yarmouth, which alarmed them so much, that, two years after, we find them soliciting the king for a new exclusive charter, that all merchandises and wares, as well fish as other commodities, should be sold at Yarmouth only by the hands of the importers thereof.

Whatever were King Henry’s motives for thus confining the trade, and injuring the property which John de Baliol undoubtedly had in it, I know not, but he granted the burgesses their request, and gave them a new charter agreeable to their desires; notwithstanding which, I find the bailiff of Lothingland took the usual customs the very next year, and also continued to do so whilst the manor remained in the hands of the Baliols, and consequently fresh disputes about the customs were continually arising.

In 1259 John de Baliol died, and was succeeded by his son, John de Baliol, afterwards king of Scotland, and it appears that the usual disputes were in agitation during the time he held this manor; but upon his acquiring the kingdom of Scotland, the burgesses of Yarmouth were obliged to submit to so powerful an opponent, for we find, he levied the following customs; for every foreign ship, eighteen pence; and of every English ship trading to or from the port of Yarmouth, fourpence; of every cart or horse-load of merchandize passing through his manor a half-penny; and for every last of herrings imported for a foreign merchant, fourpence; of every stall, fourpence; and of every window where bread was placed to sell, fourpence. The last is a remarkable article for a tax; and I can account for it no other way than by supposing the men of Yarmouth used to make bread and send it to be sold at Little Yarmouth and Gorleston for the supply of their herring fleet, in case of necessity.

The manor of Lothingland and fee-farm of Yarmouth being in the hands of the Baliols, by virtue of the above-mentioned exchange, were now in the actual possession of John de Baliol, king of Scots; but upon this king’s renouncing his homage to King Edward 1st, all his English estates became forfeited, and by his resignation afterwards of his person, his dignity, his kingdom, and all his private states, the said manor of Lothingland, and the fee-farm of Yarmouth, once more reverted to the crown. This was accounted by the burgesses of Yarmouth as a most happy deliverance, they thereby getting rid of a troublesome and powerful neighbour, who not only vigorously supported the rights of his manor, but interfered also with their trade, and was willing to become a partner in their gains; for the Baliols, both father and son, had for many years, by their bailiffs, greatly infringed on the liberties of Yarmouth, by taking customs in that port, contrary to its charters, to the great injury of the burgesses which they were under the necessity of submitting to as being unable to contend with such powerful adversaries. But after the above forfeiture the burgesses of Yarmouth adjudging it to be a seasonable opportunity for having their grievances redressed, made application to King Edward 1st in the 34th year of his reign, to have the charter granted by his predecessor Henry 3rd more clearly explained, and to be expressed in such manner as should leave no room for farther disputes.

The king in order to compromise the difference between the respective parties, requested the assistance of his council; and notwithstanding the opposition from Little Yarmouth and Gorleston, yet it appearing upon enquiry that as the manor of Lothingland and fee-farm of Yarmouth were now in the hands of the said King Edward, and that certain privileges had been granted to the burgesses of Great Yarmouth by the charter of Henry 3rd, therefore his said Majesty, in the year above-mentioned, complied with the request of the burgesses, and both explained and ratified the said charter of King Henry. [6]

The manor of Lothingland continued in the crown but a short time; for king Edward 1st in his 34th year, anno 1306, gave it, with all Baliol’s English estates, to John de Britainy, Earl of Richmond, his sister’s son. [7a]

The burgesses of Yarmouth, however well pleased they might at first appear with the loss of their old neighbours, quickly found that they had acquired nothing by the exchange, for John de Britainy was no less determined upon a vigorous defence of the rights of his manor than his predecessors; and as he was a much more powerful opponent, so, in the end, he was a much more troublesome one. Previous, however, to the settlement of the manor of Lothingland upon this nobleman, the burgesses of Yarmouth had obtained from king Edward a charter confirming that of his father, and commanding that all fish and other merchandize brought up the river should be sold at Yarmouth only, and that no person whatever should purchase any goods as they were carrying up the stream. Thus, in spite of the absurdity and injustice of making all commercial transactions centre in themselves, under the pretence of their being a free burgh by charter, the men of Yarmouth effectually hindered those of Little Yarmouth and Gorleston from sharing in the trade, which their situation rendered them as equally capable of carrying on to advantage as their neighbours. Such was the state of affairs between the contending parties, when the grant of the manor of Lothingland was given to the Earl of Richmond. Though it appears he took no cognizance of their disputes till the 2nd of Henry 3rd, anno 1328, yet he could not remain so long ignorant of them; though it is probable the distance of his residence (Richmond Castle, in Yorkshire) from this place and the small account a nobleman of his large possessions must naturally make, of so trifling an addition to them, might render him unwilling to engage in an expensive suit, which at best, could procure him very insignificant advantages. However, after repeated application from the inhabitants of Gorleston and Little Yarmouth, and the rest of the tenants of Lothingland, [7b] about the 8th and 19th of Edward 2nd, the Earl, about the year above mentioned, exhibited a petition to king Edward 3rd.; in which he alleged, that half the haven of Yarmouth belonged to him in right of his manor; and that he ought to have as his ancestors, who held this manor before him, undoubtedly had, the arriving, discharging, and laden of ships, goods and merchandizes, and a free buying and selling for his tenants of Little Yarmouth and Gorleston, as had been the case till king Henry 3rd by his charter to the burgesses, granted that these things should belong solely to Great Yarmouth, and the aforesaid free buying and selling should be done there only; and as the burgesses of Yarmouth claimed all their restrictive power from this charter, the earl wisely considered, that without removing the cause, the effect must still subsist; therefore, in the same petition he attacked the charter itself, and represented to the king, that it had not been rightly granted king Henry not being timely apprized of the destructive tendency such a grant must necessarily have upon the fishing trade, how contrary its dictates were to the common rights of mankind, and, particularly, how injurious to the crown itself, as the original proprietor of the manor of Lothingland. So severe an attack upon the Yarmouth palladium, roused the burgesses from their wonted security, and they were summoned to appear personally before the king and his Council, to make their defence against the Earl and to produce their charters, records, and reasons to the contrary. The burgesses accordingly appeared, and urged in their behalf, that the claims demanded by the Earl were erroneous and ill-grounded: and exhibited several grants given them by preceding kings, as the charter of king John, that of Henry 3rd, the confirmation of the same by Edward 1st, and the decisions in favour of the burgh, in the 8th and 19th of Edward 2nd, in the Exchequer and other courts, all tending to confirm the rights they claimed, and to invalidate the earl’s assertions; in which they had ever been victorious.

The burgesses of Yarmouth founded the merits of their cause on the charter which had incorporated them. The men of Lothingland, on ancient customs before those charters existed; alledging that the Manor was part of the ancient demesne of the crown, and that the customs and privileges claimed by the Earl of Richmond and his tenants, are the same as were demanded in the times of Canute and Harold, and the succeeding kings of England, being owners of the said Manor, and by many other pleadings, they asserted their lawful right to those privileges, both by prescription and long-continued possession; but, after hearing the controversy, the cause was determined in favour of Yarmouth, and the burgesses triumphed once more over their rival neighbours.

The ill success of this application did not deter the Earl from making another, which had the same great end in view, the wresting from the burgesses their great Charter of Incorporation; but, after many pleadings and decisions, before the king and council, the parliament and the judges, the Earl had no better success than before; for in the end it only served to strengthen the designs of the men of Yarmouth, by the entire overthrow of the adverse party; the affair being at length finally determined in favour of the burgesses, 5th Edward 3rd, anno 1332.

The men of Lothingland, who had, probably, formed the highest expectations of success, from the great power and credit of their patron, the Earl of Richmond now saw themselves left entirely to the mercy of the elated burgesses, who, on all occasions, exerted their power over them with a malevolence considerably inflamed by the late dissensions; they had also the mortification to see that power fixed upon the strongest and most unalterable basis, by an extensive charter, confirming all their former rights, and adding many valuable liberties to those they already enjoyed.

Thus ended this litigious and destructive controversy, in which the inhabitants of Lothingland had been engaged for more than one hundred years. The motives which actuated each party were strictly the same; the one strove for the continuance of those liberties which Henry’s charter had deprived them of; the other, to retain the rights they had acquired, so beneficial to themselves, at the expense of their neighbours. It is not to be doubted, that this was considered by the men of Yarmouth as an object of the highest importance. A grant which gave a restrictive trading power to one place, in prejudice to another, must, of course, draw within its gates all those who wished to advance their interest, or enlarge their property.

The well-being of any commercial town must depend upon the conveniency of its situation for traffic, but, in this case, their opponents were equally fortunate as themselves; the same stream flowing equally between them, and the same conveyance which brought emolument to the one, would have carried opulence to the other. To the final determination of this controversy in their favour, the town of Yarmouth is chiefly indebted for the prosperity it now enjoys; whilst its rivals, Gorleston and Little Yarmouth, are sunk into obscure villages, and particularly the latter, of which hardly anything more than the name remains. In the following year, the earl of Richmond, who had gone over into France, to settle some matters relative to the estate which he there held as earl of Britainy, died in that kingdom, without issue, and was succeeded to his manors and estates by John de Dreux, son of Arthur, earl of Britainy; and he dying in 1342, they were granted by Edward III. to John, duke of Britainy, and earl of Montford in France; who was advanced to this dignity on account of his adherence to the interest of king Edward in that kingdom, for which cause the king of France had seized upon his possessions. [8]

After the above decision, which established the burgesses of Great Yarmouth, in the peaceable possession of all their ancient privileges, the animosities and disturbances, which had agitated the contending parties for a century past, appear to have subsided; and they maintained a more friendly intercourse with each other, without any material interruption, until the reign of Queen Elizabeth; but, in the 12th year of the reign of that princess, new dissensions arose, which were combated with a considerable degree of violence and animosity, between the burgesses of Great Yarmouth, and Sir Henry Jerningham and his tenants, the men of Little Yarmouth and Gorleston, concerning divers liberties claimed by Great Yarmouth, respecting the free fair holden at the said town; and also concerning a parcel of waste ground, lying on the south side of the haven’s mouth, near the town of Gorleston; which, some time ago, when the course of the haven extended to the south of Corton, was situate between the neck of the haven and the main sea; and because the said haven had at this time a shorter neck or passage to the sea, obtained by the town of Great Yarmouth, at an immense expense, and was brought further to the north, consequently the above-mentioned waste ground must lie to the south of the haven’s mouth, as then situated; and as Sir Henry Jerningham was owner, not only of the town of Gorleston, but also of the greater part of Lothingland in which Gorleston is situated, the claim of the burgesses of Yarmouth must materially affect the property of Sir Henry. In order therefore, to restore peace and tranquility to the several parties, the matter in dispute was referred to the arbitration of Sir Christopher Heydon, and Sir William Butts, knights, by virtue of a commission from the Star-Chamber, who finally determined the difference in such a fair and equitable manner, as met with the approbation of both parties.

But, notwithstanding this affair was so amicably adjusted, fresh disputes arose, shortly after, between the town of Great Yarmouth and some neighbouring towns, respecting a fair that was held at Gorleston; and as Queen Elizabeth, at that time, happened to be at Norwich, her majesty deputed several lords of her retinue to proceed to Yarmouth, and survey the premises; which orders being accordingly executed, they made a report thereof to the Queen; and the following letter from the Privy Council, was sent to the Sheriff and Justices of the county of Suffolk, respecting the same.

A copy of the letter sent from the Lords of the Queen’s Majesty’s Privy Council, to the Sheriff, and also the Justices of Suffolk, in August, 1578, after that the Lord Treasurer, the Lord of Leicester, and others of the Council, had viewed and seen the town; (all these noblemen were elegantly entertained at the priory, at the town’s expense) the Queen being at Norwich, on her tour at the time. [9a]

After our hearty commendations—Whereas the town of Great Yarmouth is situated upon the frontiers of the sea, in the county of Norfolk, near the county of Suffolk; and great care has been taken by the ancestors of our Sovereign Lady, the Queen’s Majesty, for the maintenance and preservation of the said town, and divers liberties and privileges have been granted, by the progenitors of her majesty, to that intent and purpose; amongst which there is one privilege, granted unto the burgesses of the town of Great Yarmouth, that no fair or market should be kept or holden at any place or places within seven leuks [9b] of the said town, either of fish in general, or herrings in particular, or any other kind of merchandizes, but only at the town of Great Yarmouth: which said grants and liberties are thought very necessary to be continued and protected, for that the Yarmouth men do expend great costs and charges upon the haven belonging to the said town. We understanding, nevertheless, that divers and sundry persons heretofore have sought, and do daily seek, to keep and hold a fair, for buying, selling, and delivering herrings, and other fish, and divers other merchandizes, at the town of Gorleston, in the county of Suffolk, which is within the mouth of the said haven of Yarmouth. We have therefore, thought good to charge and require, you that you give due information unto the inhabitants of the said town of Gorleston, and to all other persons repairing thither, that they suffer no such fair or market, or any buying, selling or delivering of herrings, or any other fish or merchandise, at the said town, or at any other place within the said haven of Great Yarmouth, but only at the said town, or in the road of the said town, at any time or times, from the beginning of the herring fair or fishing, now, next ensuing, until the end of the said herring fair or fishing, as they tender Her Majesty’s pleasure, and will answer the contrary at their perils. And if you shall receive information of any person or persons, either seller or buyer, that shall be obstinate, or act contrary to this Her Majesty’s command, you shall bind the said persons to appear before us, to answer their contempt in that behalf. And, finally, we desire you to use all the good means you can, to see the design of this our letter put in due execution. And so we bid you heartily farewell.

Your loving friends, &c.

From Thetford, the 27th August, 1578.

In consequence of this letter the men of Gorleston, Lowestoft, and other towns upon the coast, in the county of Suffolk, presented a petition to Her Majesty’s Privy Council, praying to have this letter recalled. Whereupon the burgesses of Yarmouth sent up immediately to the Privy Council, William Harebrowne and Thomas Damett, with their charters and decrees, to answer the complaints presented by the above-mentioned towns; and succeeded so far in their application as to obtain the following decree, which was issued forth by the Lords of the Privy Council, and which finally determined the dispute. [10]

A Decree, made by the Lords and others of the Queen’s Majesty’s Privy Council, upon a matter in controversy between the town of Great Yarmouth, in the county of Norfolk, and the towns of Little Yarmouth and Gorleston, and other towns, in Suffolk, after divers hearings of both parties; and put in writing and subscribed the four and twentieth day of February, in the one and twentieth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lady, the Queen’s Majesty, Elizabeth, and in the year of our Lord one thousand, five hundred and eighty.

Whereas, upon complaint exhibited before us by Henry Gunvyle, of Gorleston, and John Hoo, of Gunton, gent.; William Frenche, of Lowestoft, and John Fox, of Aldborough, merchants; as well in their own names, as also in the names of the inhabitants of the said towns, and of other coast towns of Suffolk, against the bailiffs, burgesses, and commonalty of the town of Great Yarmouth, in the county of Norfolk; the substance of which complaint and controversy consisteth in this: Whether, by the liberties belonging to the said town of Great Yarmouth, all kinds of merchandize, and also herrings and all other fish, being brought into the haven of Great Yarmouth, should, be unladen and discharged at the said town of Great Yarmouth, or elsewhere (saving only to Gorleston and Little Yarmouth, their own proper merchandize, and fish, brought in their own bottoms, and none other; but excepting such ships belonging to these towns as are laden with wool, leather, wool-skins, and other merchandize, whereof great custom ought to be paid, and to be discharged in the port where the Queen’s Majesty’s trone [11] and seal called the Coquet do remain). Which liberty is challenged by the said town of Great Yarmouth: and, for support thereof, there have been shewed forth sundry charters, judgments, and decrees, all affirming the said liberties to belong to Great Yarmouth; and not by any allegations for the other parties, justly disproved.

And, forasmuch, as upon the deliberate hearing of the allegations of both parties, concerning the said controversy, there hath not been shewn before us any sufficient matter to make void the said liberties, challenged by the said town of Great Yarmouth, by virtue of their charters: We do therefore order and decree that the said town of Great Yarmouth, and the bailiffs, burgesses, and commonalty thereof, shall stand possessed of, and quietly hold and enjoy, the said liberties, by them claimed according to their said charters; and that no delivering, buying, or selling of herrings, or any other fish, or any merchandizes, coming into the said haven be made, kept, or holden, but only at the said town of Great Yarmouth, or where the bailiffs, burgesses, and commonalty of the said town will appoint the same to be done, and not elsewhere: excepting only to the said towns of Little Yarmouth and Gorleston, and the inhabitants thereof, liberty to land and receive, at the said towns, all such herrings, and other fish, and merchandizes, as shall be their own, and taken and brought into that haven in their own boats and vessels, without any colouring, fraud, or covyn (saving those ships belonging to the said towns of Little Yarmouth and Gorleston, as are laden with wool, leather, wool-skins, and other things, whereof great customs ought to be paid, which shall be discharged in the port of Great Yarmouth, and at the same place where the Queen’s Majesty’s trone and seal, called the Coquet) do remain, and not elsewhere.

And, for the better publication and observation of this our order and decree, we do not only will and require the said complainants to publish the tenor thereof, in the said coast towns, but, also, have ordered, that the justices of assizes of the said county, shall be by us required to give in charge to the Justices of the Peace there, to have good regard, that the same may be performed, and put in the execution, without any manner of disturbance; and, that if any person or persons shall wilfully disobey this order, that then the next justice of the peace of the said county, shall take sufficient bond of the said party to appear before us, and to answer his contempt in that behalf. And this our order and decree shall stand and remain in full force, until such time as the said complainants, or any other persons, in behalf of the said towns, shall justly shew, and prove before us, such good matter as may move us to revoke this our present or derand decree.

Given at Westminster, the day and year above written,

(Signed,)

Lord Burleigh, Lord Lincoln, Lord Sussex, Lord Warwick,
Lord Leicester, Lord Hunsdon, Sir Francis Knolly’s,
Sir James Crofte, Sir Christopher Hatton, Sir Francis
Walsingham, Sir Walter Mildmay; T. Wilson, Secretary.

Afterwards in the year 1616 we find the bailiffs of Great Yarmouth petitioning for leave to extend their jurisdiction, or power, on the west side of the haven; but it does not appear, that they ever acquired any authority there till the 20th of Charles II., when Southtown was incorporated with Great Yarmouth; for about that time Sir Robert Paston, being desirous of adjusting the differences which had for so many years subsisted between the town of Great Yarmouth and Little Yarmouth (or Southtown) and Gorleston, brought a bill into the House of Commons in the year 1664, for incorporating the former with Southtown, which was accordingly effected.

And, again, in the 36th of Charles II. a new charter was granted to Great Yarmouth, wherein the said incorporation was confirmed, and other grants and privileges subjoined; and was afterwards confirmed again by another charter, granted in the reign of Queen Anne, and remains incorporated to this day.

It appears from what has been premised, that this island, as part of the ancient demesne of the crown, was held in the time of Edward the Confessor, by Earl Guert; in the time of William the Conqueror, by Earl Warren; [12a] and in the time of Henry III., by Roger Fitz-Osbert [12b] afterwards it descended to the Baliols; but, upon John de Baliol’s renouncing his homage to Edward I. and thereby forfeiting all his English estates, it again reverted to the crown, and king Edward I. in the 34th year of his reign gave the island to his nephew John de Britainy, earl of Richmond, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth the greatest part of the island belonged to Sir Henry Jerningham [12c] In the reign of Charles II. the part contiguous to Gorleston was in the hands of Sir Robert Paston, knight.

History informs us, that the island of Lothingland has experienced a variety of vicissitudes from the irruptions of the sea; and that the coast which is washed by the German Ocean, was, in former ages, very different in its appearance from which it is at present. A large arm of the sea, at the time when the Romans were in Britain, extended itself, on the north side of the island, several miles westward of the ground whereon Yarmouth is now situated; and the mouth of the Yare, or, rather, arm of the sea, at that time, was very large, and discharged itself into the ocean by two channels, (being separated by the sand-bank on which Yarmouth was afterwards built) the one near Caister, and the other near Gorleston. It is highly probable that before the Christian era, this extraordinary effect of the secret operations of the ocean, had not commenced; and that previous to that period, the Yare discharged itself into the sea by one channel only.

The reason why this sand-bank was not formed before that time, is one of those secrets of Providence which, to us, continues unexplored.

The north-east winds appear to have been the apparent cause of forming the sand-bank at the mouth of that river; and is an inconvenience to which it is subject, even at this present time.

The original name of the bank was, the Cerdick Sand; from Cerdick, a warlike Saxon, who, about the year 495, landed here; and who, after having routed the opposing Britons, and greatly harassed the Iceni with a very grievous war, sailed to the western parts of Britain, where he founded the kingdom of the West Saxons.

The mouth of the former of these channels being entirely choaked up by the north-east winds, the whole stream fell, afterwards, into the latter; and this last-mentioned channel having its entrance so frequently blocked up by the sand-banks formed by these winds, that its course was greatly altered, and extended a considerable distance to the south of Gorleston, before it was able to discharge itself into the sea. These obstructions still continuing, the mouth of the haven kept proceeding still further to the south, till, at last, it reached even to the south of Corton, before it was able to force its passage into the ocean.

The mouth of the haven, from these obstructions, being carried thus far to the south, and having such numerous sands and shallows formed therein, especially between the 10th and 20th of Edward III, that its navigation became extremely dangerous, and but few ships of burthen could enter there with safety; and, consequently, was so detrimental to Yarmouth, that it greatly affected the trade, which for many years had subsisted there, as well as the commerce of the adjacent country.

Whereupon, the bailiffs, burgesses, and commonalty of Great Yarmouth, presented a petition to king Edward III, in the 20th year of his reign, for liberty to cut a new mouth to the haven, nearer to Yarmouth than it was at that time; which petition being granted, a new communication with the ocean was accordingly opened, and confined with piers, opposite to the parish of Corton. This great undertaking was accomplished at an immense expense, and was confined to this place for the space of twenty-six years; (46th of Edward III), when it began again to be so much choked up with sand, that no vessels of any considerable burden could enter, but were obliged to unload their cargoes in an adjoining place, called Kirkley Road, which was near the mouth of the said haven. The king, being informed of the great difficulties which the town of Great Yarmouth laboured under, from the dangerous state of its haven, and how utterly unable they were thereby rendered of paying the fee-farm rent due to his majesty, from the great quantity of merchandise that was obliged to be unladen in the adjoining place called Kirkley Road, and which, by that means, escaped paying the usual customs to Yarmouth, his majesty, in consideration of these misfortunes, was pleased to grant a charter for uniting the said Road of Kirkley unto the port and haven of Yarmouth; [13a] upon condition, that the said burgesses of Great Yarmouth would pay to the king and his successors, an additional rent of 100s. yearly: and also granted unto the said burgesses full power to demand and receive the same duties in the said Kirkley road, as in the port and haven of Yarmouth, for ever. [13b]

It is very evident, to an attentive observer, that the whole of the flat country, which lies between Caister and Burgh, extending about four miles, and forms a considerable part of the water called Braydon, was once covered by the German Ocean; and that the mouth of the Yare, at that time, was an estuary, or arm of the sea, and extended, with considerable magnitude, for many miles up the country. Tradition, the faithful preserver of many a fact which history has overlooked or forgotten, confidently and invariably asserts it; and the present appearance of the ancient bed of the river, from Yarmouth to Harleston, in Norfolk, tends to confirm it. Probably the points of land whereon Beccles, Bungay, and Homersfield are situated, and which protruded themselves into the ancient river, might serve as convenient situations for placing beacons and other signals, announcing the approach of an enemy, at the time when the Romans, Saxons, and Danes invaded and gained possession of the island; and might, from thence give birth to the origin of those towns. The case may be the same in respect to other places situated on points of land on the borders both of the Yare and the Waveney. What is here suggested may receive farther confirmation from an inspection of the above ancient map of Garienis Oestium, or mouth of the Yare, as given in the Ives’s Garianonum, [14a] which represents this part of the country as it appeared in the year one thousand; and which, also, affords considerable assistance in forming a just conception of the ancient boundaries of these rivers, at the time when the Romans and other foreign invaders were in possession of this island.

The mouth of the Waveney on the south of the island, was also at this time very large, and discharged itself into the ocean between Lowestoft and Kirkley. [14b] The conflux of waters arising from the communication which these two rivers had with the sea, the one at Yarmouth and the other at Lowestoft, was so great, when they formed a junction as to render the Waveney navigable some miles beyond Harleston in Norfolk. [14c]

After that the sea had considerably receded from the river between Lowestoft and Kirkley, yet it still preserved a small communication with it; and therefore, whenever a violent storm arose from the north-west, at the time when the waters were increased by the spring tides, it would flow into the river with great violence, and threaten the adjacent country with an inundation. To guard against these irruptions of the ocean, and prevent the damages that would otherwise ensue, a break-water was erected between Lowestoft and Kirkley, as a security for the low grounds and marshes which laid contiguous to the river.

For it appears, that on the 6th February, 1652, a verdict was given by the jury, on a commission of sewers, of the number of acres of low grounds in the several towns in Norfolk and Suffolk, which were subject to inundations from the sea-breach between Lowestoft and Kirkley; wherein it was found that in the parishes of Ellingham and Kirby only, there were 482 acres, and one rood of low ground subject to those inundations, the annual value whereof was £87 18s. 10d., and which paid to the charge of the said breach £7 4s. 9d.; and it was also found, by the said commission of sewers, that, in the manor of Earsham there were 418 acres of low grounds liable to inundation from the said sea-breach, valued at £330 and paid £13 10s. 6d. towards repairing the same. [14d]

And at a commission of sewers, held at the Swan Tavern, at Lowestoft, the 21st February, 1660, before Sir Thomas Meadows, Knight; Henry Bacon, John Duke, John Garnies, William Cooke, William Cooke, the younger; John Playters, Francis Brewster, William Gooch, John Baispoole, Esquires; Robert London, Thomas London, Philip Hayward, Christopher Reeve, Glover Denny, Gisleham Wollhouse, Henry Jenkenson and Anthony Jenkenson, gentlemen, commissioners; the two following questions were proposed, viz.:

1st. Whether the work at the sea-breach between Lowestoft and Kirkley should stand in its present state until an engineer shall come or not?

2nd. Whether the fortifications (or fence of the sea-breach) shall be made at Mutford Bridge, or at the sea?

When it was resolved by the Court and ordered, “That the work and fortifications shall be proceeded upon forthwith without delay; and that the said work and fortification shall be made and done at the sea-shore, where the bank or wall formerly was made, or thereabouts.”

It was further ordered by the Court, “That the sum of six hundred pounds should forthwith be raised, for a defence and fortification to be made against the sea-breach at Lowestoft.”

And whereas it appeared to the Court, “That the causeway at Mutford Bridge was decayed and broken down, in consequence of the sea-breach at Lowestoft, and made unpassable for foot-passengers, and very dangerous to others; it was therefore ordered, That the same should be repaired immediately out of the first money to be raised, but not to exceed the sum of ten pounds.” It was also ordered, “That Henry Bacon, Esquire, should treat with Sir Cornelius Vermewden, or any other engineer at London, to come down to Lowestoft, and view the work and fortification to be made there against the sea-breach, and to take his opinion concerning the same. That Gisleham Wollhouse, of Olton, gent., be treasurer, and Thomas Verdon, of the same place, gent., be surveyor.”

Warrants were also issued to the sheriffs of both counties, to warn a jury, to take a view of all such breaches and other decays, within the limits of the said commission, and to make presentiments of the same; and, accordingly, amongst many other matters, they presented the sea-breach near Lowestoft, and that it was necessary that a defence against the sea should be made there, otherwise it would be injurious to the owners of the lands betwixt the said sea-breach and Ditchingham Dam. Also, they found the grounds liable to be taxed to the sea-breach, as far as the former jurors found them, viz.: to Yarmouth on the Suffolk side, and to Braydon on the Norfolk side. They also found the grounds hereinafter mentioned, as liable to be taxed to the said sea-breach, although omitted in the former levy, viz.:

It was further ordered by the Court,

That against the next sessions of sewers, to be holden at the Swan Tavern, Lowestoft, the 21st June next, a levy be prepared, to be sent to the several towns chargeable to the sea-breach at Lowestoft, at double the proportion which was formerly charged, viz. from the said sea-breach to Beccles Bridge and Gillingham Dam, in the whole level, chargeable at two shillings in the pound; and from the said Bridge and Dam to Ditchingham Dam, sixteen pence in the pound; and those towns which were not charged upon the former levy, to be added to this.

Also, that the clerk of this commission do issue out warrants to the several petty constables within the towns charged towards the sea-breach at Lowestoft, to collect and pay their several sums to Mr. Gisleham Wollhouse, treasurer, at the White Lion, at Beccles, the 4th day of July next.

The proportion of the several towns charged to the sea-breach at Lowestoft, being the second levy at two shillings in the pound to Beccles Bridge, and sixteen pence in the pound from thence to Bungay Bridge and Ditchingham Dam. [16]

There were several other sessions of sewers held under this commission at Lowestoft, Beccles and Loddon, before the business was finally settled. (After the isthmus was formed, the breakwater became useless.)

But as all communications between the sea and the river has ceased for upwards of sixty years, consequently, the apprehensions which the adjoining country were exposed to, have long subsided. The last irruption of the sea which happened at this place was on the 14th December, 1717, occasioned by a violent storm of wind and high tide, when the sea forced its way over the beach, which separated it from the river, with such irresistible violence as to carry away Mutford Bridge, at a mile-and-a-half distance from the sea-shore; and all the fish which were in the eastern part of the river were destroyed by the salt water. [17a] Lothingland, most probably, ceased to be an island and became a peninsula about the year 1712; for at that time there was only a small communication with the sea at the part between Lowestoft and Kirkley, which now forms the isthmus. [17b] Soon after that period the sea entirely withdrew itself, and the eastern point of the river, through a deficiency of water, gradually receded to the west. The tract of land between the ocean and the river, which forms this isthmus, is about a quarter of a mile in breadth, and is able to resist the most sudden and violent attacks of the boisterous ocean.

I shall conclude these remarks on the island of Lothingland, with subjoining a few observations on the place of the greatest antiquity therein, viz. the ancient Garianonum of the Romans, now called Burgh Castle.

In the celebrated Notitia Imperii, [17c] or Survey of the Roman Empire, it appears that the troops who garrisoned this station, were a body of cavalry, called the Stablesian Horse. [17d] They were stationed at this place under the command of a prœpositus, who was particularly styled Gariennonensis, signifying the commander at the mouth of Garienis, or river now called the Yare. In ascertaining the number of troops which formed this garrison, we must have recourse to conjecture. A camp so considerable, Garianonum so strongly fortified, and of such great importance must necessarily require a large body of men to defend it. The Roman troops in Britain amounted to about fourteen thousand horse; and seventy-two thousand foot; and these being distributed into near one hundred and forty fortresses, the mean proportion of men to each, is about one hundred horse and four hundred and eighty or five hundred foot: but some stations could not accommodate so many, and others required more, and, also some consisted of horse only, and some wholly of infantry; consequently it is impossible to assert—positively the exact number of troops which composed this garrison.

Sir Henry Spelman, in his Iceni, and also Bishop Gibson, in his Camden, and from them, some writers of inferior note, have placed the Garianonum at Caistor; but Camden himself has fixed its situation at Burgh Castle; and Ives, in his account of this station, has confirmed the opinion of the latter with the greatest appearance of truth.

Upon a stream, whose largeness and rapidity must have rendered it formidable to passing armies; upon a shore, peculiarly exposed to the depredations of lawless pirates; and upon the boundary of a country possessed by a brave and hardy people, Garianonum must have been a station of the utmost importance to the Romans; it gave them weight and consequence in the eyes of the Britons, who were destitute of every idea respecting mural fortifications; it established their influence, extended their territories, and afforded them a secure retreat, and an impregnable defence against the warlike Iceni, who, animated with the spirit of our immortal Boadicea, frequently rose in arms against the invaders of their native soil. In each of these views did the politic Romans consider their new-erected camp; in every respect it answered their designs, and in every particular corresponded with their wishes. From hence they commanded the estuary of the Yare, the German Ocean, and the interior country; and from hence they derived a power and consequence sufficient to awe and intimidate the Britons, and to prevent their making any military attempt against them.

Being destitute of express records, and unable to penetrate the clouds which ignorance and inattention have fabled over our Anglo-Roman antiquities, it is from the tenor of general history alone that we are enabled to fix a time for the building of this fortress: without such a consultation our utmost researches would fail us, and we should have only the miserable alternative of either guessing at the period or passing it by unnoticed.

That portion of Anglo-Roman history which more immediately respects Garianonum is short and limited; it commences with the reign of Claudius, and it extends no further.

This emperor, who assumed the purple at fifty years old, had neither the spirit, courage, nor perseverance of his great predecessor; yet, ambitious of following the steps of Julius, he formed the design of completing what Cæsar had begun, and of reducing Britain to a Roman province. In pursuance of this plan, he arrived here about the year of Christ, 45, having previously sent Aulus Plautius with troops sufficient to effect his intention. After the emperor had continued here six months he returned to Rome, and triumphed for conquests never obtained and for victories never won. [18]

After the emperor’s departure, Plautius remained here near four years, and carried on the Britannic war with spirit and success.

Next in command was the proprætor, Publius Ostorius Scapula, an experienced officer, in whom conduct and courage were equally united. To him the Romans were indebted for the subjection of the Iceni, to him they were obliged for the retention of their conquests, and to him we owe the foundation of Garianonum.

No part of the policy of this General claims our attention so much as the erecting this fortress: it was the most effectual method of curbing the high spirit of liberty inherent in the native Britons, of dissolving their alliances, breaking their power, and dividing their resources; and without these mural encampments, neither conquest nor security could have attended the Roman banner in Britain. From this period, therefore, we date the rise of Garianonum, built by the command and by the soldiers of Ostorius, and garrisoned by a cohort of veteran troops lately returned victorious from a battle with the Iceni.

Round our now well-cultivated fields, then cold, bleak, and woody, the Romans diverted themselves with the pleasures of the chase; and cross our now green and fertile meadows, they navigated their vessels and caught their fish.

Upon a rising hill, near the confluence of the rivers Yare and Waveney, and overlooking a large extent of Marshes which once formed the estuary it commanded, stands Burgh Castle, the ancient Garianonum of the Romans. In the construction of this camp the Romans pursued their usual method of security in building, and practised their favourite military architecture. It formed an irregular parallelogram, the parallel sides of which were equally right lines, and equally long, but the corners were rounded. Those camps, which were one-third longer than they were broad, were esteemed the most beautiful, but here the proportion is as two to one.

The principal wall of this station, in which is placed the Porta Prætoria, is that to the east, 14 feet high, 214 yards long, and 9 feet broad; the north and southern walls are just the same height and breadth, and just half the length; the western side has no remains of any wall, nor can we determine, with certainty, whether it ever had any; the sea might possibly be considered as a sufficient barrier on that side, and the steepness of the hill, as a collateral security.

Four massive round towers defend the eastern wall; the northern has one; and another, now thrown down, stood opposite on the southern. These towers were added after building the walls, and served not only to ornament and strengthen them, but as turres exploratorii, each having on the top a round hole two feet deep, and as many in diameter, evidently designed both for the erection of standards and signals, and for the admission of light temporary watch-towers, under the care and for the use of the spectators. The south-west corner of the station forms the pretorium, raised by the earth taken out of a vallum which surrounds and secures it, and which is sunk eight feet lower than the common surface of the area.

Near this was placed the south tower, which, being undermined a few years since by the force of the water running down the vallum after some very heavy rains, is fallen on one side near its former situation, but remains perfectly entire. The north tower having met with a similar accident is reclined from the wall at the top about six feet, has drawn a part of it, and caused a breach near it. The whole area of the station contains four acres and two roods, and, including the walls, five acres, two roods and twenty perches.

The mortar made use of by the Romans in this work was composed of lime and sand, unrefined by the sieve, and incorporated with common gravel and small pebbles. It was used two different ways; one cold, in the common manner now in use; the other, rendered fluid by fire and applied boiling hot. From the artful mixture of both in the same building, and from the coarse materials of the composition, this cement is extremely hard and durable, very difficult to break, and for several days indissoluble in water. The Romans, raising the wall to a convenient height with the former sort, at the end of every day’s work poured the latter upon it, which immediately filled up the interstices, and when cold, proved a most powerful adhesive. The Roman bricks made use of at Burgh are of a fine red colour and very close texture; they are about one foot and a half long, one foot broad, and an inch and a half thick. It does not, however, appear that the Romans had any exact standard for the size of their bricks: in different stations their dimensions are considerably varied. We ought, however, to observe that either in the choice of their materials, or in their method of preparing them, they far excel those of later days, being much harder and less porous than ours, and for durableness more resembling stone, for which they were undoubtedly substituted.

In the area of this camp, and in many of the fields around it, vast numbers of Roman coins have been, and are still, found; but none of them rise higher than the reign of Domitian, [19] and the generality of them are much later. Few are found of any other metal than copper, and they are seldom curious, either for design or execution.

The fields adjoining to the eastern wall of Garianonum was the place allotted for depositing the ashes of the dead, and for the performance of the funeral rites. Here great numbers of Roman urns have been found, and innumerable pieces of them are everywhere spread over it: but neither the workmanship nor the materials of these urns have anything to recommend them: they are made of a coarse blue clay, brought from the neighbouring village of Bradwell, ill-formed, brittle, and porous. One of these urns, when the pieces were united, contained more than a peck and a half of corn, and had a large thick stone operculum on the top of it; within was a considerable number of bones and ashes, several fair pieces of Constantine and the head of a Roman spear. Here also was found a cockleare, or Roman spoon: it was of silver, and had a long handle very sharp at the point, that being used to pick fish out of the shell, as the bowl, or other end, served to take up liquids and small meat. Rings, keys, buckles, sibulæ, and various other reliquiæ of the Romans, are continually ploughed up in the fields adjoining to the station.

The intestine feuds of Italy called the Romans from their Britannic conquests between the years 418 and 427. They gathered all the treasures which could be found in Britain, some part of which they hid, perhaps in hopes of returning again in better days, and of recovering their effects from whence they had deposited them; or it might proceed from an ambitious design of informing posterity, that the Romans were once masters of this place. [20a] The Britons, forsaken by their Roman guards, and exposed to the ravages of their merciless northern neighbours, frequently hid their money when threatened with fresh invasions; and if death or exile was the fate of the owners the secret was lost, and the treasure remained till an accidental plough or pick-axe once more brought it to light. Thus both Romans and Britons may have contributed to the great number of ancient coins discovered in the eastern parts of this county.

A Roman spur, which belonged to the Stablesain Horse, was found some years ago, in the area of this station; and is now in the possession of Mr. John Jex, Lowestoft. [20b] Sigebert, one of the heptarchial kings, and fifth monarch of the East Angles, ascended the East Anglian throne in the year 636. The Christian faith had made some faint progress in his dominions during the reign of his father, Redwald. To reinstate some of his subjects in their belief, and to convert others, was the great object of Sigebert’s ambition: and to assist him in this design, he brought over from France a priest of Burgundy, named Felix, whom he procured to be consecrated bishop of the East Angles, and fixed the episcopal see at Dunwich. [20c]

Whilst Felix, under the patronage of the king, was spreading the gospel among the East Angles, Furseus, an Irish Monk, came over to his assistance; and collecting a company of religious persons, under the monastic rule, placed them at Burgh Castle, then called Cnobersburgh. [21a]

Sigebert may be considered as the founder of this early monastery; but being afterwards slain in a battle with Penda, king of Mercia, the walls of the Roman camp afforded to Furseus and his monks a comfortable asylum; and like the Roman soldiers, they lived in tents or huts within the area. At this early period, regular edifices for the service of religion were unknown: churches were erected with hurdles, and covered with straw; and such buildings were fully sufficient for the devotion of a people, who in compliment to their next prince, might return to Paganism. The death of Sigebert deprived Furseus of a great and zealous patron; and to avoid the troubles which succeeded it, he left his monastery at Burgh, and retired into France.

The monks, however, appeared to have been endued with more constancy and resolution; for by the favours granted to this religious society, by some of the latter kings of the East Angles, we find they remained there for several years: but how long they continued at Burgh, or when they left it, is uncertain.

It appears that in the reign of Edward I. the prior of Bromeholme held the manor of Burgh, of our lord the king, in capite; and the prior and monks of Bromeholme continued lords of this manor till the dissolution of their house, 26 Henry VIII.; when, with their revenues, it again reverted to the crown, who possessed it till Queen Mary sold it to William Roberts, town-clerk of Yarmouth.

Roger de Burgh gave the advowason of this church to the priory of St. Olave, at Herringfleet for perpetual alms; and King Henry III, confirmed the donation to them. The prior presented to the rectory, and had a reserved pension of four marks out of it, which is still paid to the owner of St. Olave’s. After the dissolution of the priory the patronage of the church came to the crown. [21b]

The church is a small building, consisting of a nave, chancel, and round tower, and is dedicated to St. Peter. It is a rectory, anciently valued at ten marks; in the king’s books at £6 13s. 4d.; and being of the sworn value of £44 6s. 1d., is discharged of first-fruits and tenths. The parsonage house adjoins to the north-west corner of the churchyard, and has thirty-nine acres of glebe belonging to it.

The present rector is the Rev. John Bellward, to whom the author here acknowledges himself much indebted for his kindness to him many years since.

SECTION II.
OF THE ORIGIN OF LOWESTOFT.

Lestoffe, Laystoft, Laistoe, or, as it was more anciently called Lothnwistoft, is supposed by some to have derived its name from Lothbroch, the noble Dane, on his arriving in this island about the year 864, and from wista, [23] a half-hide of land; but I apprehend, erroneously, as it is doubtful whether these several appellations be of any earlier date than the reign of Queen Elizabeth. In the charter granted by Edward III. for uniting Kirkley road to the haven of Yarmouth, we find it expressed Loystoft and Lowystofte; probably, therefore, the present mode of expression, Lowestoft, may be only the former ones modernized by subsequent writers. Perhaps, at this distant period, it may be difficult to ascertain with certainty, the true etymology of its name, though possibly it may be no improbable conjecture to suppose its being derived, in some measure, from the fairs and market being held formerly below the cliff, and from the town being situated upon the most eastern point of land in England.

In the preceding section an ample description is given of the numerous revolutions which the northern part of the island of Lothingland experienced from the various incursions of the sea, from the earliest period which history can furnish us with, down to the present time; and it is equally evident that the more southern part of it, particularly that whereon Lowestoft is situated, has been subject to as large a share of the same vicissitudes.

In those early ages, when the Romans were in possession of Britain, it is highly probable that the sea, by its frequent irruptions had not only approached, but actually formed those cliffs, upon whose summits the town of Lowestoft is situated.

During those early periods, when the rivers which form the northern and southern boundaries of the island discharged themselves into the ocean with an extensive and rapid current, it appears that the incursions of that boisterous element upon the extremities of the island had made its utmost progress; but with respect to the intermediate parts of it, the case was somewhat different; for it is evident from the ancient maps of the coast and from authentic records which we find interspersed in topographical history, that those intermediate parts of the island protruded themselves much farther towards the east than either the northern or southern boundaries of it did, or either as they do at this present time.

As a corroborating circumstance of what is here asserted, we shall observe that some centuries since there was situated on that part of the coast which lies between Yarmouth and Lowestoft, a village called Newton, which has long since been entirely swallowed up by the ocean without leaving any other vestiges of it remaining than a small piece of land called Newton Green. Since that period the sea on that part of the island appears to have receded again; as formerly we find there was sufficient space between the bottom of the cliffs and the sea for the neck of the Yare to extend itself south as far as Corton before it discharged itself into the sea; although at this present time the ocean on the same part of the island approaches very near the cliffs.

That the basis of the cliff on whose summit the town of Lowestoft is situated was washed by the German Ocean during that era when the Romans resided in Britain, will evidently appear from an attentive investigation of the coast contiguous to the town, where it is very conspicuous how the cliff inclines to the west as it advances towards the river which lies to the south of Lowestoft, occasioned, probably, by the violence of the current, which in those early ages united that river with the ocean; and also the gradual descent of the cliff from the northern part of Lowestoft to the river on the south part of it, where it becomes a perfect level with the adjacent country is still evident, and points out the ancient state of the river and the parts adjoining to the same. These circumstances, undoubtedly rendered this spot extremely convenient for fishermen resorting to the coast, and probably were those which gave birth to the origin of Lowestoft, as similar circumstances did afterwards to the origin of Yarmouth.

In succeeding ages, when the mouth of the Yare, from being obstructed by sand-banks, was reduced to the more contracted limits of a narrow channel; and when every communication between the ocean and the Waveney, had either totally ceased, or become an insignificant stream, it is evident, that the sea at that time receded from the extremities of the island, and made considerable encroachments on the intermediate parts of it. This is evident, not only from the above-mentioned circumstance respecting the village of Newton, but also from those which follow: for we find (Lowestoft town-book) that in the beginning of the reign of Henry VIII a block-house, which had been erected for the defence of the town, was then standing to the east of Lowestoft, about four furlongs distant from the present boundaries of the sea; so that the place where Lowestoft roads are now situated, was at that time firm land, interspersed with houses, and defended by a fortress; which continued until the 25th of Henry VIII when they were either taken down or destroyed by the encroachments of the sea. And it also appears, about the 30th of Queen Elizabeth, that the sea had made such great alterations in the roads, and in the sands and shores bordering upon Lowestoft, that the roads before the town, which, in the reign of Henry VIII were dry land, had not then less than three fathoms water at the lowest ebb. This was the state of the coast near Lowestoft in the reigns of Henry VIII and Queen Elizabeth, and since that time the sea has kept encroaching near the town; for about sixty or seventy years ago, upon every gale of wind at north-west, especially if it happened at a spring tide, the sea will oftentimes force its way over the beach with great violence, and with so large a body of water, as not only to overflow the Denes, the yards of the fish-houses, and approach even to the bottom of the gardens formed upon the declivity of the cliff, but would also endanger the foundations of the fish-houses themselves. We had a remarkable instance of these formidable irruptions of the sea, in the year 1712; when a fish-house, in the southern part of the town, was entirely washed away, and another fish-house and barn were so exceedingly damaged, as to make it necessary to have them taken down. And, again, in the year 1717, the sea, in one of those raging tides, forced its way over the isthmus which separates the peninsula from the adjacent country, with such irresistible fury, as to carry away Mutford Bridge, which cost the county £200 to repair the damages. But these irruptions have for some time ceased, and the apprehensions which they excited have, consequently, long since subsided: but so fluctuating in her operations is this inconstant element, that upon that part of the coast which lies opposite to Lowestoft, the sea has lately much receded, and is making proportionable encroachments on the parts which lie to the north of it. From all these circumstances we may form this general observation, that whenever the sea obtrudes upon the coast near Lowestoft, it retires from the intermediate parts or coast to the north of it; and when it recedes at Lowestoft, it gains upon the more northern part.

Being almost destitute of express records (the greater part of them being destroyed by fire in the year 1606) relative to the town of Lowestoft, it is chiefly from selecting circumstances which we find interspersed in history, that we are able to form any conjectures respecting its origin.

The principal evidence which now remains respecting the antiquity of Lowestoft, is that of “The Narrative of the Proceedings between Yarmouth and Lowestoft during the contest respecting the Herring Fishery”, [24] wherein it appears that Lowestoft is a more ancient town than Yarmouth. But notwithstanding the proof which arises from this evidence, it may be necessary for us to guard ourselves against an error which otherwise might mislead us, concerning the origin of Yarmouth; and, therefore, it may be proper to extend our enquiries to this circumstance, and to endeavour to place it in a true point of light. What endangers our mistake respecting Yarmouth, is as follows:—In the tables of records, hanging in the common hall of Yarmouth, it is expressed that in the days of Canutus there was a sand in the sea, which began to be dry land from Anno 1040 to 1090. And in a manuscript book, containing the originality or antiquity of Yarmouth, it is asserted, that in Edward the Confessor’s time, the same sand began to appear at low water; and that in the days of King Harold and William the Conqueror the same grew so dry, and not overflown, that they then began to build tents, and fishermen did then begin to repair thither, about killing of herrings. These records—for want of better, which have since been published—have embarrassed the world with difficulties, and involved them in error; and the more so, as these records have been regarded as authentic: but if we compare them with those which are known to be genuine, we may easily detect the imposition, and prove them to be erroneous. It plainly appears, from what has been already observed, that the sand on which Yarmouth was founded was dry in the year 495, when Cerdick the Saxon first landed there; and that shortly after, Yarmouth began to be erected by the Saxons, first on a sand a little to the west of that whereon it now stands, and then shortly after, the inhabitants removed to this latter or Cerdick Sand, upon account of the unhealthy situation of the former. And it is also further recorded that in the time of Edward the Confessor, Yarmouth was become so opulent, that there flourished in it seventy burgesses. From hence it is evident that the former account above mentioned, concerning Yarmouth being founded about the year 1040, is evidently an error; and, consequently, to date the origin of Lowestoft only prior to that year, would be making it, in fact, of less antiquity than Yarmouth.

About the year 420, when the Romans had left Britain, the river Yare, at that time very capacious, was found so extremely commodious for the reception of a fleet of armed vessels meditating a descent on this coast, that the Saxons made choice of this place for that purpose, and soon after landed here; and about the beginning of the sixth century began to lay the foundation of Yarmouth, which proved afterwards the most formidable fortress on this part of the coast; and became a place of such perfect security for the foreign invaders, as to resemble, in some measure, the famous Gariononum of the ancient Romans. Prior to this time the ground whereon Yarmouth was afterwards built was only a barren sand, just emerging from its watery element; and if we extend our investigation but a little farther back we shall be unable to distinguish it above the surface of the pathless ocean; and, when it did appear, and also for some time after—previous to the building of Yarmouth—the principal use that was made of it was to serve the temporary conveniences of fishermen resorting to the coast, and the other purposes of a maritime life.

But with respect to Lowestoft the case is quite otherwise. The cliffs, indeed, whereon it is situated, might be formed during that period when the Romans resided in Britain; but the ground itself is of the same origin with the other parts of the island. How long the town had begun to be erected before the sea approached so far as to form these cliffs is now uncertain; we, therefore, can only say that as its situation was found to be extremely convenient for every purpose respecting the herring-fishery, that probably it was the general rendezvous of the fishermen resorting to this coast; and, consequently, not only gave birth to the town, but also to the establishing of a fishery, which has been its chief support from time immemorial, and has continued to be so till this present time. From hence we may conclude that prior to the founding of Yarmouth, Lowestoft was the principal place of resort for all the fishermen employed in the herring fishery on this coast; and furnished with provisions and other necessaries, not only such vessels as were fitted out from our own part of the coast, but, those also which resorted hither from the northern and western parts of England; and, therefore, we may reasonably conclude that Lowestoft is a more ancient town than Yarmouth, as we are able to trace its origin previous to the fourth century, and, consequently, before the ground was formed whereon Yarmouth was afterwards erected.

Lowestoft, as we observed before, is situated upon the most eastern point of land in England; it stands upon a lofty eminence, and commands an extensive prospect of the German Ocean, and when beheld from the sea has the noblest and most beautiful appearance of any town upon the coast between Newcastle and London; it chiefly consists of an extensive arrangement of houses, whose line of direction is nearly north and south, and, consequently, faces the sea; it stands upon a dry soil, upon the summit of a cliff, and enjoys a most salubrious air, keen but bracing; and not being exposed to any of those unwholesome damps and vapours which generally arise from low grounds and marshes, it is rendered not only a very pleasant, but a very healthy situation.

The declivity of this cliff, which formerly was one continued slope of barren sand, is now converted by modern improvements into very beautiful hanging gardens, descending from the dwelling-houses above, to the fish houses at the bottom of the hill; and being interspersed with alcoves and summer houses, are not only extremely pleasant and convenient to the inhabitants, but exhibit a very pleasing appearance when beheld from the sea.

At the bottom of these gardens is a long arrangement of fish houses which extend the whole length of the town, and are so numerous, that had they been placed in a more compact form, would have been sufficient of themselves to have formed a considerable town.

Lowestoft derives many conveniences from the fish houses being detached from the other buildings of the town, and placed at the bottom of the hill; such as the easy conveyance of herrings from the boats; also the avoiding those very offensive smells arising from the smoke and drainage of the fish, which otherwise it would be subject to, if the houses wherein the herring are cured had been intermixed with the dwelling-houses; and, consequently, the town is thereby exempted from those disagreeable nuisances, so much and so justly complained of in other places. Between the fish houses and the top of the beach stand the boats employed in the herring fishery, which are arranged before the town to a considerable length; also the lower light-house, conveniences for boat building and the bathing machines. [26]

The shore opposite Lowestoft is bold and steep consisting of a hard sand intermixed with shingle and perfectly free from ouze and those beds of mud too frequently met with on other shores.

Lowestoft is about a mile in length; and consists chiefly of one principal street, running in a gradual descent from north to south, which is intersected by several smaller streets or lanes from the west; it is well paved, particularly High Street, and consists of about 445 houses—exclusive of the fish houses—which are chiefly built with brick; several of the houses have been lately re-built in the modern style, and make a handsome appearance. [27a] Lowestoft contains about 2231 inhabitants. An extract from the parish register of Lowestoft shews the number of marriages, christenings, and burials from the year 1561 to 1713, marriages 2539, christenings 10,548, burials 10,056.

During the civil war and to the restoration of Charles II., no entries were made in the parish register. The Rev. Jacob Rous, then vicar, says, that on the 14th March, 1643, himself with many others were carried away prisoners, by Colonel Cromwell, to Cambridge; so that for some time following there was neither minister or clerk in this town; but the inhabitants were obliged to procure one another to baptize their children, by which means there was no register kept; only a few were by myself baptised in those intervals when I enjoyed my freedom. Parish register, 7th June 1646, Jacob Rous. There are many entries in this register of people being married by a justice of the peace, as was usual at this time. Thomas Pacy, widower, and Mary Arnold, widow were married first by a justice and then by a minister, 20th August, 1655. By an Act passed in 1653, those who were in the commission of the peace were empowered to perform the office of matrimony; previous to the marriage of the parties, the bands were to be published three times, either in the church or chapel, on Sundays after morning exercise, or on the market days in some neighbouring town.

Lowestoft is bounded on the north by Gunton, on the east, by the German Ocean, on the south by Kirkley, and on the west by Oulton. The soil next the east is light and sandy, but in the adjacent fields it is considerably heavier, being in many places intermixed with clay. There is a market here on Wednesdays, and also two fairs are held in this town, one on the twelfth of May, the other on the tenth of October. [27b]

In 1735 the number of inhabitants in this town were computed to be 2,200: but by an acutal survey, taken by the minister and churchwardens on the 7th and 8th of August, 1775, the number of inhabitants in Lowestoft was found to be 2231, including lodgers; the number of dwelling-houses 445, of which 438 were occupied; and the number of public-houses, 24; the principal of which is the Crown, kept by Mr. Capon, and is a very good inn. It appears from an actual survey of the houses and lands in this parish, as taken in 1642, that the yearly value of the former was £412 6s. 8d.; and of the latter, £447 11s. 8d.: total value, £859 18s. 4d. But in the year 1649 they appear to have decreased in value considerably, as is evident from the following return of their value, taken that year, in consequence of an order of Parliament.

Lowestoft, in Suffolk, within the half hundred of Lothingland, the 16th of June, 1649.

We whose names are hereunto subscribed, inhabitants there, being appointed Surveyors by virtue of a warrant from the commissioners, authorised by an Act of the present Parliament, to return the true value of all the lands and tenements within the said town; have, in obedience thereunto, considered thereof; and in our judgment we do return the yearly value to be about £655 per annum.

(Signed),

Robert Allin, Henry Ward, Francis Kingsley,
James Wilde, Edward Browne.

(The decrease was occasioned, probably, by the civil war).

After you have ascended Rant’s score, and crossed High street, the first turn out of the Blue Anchor Lane to the left will bring you into a large area, where was formerly kept the market, and is now called the Old Market.

In the year 1698, the Corn Cross, the Town chamber that is over it, and the adjoining chapel were built by subscription. They are situated about the middle of the town, on the west side of the High street, and formed originally a handsome building. This structure is entered by three large folding palisade doors or gates. In the upper part of it is a clock, and on the top of it a cupola, in which is a bell to summon the inhabitants to attend divine service at the chapel, and for other necessary purposes of the parish. [28] The chamber over the Cross is the place where the parish usually assemble to consult about town business; it is also fitted up as a schoolroom, and has been used for that purpose ever since the building was first erected, till within a few years past. In the year 1768 the north door of the Cross was closed up, and that part of the Cross was converted into a vestry for the chapel. In the year 1698, when this building was first erected, and the front part of it reserved for the purposes of a Market Cross, the market was removed from the place now called the Old Market, to that part of the High street contiguous to the building; but the spot being afterwards found an inconvenient situation for the market to be held in, it was resolved by the parish, in 1703, to take down an inn—called the White Horse—which stood on the ground where the market is now kept—the whole front was parallel with that of the adjoining houses—and re-build it, further backwards; which resolution being carried into execution, the market was removed from the Cross to the spot of ground where that inn formerly stood, and has continued there ever since. It is now the sign of the Queen’s Head, from Queen Anne, in whose reign it was re-built.

How long the market and fairs have been held at Lowestoft will appear from the following account of the grant, taken from Bishop Tanner’s Collections, in the registry at Norwich, wherein it is said, that in the reign of King Henry IV. the king granted to William de la Pole, marquis and earl of Suffolk, one market and two fairs, below the village of Lowestoft—in the reign of Henry IV. the fairs and markets were held below the cliff—which is in the ancient demesne of the Crown of England; and also appoints him his steward, to hold his courts of market and fair; and ordains that no justice, viscount, escheator, inquisitor, bailiff, steward of hospital, or clerk of market, tax the said village in any manner. And that all people holding of, and residing in the said village, be free from all custom and toll of their goods and vendable wares throughout the whole kingdom. This last-mentioned privilege, how trifling soever it may appear now was deemed an important one at the time it was granted; and was so far accounted valuable in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, as to be renewed in the writ of exemption granted to the town by that princess.

The original design of the Cross of Lowestoft was the providing a convenient shelter for the farmers to stand in when they brought their corn to market; and was always used for that purpose till the year 1768, when part of it was inclosed for a vestry to the chapel, and the remaining part is now made use of merely as a passage to that place of worship.

I should now proceed to give an account of the several benefactions which have been given to this parish by charitable and well-disposed persons, such as a large donation in land, for repairing and ornamenting the church and assisting the poor; an alms house for the residence of four poor people; and also the very liberal donations for instituting two grammar schools in this town, exclusive of several other benefactions of lesser importance, which I shall pass over in this place, referring the reader to Section V., where they are more particularly enumerated and described.

Lowestoft being part of the ancient demesne of the Crown, has, in consequence thereof, been entitled to many privileges; though many of them, through the various vicissitudes which all human affairs are subject to, are now become useless, and almost forgotten; such as paying toll, stallage, frontage, etc., and an exemption from contributing to the charges of the knights of the shire during their attendance in Parliament; which privileges, with several others which are particularly mentioned in the following writ of exemption, were, some centuries since, esteemed as valuable ones, however they may be regarded now. But there is one privilege which the town is entitled to by virtue of this writ, which is of too advantageous a nature to be passed over unnoticed, namely, that of being exempted from serving on juries, either at the assizes or quarter sessions, being subject to those juries only as are empanelled by the lord of the manor, coroner, etc. This privilege the town enjoys to this day, and is the only one out of the many specified in the writ, from which the town at this present time receives any real benefit; though, possibly, were they duly attended to, they might not at this distant period be found altogether unprofitable.

The above-mentioned privileges, which were granted to the town of Lowestoft, as part of the Crown, appear, by the said writ, to have been confirmed in the fifteenth year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth; and were again renewed in the fourth year of Charles I.—and is now allowed by the sheriff of this county—as is evident from the writ itself.

A writ of exemption granted to the town of Lowestoft, the 15th of Queen Elizabeth, 1573, and renewed the 4th Charles I., 1604:

Charles, by the grace of God, of England Scotland, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting.—We have seen the enrollments of certain letters executory, bearing date the twenty-seventh day of May, in the fifteenth year of the reign of our dearly beloved sister, the lady Elizabeth, late Queen of England, made and granted to the men and tenants of the town of Lothnwistoft, in the half-hundred of Ludingland, in the county of Suffolk, enrolled in the rolls of chancery, and remaining there on record, in these words: ‘The Queen, to all sheriffs, mayors, bailiffs, constables, officers, and others, her liege people, as well within liberties as without, to whom these presents shall come, greeting.—Whereas, according to the custom in our kingdom of England, hitherto obtained and approved, the men and tenants in ancient demesne of the crown of England, should and ought to be free from toll, stollage, chiminage, pontage, pannage piccage, murrage, lastage, and passage, throughout the whole kingdom aforesaid, according to the custom aforesaid, concerning men and tenants in ancient demense of the crown of England, who always hitherto, time out of mind, have been wont to be free from contributing towards the expenses of the knights coming to the Parliament of our ancestors, formerly kings of England, for the community of the county; also, according to the same custom, the men and tenants of the manors which are in ancient demesne of the Crown aforesaid, upon account of the lands and tenements which they hold in the same demesne, ought not to be returned to the assizes upon juries or any recognizances, except only in such cases as are to be transacted in the courts of such manors: [29] and forasmuch as the town of Lothnwistoft, in the half-hundred of Ludingland, is in ancient demesne of the Crown, as it appears by a certificate sent to us by the treasurer, chancellor of our exchequer, from thence into our court of chancery aforesaid. We enjoin and command you, and everyone of you, to permit all the men and tenants in the town aforesaid, to be free from toll, and the rest of the premises, and every one of them, throughout our whole kingdom aforesaid, from the expense of the knights of the shire aforesaid; and, also, not to return the men and tenants of the said town to the assizes, upon juries or any recognizances, except only in such cases as are to be transacted in the courts of such towns. In testimony whereof, etc., witness the Queen, at Westminster, the twenty-seventh day of May, in the fifteenth year of her reign.’ And we thought fit, by these presents, to exemplify the tenor of the enrollments of the premises aforesaid, at the request of Robert Mellinge, Esq., in witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Witness Ourself, at Westminster, the twenty-sixth day of February, in the fourth year of our reign.

The town of Lowestoft appears to have experienced, at different times, a large proportion of the many miseries and distresses arising from those dreadful calamities, pestilence, fire, war, storms, and tempests, which mankind are frequently exposed to.

The great plague which made such dreadful ravages in Europe in 1346, was brought into England in 1348. In the following year it raged with great fury at Yarmouth, where there died in one year 7000 persons; and, most probably, Lowestoft had its share of the calamity, as it was so general, that not above the tenth part of the inhabitants escaped.

In 1547 the plague raged with such violence in this town, that it cost in some weeks, for distressed people, three pounds per week, exclusive of the weekly collections, amounting in the whole to fifty pounds at the least. This weekly collection was a voluntary contribution of the humane and charitable; for the poor were not provided for by Act of Parliament till the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The town did not receive, on this occasion, any assistance of consequence, either from the country, or from the town lands. It was customary in these times, when there was no poors’ rates, and a town was distressed with any grievous calamity, for the neighbouring towns to give their assistance.

In 1579, the plague raged so violently in this part of England, that at Yarmouth there died, between the month of May and the Michaelmas following, above 2,000 persons. In consequence whereof, the Mayor of Newcastle, on the 22nd September, in that year, sent a letter to the bailiffs of Yarmouth, forbidding their going to that place for coals; and, probably, the plague at this time was at Lowestoft. In 1579 twice the number of people died in Lowestoft, than in 1578. In 1585 there was a great sickness in this town; for it appears by the register, that in the month of August only, in that year, there were buried 36 persons; and in the whole year, the number amounted to 134. The burials, on an average, for the preceding seven years, were annually about 44.

But the greatest sickness which the town ever experienced, was that in the year 1603; in which year 280 persons were buried in this parish during only the space of five months; and in the whole year, 316.

There died in May, 21; in June, 79; in July, 100; in August, 55; in September 25; Total 280.

In the year 1635 there was another great sickness in this town; in which year, 46 persons were buried in August only; and the number of burials in the whole year, amounted to 170. Probably it was the plague.

Another calamity, by which this town has greatly suffered, is war. If we recollect the many injuries it sustained in Kett’s rebellion; the money it was obliged to raise, when threatened with an invasion from the Spanish Armada; the frequent plunderings and other depredations it was exposed to, from its attachment to the cause, during the usurpation of Oliver Cromwell; the distress which it laboured under, when deprived of its principal inhabitants and the greater part of its most useful sailors, to serve in the navy, during our wars with the Dutch; and the heavy expenses it has been subjected to in succeeding wars with the French, in erecting fortresses for the defence of the town. During our wars with the Dutch, the British navy was furnished by the town of Lowestoft with three admirals, viz., Sir John Ashby, Sir Thomas Allen, and Richard Utber, Esq.; also with four captains, viz., Robert and John Utber, sons of the admiral; Captain Canham, and Captain Whiting; exclusive of a great, number of excellent seamen. All these circumstances being duly attended to, we shall find too much reason for including this calamity, not only among the many, but even among the greatest misfortunes which the town ever laboured under.

To the above calamities of pestilence and war, many be added that of fire. In the year 1606 the Vicarage-house belonging to this town was burnt down, and never re-built; so that there has not been any Vicarage-house belonging to the parish ever since. This house was situated upon a small piece of glebe land near the Church, which, a few years ago, was taken into the church-yard, and lies at the north-west corner. The Vicarage, when burnt, was occupied by John Glesson, vicar; at which time the old parish register and many of the ancient records belonging to the town, in his possession, were destroyed.

On the 10th March, 1644–5, there happened in this town a great and terrible fire, which consumed dwelling-houses, fish-houses, and goods, as much property as was estimated at £10,297 2s. 4d.

The General Account of each man’s particular loss, in dwelling-houses, fish-houses, goods, wares, etc., which happened the 10th day of March, 1644–5, by a lamentable fire at Lowestoft, in the county of Suffolk, as it was surveyed, and viewed, and given into the committee appointed for the same, at Lowestoft, the 25th day of April, 1645; namely:—

John Arnold, dwelling house £143, goods £40—total £183. Thomas Smiter dwelling-houses, £43 10s.; goods £15 8s. 4d.—total £58 18s. 4d. William Greenwood, dwelling-house £590. Thomas Webb, dwelling-house £544; fish-houses £450; goods £77 3s.—£1071 3s. Thomas Arnold, dwelling-house £167 10s.; fish-house, £81; goods £127 3s.—total £375 13s. Thomas Mighells, dwelling-house £353; fish-office £21—total £374. Mr. Rivit, dwelling-house, £269; fish-houses £195; goods £240—total £704. Robert Ashby, dwelling house £303 10s.; goods £250—total £558 10s. James Smiter, dwelling house £102. Nicholas Pattin, dwelling-house £34 10s.; goods £23—total £57 10s. Mr. Simonds, dwelling-house £435. Thomas Barrett, dwelling-house £5. Oliver Ashby, dwelling-house £27 10s.; goods £6—total £33 10s. Samuel Fisher, dwelling-house £71 10s.; goods £30—total £101 10s. John Fisher, dwelling-house £215. Robert Ferney, dwelling-house £91 10s.; goods £14—£150 10. Richard Rooke, goods £6. Robert Bits, dwelling-house £162; goods £370—total £532. Mr. Abertson, dwelling-house £200; fish-house £163—total £363. Thomas Harvey, dwelling-house £383; fish-house £108; goods £40—total £531. Mr. Smith, fish-house £230; goods £100—total £330. James Munds, fish-house £145; goods £113 10s.—total £258 10s. Josiah Wilde, fish-house £400; goods £280—total £680. John Barker, fish-house £25; goods £85—total £110. James Wilde, fish-house, £120; goods, £40—total £160. Robert Brissingham, fish-house £94. John Brissingham, fish-house £10. Mr. Allen, fish-house £140; goods £40—total £180. Thomas Guler, fish-house £5. Robert Tooley, fish-house £146; goods £8 8s.—total £154 8s. Mr. Reeve, fish house £102. Thomas Fulwood, fish house £240; goods £32—total £272. Robert Coe, fish-house £156; goods £49—total £205. John Page, fish-house £54; goods £12—total £66. William Cauliam, fish-house £210; goods £15—total £225. John Muese, sen., goods £100. John Meuse, jun., goods £50. William Muese, goods £150. Thomas Muese, goods £20. Henry Geury, goods £35. Henry Ward, jun., goods £97. William Underwood, goods £80. John Dennis, goods £55. James Mendham, goods £2. Richard Mighells, goods, £190. Michael Bently, goods £112. George Woodgate, goods £200. Daniel Sterry, goods £2. Stephen Trip, goods £5. John Jerhenson, goods £7.—The totals are—dwelling-houses, £4145 10s.; fish-houses, £3085; goods £3066 12s. 4d.—grand total, £10,297 2s. 4d.

On Sunday the 14th August, 1670, there happened another terrible fire in this town, which consumed six dwelling-houses and two barns filled with corn; which loss amounted to three hundred and fifty pounds. [31]

lowestoft in suffolk.

Whereas, upon the 14th of August, 1670, being the Lord’s day, about twelve o’clock at night, the wind being very high, there happened a sudden, dreadful and lamentable fire in this town, which consumed six dwelling houses with their goods, and two barns with corn, which loss, upon examination, and in the judgment of workmen, amounted at least, to three hundred and fifty pounds; to the utter ruin of six poor families, whose wives and children are left in great distress: in testimony of the truth thereof, we, the ministers, his Majesty’s justices of peace, and principal parishioners of Lowestoft, have hereunto subscribed our names; and do humbly recommend their condition to the christian charity of your town, and beg the favour that you would promote it by such way and means as in your wisdom shall be thought well, either by recommending it to your minister or otherways; so that a speedy collection may be made answerable to their present distress. That they beholding God’s goodness handed to them by you, may bless and praise his holy name for the same. And what monies shall be collected and conveyed to our hands, we shall distribute it to those who are truly the objects of charity; and thankfully remain, etc.,

Sir John Rous, John Youell, vicar; Sir John Pettus,
Sir Robert Kempe, John Beddingfield, Esq., Edward
North, Esq., and several inhabitants.

There was collected on this occasion, in Lowestoft, £18 11s. 3d.; at Beccles, £6 1s. 6d.; at Pakefield and Kirkley, £4 1s. 7d.; by Sir John Pettust at different towns, £7 16s. 3d.—total £36 10s. 7d.

And on the 12th of November, 1717, about four in the morning, another sudden and terrible fire broke out in this town, in the fish houses belonging to the co-heirs of Captain Josiah Mighels, then in the occupation of Joseph Smithson, which in a short space of time, entirely consumed the said houses; together with part of those houses belonging to William Mewse, which laid to the south, and part of those belonging to Mr. John Barker and Mr. Thomas Mighels, on the north. The wind blew pretty fresh at south east, so that the sparks flew over the town, and once actually fired the thatch of a house in the Swan Lane: but men and water being ready for that purpose, it was immediately stopped; and it pleasing God of his mercy both to damp the wind and to bring it more to the southward, the town escaped as a brand plucked out of the fire. The damage sustained by the fish houses was estimated at £1000.

And also on Sunday, July 30th, 1780, at one o’clock in the morning, the east Mill, at the north end of the town, by some cause unknown, took fire; which fire being communicated by a strong wind to another wind mill, situate about forty roods distance to the westward, they were both totally consumed.

The other misfortune to which the town of Lowestoft is peculiarly liable, and from which it has greatly suffered, is that of a dangerous coast, when exposed to violent storms. This is, in a great measure, owing to the singular nature of this coast, arising from its numerous sands and shoals, and not having any harbour, or other place of security, to protect the shipping from the violence of a storm; consequently they have been too often sacrificed to the fury of the relentless ocean.

It is impossible to describe every dreadful shipwreck and melancholy scene of distress which have happened on this dangerous coast, they being too numerous to be recounted, as well as painful to be related; it shall suffice, therefore, only to mention a few of the most remarkable ones, such as were attended with the most distressing circumstances, and exposed the unhappy seamen to the most alarming situations.

At the end of the annals of Norwich, a manuscript in the chapter archives, an account is given, that in the year of Christ 1530, in the night immediately following the 4th of November, a violent storm, as it were, all over England, happened; and the next day following, namely, the 5th day of the said month, about one in the afternoon, the lord cardinal Thomas Wolsey was seized in his own house, at Cahowe, within his diocese of York; and afterwards, in his journey towards London, in the vigil St. Andrew next following he died at Leicester, upon which day a storm, as if from Hell—(a remarkable instance of the prejudice of the times; and shews how much better Christianity is understood in this more liberal and enlightened age)—again happened almost all over England, by the fury of which at Lowestoft, within the diocese of Norwich, and elsewhere in divers places within the realm of England, many ships were lost.

On the 30th July, 1730, happened in this town and neighbourhood, a most remarkable storm, accompanied with a dreadful tempest of thunder, lightning, and hail; the hailstones were of such prodigious magnitude as to measure from six to nine inches in circumference, and descended with such violence, as to break all the glass windows on the west side of the town, which cost the inhabitants £300 to repair the damage. All the corn was beat down and spoiled, for about a mile in breadth and three in length.

On December 24th, 1739, that severe frost called the hard winter, commenced with a violent gale of wind; when sixteen sail of ships were driven ashore on the coast between Yarmouth and Lowestoft, and were all totally lost, after their respective crews had undergone the severest hardships from the inclemency of the weather.

And in another storm, which happened on the 15th of December, 1757, twenty two sail of ships were driven ashore on the coast between Yarmouth and Kessingland, the greater part of which were lost. A particular account of the damage each ship sustained was soon after published in the London Gazette.

But the most dreadful storm that ever happened on this coast in the memory of man, was that of the 18th of December, 1770. The following account of which was written by Mr. Robert Reeve, attorney-at-law, and merchant at Lowestoft, who was a spectator of this dreadful scene, and was published in the Ipswich Journal of the 29th December, as follows:

The dreadful storm on Wednesday the 19th instant, began about one o’clock in the morning, and continued with increasing violence till five; when the wind suddenly changed from south-west to the north-west, and for two hours raged with fury that was hardly ever equalled. Anchors and cables proved too feeble a security for the ships, which instantly parting from them, and running on board each other, produced a confusion neither to be described nor conceived; not a few immediately founded, others were dismasted, and none escaped unhurt. At day-light a scene of the most tragic distress wag exhibited; those who first beheld it assert, no less than eighteen ships were upon the sand before this place at one and the same time, and many others were seen to sink; of those upon the sand, one half were entirely demolished, with their crews, before nine o’clock; the rest were preserved a few hours longer: but this dreadful pause served only to aggravate the destruction of the unhappy men who belonged to them, who betook themselves to the masts and rigging; these continually breaking, eight or ten were not unfrequently seen to perish at a time, without the possibility of being assisted. Fifteen only, about two in the afternoon, were taken off one of the wrecks, and about as many more were saved by taking to their boats, or getting on board other ships when they boarded each other. It is impossible to collect with certainty how many lives, or how many ships were lost in this terrible hurricane. Twenty-five at least, perhaps thirty ships, and two hundred men, do not seem to be an exaggerated account. This, indeed, is too small a calculation, if credit is to be given to one of the seamen, who declares he saw six vessels sink not far without the Stanford, among which was a large ship bound for Lisbon, with sixty or seventy passengers on board. One or two of the ships which were lost belong to Yarmouth, and one to Plymouth, but the generality are colliers and belong to Sunderland, Shields and other places in the north. The concern this destructive scene occasioned to the spectators of it was increased by the following circumstance: when the masts of one of the ships, on which were eight or nine men, fell, two of them were some time afterwards seen struggling among the wreck, and at length, after unremmitted efforts, got upon the hull. In the afternoon, the pilot boat ventured from the shore, but it was found impracticable to administer any relief to the unfortunate sufferers, whom they were compelled to leave in their forlorn state; an approaching dark, cold, stormy night, heightening the horrors of their situation. The next day to the astonishment of everybody, one of the men was observed to be alive, and about noon the boat again attempted to save him, and approached so near as to ask the poor fellow several questions; but the hull, on which he was, being surrounded with wreck, and the sea running high, it was impossible to rescue from the impending danger. He was at the stern of the ship; towards her head the sailors conceived it barely possible to board her with safety: this they told the unhappy man and bid him walk to the place, but replying he was too weak to change his situation, they were again obliged to leave him, making signs of his inconceivable distress. The ensuing night put an end to his misfortunes and life. [34] If such calamities as these, which are the dispensations of Providence, occasion any painful reflections, how great must our emotions be to consider the thousands of lives wantonly butchered in wars, killed merely to gratify the whim of princes, to feed the ambition of aspiring men, or to furnish men of dissipation with the means of indulging their excesses? To a dispassionate mind it seems equally wicked and absurd, that great civilized nations should sacrifice the property, the repose and the lives of their subjects to determine which of them has the best right to a desert, as truly worthless to them as if it was placed in the satellites of Jupiter.

I cannot conclude this section without recommending to the consideration of the inhabitants of Lowestoft, and all other sea-port towns, the possibility of constructing a vessel, or some other machine, on such principles as should not be liable to overset, but should be capable of approaching any vessel in distress, during the most violent storms, and when surrounded with the most tumultuous waves. The wretched situation of so many distressed mariners as are wrecked on this coast, must be a sufficient excitement to the undertaking; and the pleasure of saving so many valuable lives, will be an ample recompense for any expense or trouble that may attend its execution.

That a scheme of this nature is not totally impracticable will be evident from the following description of a new-invented vessel in France, something similar to that recommended above; and of an experiment that was lately made at Paris to discover its utility:

Monsieur Bernieres, director of the bridges and causeways in France, has contrived and constructed a boat, or sloop, fit for inland navigation, coasting voyages, and short passages by sea, which is not like ordinary vessels, liable to be overset or sunk by winds, waves, waterspouts, or too heavy a load.

Some trials were made on one of these vessels on the first of August, 1776, at the gate of the invalids, in Paris, in the presence of a numerous concourse of spectators of all conditions.

A boat of the same sort had been tried, October 11th, 1771, at Choisy, before Louis XV., and his present majesty, then dauphin. During the experiments it was shewn, though eight men were in one of these boats, and the boat filled brim full with water, yet, instead of sinking, it bore being rowed about the river without any danger to the people in it.

M. Bernieres carried his trial still farther. He ordered a mast to be erected in the same boat, when filled with water, and to the top of the mast had a rope fastened, and drawn till the end of the mast touched the surface of the water; yet, as soon as the men who had hauled her into this situation let go the rope, the boat and mast recovered themselves perfectly, in less than a quarter of a second; a convincing proof that the boat could neither be sunk nor overset, and that it afforded the greatest possible security in every way.

In consequence of the above trials, the provost of the merchants and the corporation of Paris gave the sieur Bernieres permission to establish his boats on the river Seine, at the port near Pont Royal; and, moreover, promised him all the protection and encouragement in their power: and the sieur Bernieres, on his side proposed to supply the public with a certain number of these boats before the end of the next year; but whether he fulfilled his engagement, or whether he has been as successful in the subsequent trials of this useful invention as he was in the former, I have not been able to learn.

It is much to be lamented that the general principles on which this ingenious mechanic constructed his vessel, were not communicated to the public. However, it is some satisfaction to know that such an invention has been discovered, and where the author of it resides. And it is hoped that the known humanity which the sieur Bernieres possesses will surmount every illiberal restriction, and that he will generously impart to the public the principles of an invention that may be of such universal utility, and the means of rescuing many valuable members of society from those distressful situations which they are so very often exposed to whenever they frequent this very difficult and dangerous coast. [35a]

Thus, it too plainly appears, that from the many grievous calamities abovementioned, such as the plague and other sicknesses; the civil war in the reign of Charles I.; the great fire in 1644; the Dutch war in the reign of Charles II.; the many losses from storms and tempests; to which may be added the great law-suit with Yarmouth, which continued from 1659 to 1664; the town of Lowestoft must have been reduced many times to the greatest distress; and it evidently appears that it really was so from the many petitions presented to Government during the above suit with Yarmouth, wherein these misfortunes are frequently alluded to.

On an elevated point of land near the edge of the cliff on which Lowestoft is situated, and a little to the north of the town, stands the upper light-house. [35b]

When the high light-house is in the same direction with the light-house which stands below the cliff, it directs the vessels which are either coming in or going out of Lowestoft roads, to the Stanford channel, which lies between the Holme and Barnard sands. This channel is about a quarter of a mile broad, and three quarters of a mile distant from that part of the shore that is opposite to it; and though it has existed from time immemorial to parts contiguous to its present situation, yet, from the effects of storms and currents, and other causes, beyond perhaps, the reach of human investigation, it is of such a fluctuating nature, that it never continues long in the same situation. Of late years its motion has been northerly, as is evident from the several changes which have been made in the situation of the lower lighthouse—which is a movable one—to bring it in a line with the upper light-house and the channel; which removals have always been towards the north. About a century ago this channel was situated more distant to the south-west from where it is at present: for on the spot of ground whereon the upper light-house stands, there stood, about a hundred years ago, a beacon; and there was also at the same time, another beacon standing on the north side of the passage going down the Swan score, as guides to the Stanford; and therefore to bring these two beacons on a line with the Stanford channel, that channel must necessarily, at that time, lie more to the south-west than where it does now.

In the year 1676 the beacon at the north end of the town was taken down, and on the place where it stood was erected, the upper light-house. This building is a round-built tower, consisting of brick and stone materials, is about 40 feet in height, and twenty in diameter. About two-thirds of the upper part of it next the sea—and about thirty feet from the ground—was originally sashed, that the fire might be visible to the spectators on the sea. In this part was placed a hearth, whereon a coal fire was continually kept burning every night; and was always conducted in this manner until the alteration in this light-house, in the year 1778, was made.

In the year 1735, when the Stanford channel had proceeded so far to the north that the beacon near the Swan score became useless, from its being brought on a line with the upper light-house, [36a]—a moveable light-house, framed of timber, was erected on the beach below the cliff, whose construction was such as to admit of its being removed according as the channel should happen to change its situation. [36b]

On the western side of the upper lighthouse, underneath the arms of Trinity House are the arms of Samuel Pepys, Esq., beneath which is this inscription.—

Erected by the Brotherhood of the
Trinity House of Deptford Strond, in
The Mastership of Samuel Pepys, Esq.,
Secretary to the Admiralty of England,
Anno Dom. 1676.

In the year 1777, when the upper part of this lighthouse became so much decayed that it was necessary to have it repaired in a short time, it was resolved by the brethren of the Trinity House, to take the top wholly off, and to erect in its place one of the new-invented reflecting cylinders. Accordingly in the month of June, 1778, the Trinity yacht, with several of the elder brethren, arrived at Lowestoft, and brought one of these curious inventions with them, in order to observe what effect it would produce. In consequence of this design, a temporary scaffold was erected on an eminence a little to the north of the lighthouse, and the cylinder was hoisted upon it; and in the evening the Trinity yacht sailed off to sea, to a considerable distance, in order to discover what appearance it would have: when it was found to answer beyond expectation. When the yacht returned, the cylinder was ordered to be immediately taken down, and to be shipped on board the yacht, with a view of sending it to the Isle of Scilly, which was then in immediate want of it, and a new one was ordered to be sent to Lowestoft presently after, which was accordingly sent, and erected upon the remaining part of the old lighthouse. The following account of this reflecting cylinder, with an engraving of the same, was published by the author of this work, in the Town and Country Magazine, for April, 1788:

This curious machine consists of a glass lanthorn about seven feet high, and six in diameter, glazed with the best plate glass; the frame of which is copper, and covered with a roof of the same metal. In the centre of the lanthorn is set upon a frame a large hexagonal reflecting cylinder, four feet in height, and three feet in diameter. This cylinder is made of copper, the outside of which is covered with cement, upon which are placed nearly 4,000 small mirrors, each mirror about an inch square. In the centre of this cylinder is fixed a reservoir of oil, which, by fixed pipes passing through hexagonal divisions of the cylinder, support and convey the oil to a large circular tube, which is placed about eighteen inches from the surface of the cylinder, and upon this tube are fixed 126 lamps. One of these lighthouses was made by an order of the elder brethren of the Trinity House, sent on board their yacht, with several of the brethren, and sailed for Lowestoft, in Suffolk, to make a trial of its utility. Accordingly in the night of the 23rd of June, a temporary scaffold being erected for that purpose, the machine was hoisted and the lamps lighted; when it was found to answer beyond conception, exhibiting a globe of fire of a steady and most vivid brightness. This experiment was made at a small distance from the lighthouse commonly made use of, the light of which is supported by a coal fire, and was exerted to the utmost on this occasion, to maintain, its superiority; and was appointed to be the criterion by which the difference was to be determined. The yacht accompanied by some boats, sailed off to sea the preceding day, so as to be out of sight of land before sunset—the time appointed for lighting it. They sailed in for the land, and discovered the new light-house as soon as the convexity of the sea would permit, it being at least twenty miles from the shore, and sailed five or six miles nearer before they could perceive the fire of the old light-house.

The brethren of the Trinity House being thus convinced of the great utility of this invention, gave orders the next day to have it taken down and sent to the Island of Scilly.

SECTION III.
OF THE FISHERIES AND MANUFACTORY AT LOWESTOFT.

The principal commerce subsisting at Lowestoft is derived from its herring-fishery. The town most probably, received its very existence from the convenient situation of its coast for fishermen to exercise the several occupations of a life dependent on those employments; which in the more early ages, extended, very likely, to every kind of fish that the coast afforded; though now, in these more recent times, it is chiefly confined to the herring fishery. The herrings appear on the coast of Shetland in the month of June, and from thence they proceed to the coast of Scotland; but being interrupted in their passage by the Island of Great Britain, they separate into two divisions, one of which divisions, after steering west, or south west, and leaving the Isles of Orkney and Shetland on the north, pass by the western isles, and proceed to Ireland; and there receiving a second retardation, they subdivide, and one part keeps the coast and shore of Britain and passing down St. George’s Channel as far as the mouth of the Severn, where they unite again with their former friends, and the second part of the same division, who had edged off to the west and south-west, and sheering along the western shore of the coast of Ireland, and then proceeding south and south-east, were also entered into St. George’s Channel. The second part of the first division, which was separated off the north part of Scotland having directed their course to the south and south-east, entered the German ocean; and continuing their progress along the coast of Scotland, they proceed to the south, and rounding the high shore of Berwick and St. Abb’s, are not seen any more till they arrive upon the Yorkshire coast, and not in any great quantities till they appear off Yarmouth and Lowestoft; where, after continuing a few weeks, and leaving an immense quantity of spawn, they pass through the German ocean, and entering the straights of Dover continue to proceed along the coasts of Sussex, Hampshire, etc., to the Land’s End, where the two divisions forming a junction, they enter the vast Atlantic ocean.

Herrings have been seen on the shores of North America, though not in such large quantities as have appeared on the coasts of Britain; neither are they seen in America any farther south than South Carolina. But whether these herrings be part of that enormous shoal which first approach the north of Scotland, and instead of confining their progress to the British Isles, extend it to the coast of America; or whether they be part of that vast collection, who, after forming a junction on the coast of Cornwall, launch into the Atlantic ocean, is difficult to determine with certainty. It may, perhaps, be no improbable conjecture to suppose, that the herrings which appear on the American coast are only such as have deserted from the main body of the fish during their continuance in the western ocean. And as it is evident that these fish are never seen in any considerable quantity upon the coast of the more southern parts of Europe, such as Spain, or Portugal, or the southern parts of France, neither in the Mediterranean, or coast of Africa; but, after they have entered the Atlantic ocean, are seen no more till the succeeding summer, on the coast of Shetland. We may conclude, that after the herrings have appeared early in the summer on the northern coasts, and proceeded on the eastern and western sides of the British Isles, discharging their roes, and having formed a conjunction at their general rendezvous near the Land’s End, and launched into the Atlantic ocean, and continued there the remainder of the winter, that they afterwards proceed to the north; and assembling together near the coasts of Greenland, in the Spring they continued their progress from those parts to the south, and in the summer appear again on the north of Shetland and Scotland, thereby performing, in the course of a year, one entire revolution round the islands of Great Britain and Ireland; so that the herring may, without impropriety, be termed a fish of passage.

The convenient situation of the eastern parts of this kingdom for the advantageous prosecution of the herring fishery, and the great benefit which the nation derives in consequence thereof, have much excited the envy of our maritime neighbours, the Dutch; and have frequently induced them to infringe on the liberties which this kingdom is indisputably entitled to, by approaching too near the British coasts, in view either to usurp the whole of this fishery to themselves, or to monopolise a considerable share of it: but the policy of these rivals has hitherto been such, that whenever they perceived that their illegal proceedings were complained of, and threatened to be opposed, they always endeavoured to pacify our resentment, either by compounding for the trespass, or by relinquishing their pretensions, and afterwards having recourse to a more legal mode of conducting their fishery. [39]

It is highly probable, that the herring fishery on this part of the coast originated at Lowestoft, and, in some measure, afterwards transferred itself to Yarmouth: for in the early ages, before Yarmouth was founded, Lowestoft appears to have been the general rendezvous of the northern and western fishers employed in the herring fishery: but when the sand upon which Yarmouth was afterwards built, appeared above the surface of the water, and became dry land, it was then that the fishermen from different parts of England, especially the cinque ports—who were antiently the principal fishermen of England—resorted thither annually to catch herrings; where, finding this sand to be unoccupied, and its situation extremely convenient both for drying their nets, manufacturing their fish, and exhibiting it to sale, they began to erect temporary booths or tents, as their several circumstances required, either to secure themselves from the irruptions of an enemy, or as a shelter from the inclemency of the weather. And for the better keeping the peace and securing to every owner his respective property, the barons of the cinque ports deputed several officers, called bailiffs, to attend this fishery the space of forty days, viz., from Michaelmas to Martinmas, the principal time of the herring season; as it would have been dangerous both to private interest, as well as public tranquility, to have permitted such a mixed multitude of natives and foreigners to have assembled in one place without having a person with proper authority to preside over them, in order to preserve subordination and regularity; and in this manner the herring fishery continued for some time after its commencement at this place, which, probably, happened soon after the landing of Cerdick, the Saxon, in the year 495, as above related; and from which circumstance it was called the Cerdick sand. [40a]

Some years after, as soon as it appeared that the herring fishery was established upon a permanent foundation, and the sand became safe and commodious to reside upon, some of the inhabitants on the western shore, and others from different parts of the kingdom, began to build houses thereon, and for their mutual support and defence founded a town there, from whence arose the origin of Yarmouth; whereby it appears that the founders of Great Yarmouth were chiefly portsmen, or natives of the cinque ports. These portsmen continued to frequent the place for several centuries afterwards, and many of them chose to reside here, and became seized of lands and tenements, some portion whereof, at their deaths they would bequeath to their countrymen of the cinque ports, in order to signify to posterity from whence they came. But as soon as the burgesses of Yarmouth had a charter of liberties granted them by King John, and the barons of the cinque ports having also certain liberties granted them at Yarmouth by the same king, or rather confirmed what they held before by prescriptive [40b] right,—the liberties which were granted to the cinque ports, by interfering with those newly granted to the burgesses of Yarmouth gave rise to the most violent disputes and animosities, such as are not to be paralleled, perhaps, between any other two places in the British dominions; for the riots and depredations which arose from these disputes became at last so very outrageous as to be not only extremely injurious to the contending parties, but even to alarm the whole kingdom.

These violent quarrels and commotions continued to agitate the respective parties, with little permission, until the reign of Queen Elizabeth, when a proposal was made for compromising their differences and establishing a durable reconciliation, by making Yarmouth a member of the cinque ports; but this attempt, however laudable in its intention, proved wholly ineffectual in its execution: nevertheless, we find, that in the year 1576, every circumstance which had afforded matter of dispute was amicably adjusted, and finally settled to the mutual satisfaction of the respective parties: and accordingly an award was published, which contained the following article, namely, “That whereas for every fishing vessel coming to the said free fair, in ancient times, fourpence for toll or custom was paid to the bailiffs of the cinque ports, which afterwards, by composition was reduced to a certain sum of six pounds yearly: but for the sake of restoring peace and quiet it was hereby agreed that the bailiffs of Yarmouth should pay to the bailiffs of the barons of the cinque ports, at their departure from Yarmouth, three pounds and ten shillings only, in recompense and full satisfaction for the said toll.”

After the conclusion of this agreement, the several parties maintained a more peaceable and friendly correspondence with each other than had subsisted for many years before; and persevered in this amicable intercourse until the year 1662, when the annual composition of three pounds and ten shilling being either refused or neglected to be paid by the burgesses of Yarmouth to the bailiffs of the ports, the said bailiffs never repaired to Yarmouth any more in a public capacity. [41a]

The town of Yarmouth having thus driven away the bailiffs of the cinque ports, that place became the general rendezvous of all such vessels as were employed in the herring fishery; and thereby monopolised, in a great measure, the whole fishery to themselves, by confining to the narrow limits of their own haven, the purchasing of all such herrings as were not caught by the boats belonging to the neighbouring towns, and where they were compelled to pay the custom demanded by the town of Yarmouth: for the town of Lowestoft, and all other towns on the coast, an indisputable right to fit out what number of vessels they pleased from their own towns, for the purpose of catching herrings, without being subject to any customs payable to Yarmouth, and also to purchase herrings at sea from certain vessels called ketchmen; but if they could not be sufficiently supplied with herrings by these means, they were then under the necessity of repairing to Kirkley road or Yarmouth haven, where they became subject to the customs due to the town of Yarmouth; for the right of the burgesses of Yarmouth to levy these customs was confined solely to the haven and Kirkley road; and therefore the ketchmen, who sold herrings at sea, thereby evaded the customs and injured the town of Yarmouth; which formerly had occasioned many disputes, particularly in the reign of queen Elizabeth, and probably was the principal motive which induced the burgesses of Yarmouth to force away the portsmen.

The town of Yarmouth, not being satisfied with their late acquisitions, began to extend their views much farther, even so far as to endeavour to exclude the town of Lowestoft from having any share in the herring fishery; and in order to give their designs the greater appearance of justice, they pleaded the Charter, 46 Edward III., for uniting Kirkley road to Yarmouth haven; and pretended that the seven leuks, inserted in that charter as the boundary of their liberties, were not miles, but leagues; and also, that the said leuks were not to be measured from the key of Yarmouth, but from the mouth of the haven which at this time had extended far to the south, and formerly as far as Corton; thereby expecting to extend their liberties beyond the roads of Lowestoft, and consequently wholly to exclude the merchants of that place from a privilege which they had enjoyed from time immemorial, viz., that of purchasing herrings near their own town.

Corton is situated about a mile to the north of Lowestoft, and comprehends upwards of a thousand acres, chiefly cultivated, and prettily diversified with rising grounds and some woods; and contains about thirty-eight dwelling houses, mostly situated in a street, tolerably compact, on a high cliff that commands an extensive prospect of the sea. This parish is a vicarage, and the impropriation, before the dissolution of the monasteries, belonged to the abbey of Leystone, in Suffolk. [41b] It was granted by Henry VIII. to Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, and has passed through various hands since to the present owner, John Ives, of Yarmouth, Esq. The advowson of the vicarage formerly belonged to the proprietors of the impropriation; but, by some neglect or other, has been suffered to lapse to the Crown.

The body of the Church is now dilapidated, and the chancel is the only part of it appropriated to divine service. The ruins which are now remaining give evident proof that the building was of considerable dimensions; and the handsome tower, which is still perfect, strongly denotes its original elegance.

Tradition informs us that when the church became ruinous, the parishioners, finding themselves unequal to the task of repairing it, and at the same time thinking it unnecessary, petitioned the bishop of the diocese for his license to suffer it to remain as it was, on condition that, at their own charge, they would fit up and maintain the chancel as a place of public worship, which was granted them, and the chancel was made very adequate to the purpose. But in a long series of years, either by means of the inability, or through the inattention of the people, this too was suffered to fall into decay, insomuch, that in the year 1776, the lead admitted the rain in various places, and pulpit, the desk, gallery, etc., were rotten, and ready to fall down. Under these circumstances, the Rev. Francis Bowness, then vicar, thought it expedient to coincide with the wishes of the generality of the parishioners, to apply to the diocesan for a faculty to dispose of the lead, and lay out the money arising from the sale of it, in the reparation of the building; and notwithstanding much opposition, the perseverance of the vicar prevailed, and he obtained, from the candour of Bishop Younge, a full power to sell not only the lead, but also, if it should be necessary, a large bell, which hung in the porch of the old church. He availed himself of no more than the former part of the license; and with a very small rate added to the produce of the lead, the chancel was again put into complete good order, and divine service is now regularly performed there, and decently attended.

In justice to the merits of the worthy vicar, I hope it will not be thought impertinent to add, that he has been an equal benefactor to the church and the living; that he lives in great harmony with his parishioners, and receives from them that respect, which a constant endeavour to be useful seldom fails to inspire. He was instituted in 1758. The church is dedicated to St. Bartholomew. The vicarage, though of late years much improved by the increased cultivation of the parish, is yet inconsiderable.

The same difficulty which we have to encounter with respecting the origin of Lowestoft Church, presents itself in our enquiry concerning this at Corton, viz.: How so small and inconvenient a village as this seems always to have been, should ever have been able, from any resources of its own, to erect so stately a structure; and if unable of itself, from what other sources did it derive its assistances? In solving this difficulty we must have recourse to the same mode of reasoning as we shall urge hereafter respecting Lowestoft Church, which is, that as the church at Corton was part of the endowment of Leystone Abbey, it is highly probable that this church was first erected and afterwards kept in repair through the assistance of the Abbey, as Lowestoft Church was by the priory of St. Bartholomew, in London.

After the dissolution of the monasteries, when no further assistance could be received from those institutions, and the parish being unable of itself to keep such structure in repair, the building fell to ruin. And the case would have been the same with respect to Lowestoft Church, notwithstanding it was a much larger parish, had not a benefaction of lands, expressly given for repairing and ornamenting the same, been happily recovered at the dissolution of the priory, and prevented the like misfortune.

It is supposed that the village of Corton, in former times, was much larger than it is at present. It is certain there were two churches in the parish, or, at least, a chapel of ease to the mother church; the small remains, still visible at a place called the Gate, tend to confirm the latter opinion, as the old foundations of houses discovered in different parts of the parish, lead to evince the former. Probably the parish had arrived at its most opulent state about the 13th century, when the mouth of Yarmouth haven had extended almost to this place; which added to the adjoining situation of Kirkley road, must occasion a great resort of fishermen, from different parts of the kingdom, to this village.

Some centuries ago there was, contiguous to Corton, another parish called Newton, of which scarce any other vestiges are now remaining, than a stone which supported a cross, called Newton cross, and a small piece of ground, called Newton green; almost every other part of this parish being swallowed up by the sea.

It appears, that in the year 1408, 10th of Henry IV., Yarmouth haven made near Newton Cross; and Swinden informs us, “that the charges and monies bestowed and spente in and aboute repairenge of the haven of the towne of Yarmouthe, and of the fortfienge the same with two greate mayne peeres, which at the firste was cutte a-newe and digged out, into the sea right over agenst the parsonage of Gorleston, and the same haven then runninge alongeste the cliffe as farr as Newton Crosse, was agenst the parsonage stopped up, and there forced to runne into the sea; which was done in the yere of our Saviour 1559. After which tyme, in few yeres, the said haven, for want of two peeres, did eate, and seeke towardes the south, for preventenge of whose olde evell and accustomed course, the towne did begenne this charge, by the advice of a verrye conninge workman, sent for from beyond the sea.”

In 1306 John de Herling, a family of great antiquity in the parish of East Herling, in Norfolk, had free warren allowed him in the manors of Newton and Corton, and died seized of these manors and many others; and left them to his eldest son and heir, Sir John de Herling, Knight, whose brother Robert—a great warrior who followed Henry V. into France, and was killed in 1436—had an estate in Newton and Newton and Corton, as had also Thomas, another brother, at Lounde. The manors of Corton, Newton, Lounde, and Blundeston, together with Lounde advowson, and some others, were in the Herling family, and possessed by lady Anne, daughter and sole heiress of the above Sir Robert, 1408. Soon after she married her third husband, lord Scroop, of Bolton, and was afterwards a great benefactress to Gonvile (afterwards Caius) college, Cambridge; her mother being the heiress of the Gonvile family.

The Yarmouth men attempted also further to prove that that part of the sea called Kirkley Road was opposite to the parish of Kirkley, which is situated about a mile to the south of Lowestoft, notwithstanding the real name of the sea at that place is Pakefield bay.

Kirkley parish lies so contiguous to Pakefield (being separated from it only by the common highway) that it forms a considerable part of what is generally understood by that town. It is situated to the west of Pakefield and on the north side of it lies the lake of Lothing, from whence runs a small inlet, called Kirkley Ham; which, probably, was made use of formerly as a haven for the fishing craft employed by this parish, at the time when the communication between this lake and the sea retained such a sufficient depth of water as to admit vessels of small draught. The chief support of this village, as well as that of Pakefield, arises principally from their fisheries, which formerly were considerable, but are now much declined. It appeared, from an account of the inhabitants of this parish, taken in the year 1676, in pursuance of the penal laws then in force against religious dissenters, that the number amounted to 103, from sixteen years of age and upwards; of which number, 18 were dissenters. Since that time the number of inhabitants has rather increased, whilst that of dissenters has decreased; the former may be owing to the herring fishery being a little revived there; the latter to the toleration which they have since enjoyed; it being evident that the exercise of rigorous measures against religious sects, instead of exterminating them, tends to increase them; probably therefore the relaxing those severities may be the cause of the number decreasing. The church is dedicated to St. Peter, and valued in the King’s books £15 10s.; and till the year 1749 was dilapidated: but this misfortune was in some measure compensated by the minister of Kirkley having permission to make use of the church at Pakefield one part of the Sunday, and the minister of Pakefield to use it on the other part. In this manner both these parishes were supplied for many years, but at length they were parted again. After this separation the incumbent of Kirkley not only declined performing divine service in Pakefield church any longer, but also refused to allow anything to the incumbent of Pakefield for officiating on both parts of the Lord’s day; alledging that he could not legally be compelled to it. The Rev. Mr. Tanner, vicar of Lowestoft, was at that time commissary and official in the archdeaconry of Suffolk; and he failed not to use all the mild persuasive arguments in his power, to prevail on the incumbent of Kirkley to make an allowance, but to no purpose; so that finding him inflexible in his resolution he left him with this threat:—“Sir, if you will not officiate in Pakefield Church I will build you a church at Kirkley, and in that you shall officiate.” Mr. Tanner was as good as his word; for partly at his own expense, and partly with the assistance of his friends and acquaintance, he shortly erected the present church at Kirkley; and divine service has accordingly been performed there ever since. Mr. Tanner collected money from house to house at Lowestoft, and contributed himself twenty guineas. He also preached the first sermon there in the summer, 1750. The old church consisted of two aisles; the north aisle still continues in ruins, and it is only the aisle which constitutes the new church. The steeple is about 72 feet in height, is a good tower, and an excellent sea-mark; but is now somewhat in decay. It contains only one bell. December 5th, 1749, when they began to clear away the rubbish from the ruins of the old church, they discovered (eighteen feet from the east wall, and six from the north) a stone with a brass label containing the following inscription:—“Orate, Pana Thome Melle Clarisi, nup. Rectore, deKerkley, q’ obijit XVIº die augustij Aº do mº V^cXXVI cui (ane ppinet des) ame.” That is, “Pray for the soul of Thomas Melle, clerk, late rector of Kirkley, who died 16th day of August, anno. dom. 1526. For whose soul may God provide. Amen.”

And on another label, found in the north isle, a like inscription for one, John Boodherd, who died in August, 1486.

There were several other brass-plated stones taken out of the body of the church and north isle; but were all disrobed, and laid promiscuously under the pews, etc., of the new building.

The old font was broken to pieces, probably by accident, and was left amongst the ruins of the north isle. The font now used in the new church, was brought from the church of Saint —, lately taken down at Gillingham.

Kirkele, Suff, Edmundus de Wymundhale Clamat habere liberam Warennam in Dominicis terris Suis in Kirkele, etc. Et profert Curtam Dri Henrici Regis, patris Dri Regis Nunc, que hoc testatur, etc. Plita Corone, A°. 14° E. I E 4^t°. Vide Wymundhale.

Kirkele 33 E I Inter Robertum Rist de North Jernemuth Quer. et Godefr le Ludham de Mag. Jernemuth, et Constantiam Ux: ejus Imped, de I Mess. 45 acr. terr et v acr turbar in Kirkele. Pagefelde south Carlton, Mutford Jus Roberti. Fin: Suff: A°. 33. E. I. Lig 3. N^o. 151.

Kirkele 1560. Henricus Hobart de Loddon in Com Norf: Arm: Cond: Testam 17 Oct: 1560 etc. Habuit inter Alia Maneriu de Kirkly, voc: K. Hall. Terras & Tenemta in K. et alibi in Hundredo de Mutford perquisit de Antonio Rouse Armigo cum Advoc: Ecclie de Kirkley pred: etc, probat, 3 May 1561. Ex libro Bircham Regr: Norwic. (Le Neve, from T. Martin’s Suffolk papers.)

The ascertaining the true situation of Kirkley road, and determining whether the seven miles which terminated the liberties of Yarmouth, were to be measured from the key or the haven’s mouth, occasioned the great law suit between that burgh and Lowestoft.

Pakefield is a considerable large parish about a mile to the south of Lowestoft. Under the general name Pakefield is commonly comprehended not only what is properly called by that name, but also the adjoining parish of Kirkley; and though to a common observer they appear as only one town, yet, in reality, they are distinct parishes, and under different regulations respecting all the branches of parochial government. The town is situated to the east of Kirkley, and extends to the very summit of the cliffs which form its eastern boundary. The German ocean by frequently dashing against the bases of these cliffs, has often received large portions of those ponderous masses, together with the buildings they supported into its voracious bosom. When a raging tide has occasioned an extraordinary fall of the cliffs either here, or at Corton, or Kessingland, the curiosity of the antiquarian is frequently gratified by the discovery of many ancient coins, etc.

There is scarce any trade carried on in this town; what little there is is chiefly in piloting ships to London, catching cods, sprats, etc., and a small part of the herring fishery.

According to Ecton, the church is dedicated to All Saints; but it seems, by the inscription on the communion-cup, to be dedicated to St. Margaret. It is valued in the king’s books at £29 1s. 1d. [45]

It consists of two isles, built nearly uniform; the steeple stands at the west end of the south isle, and contains five bells.

At the east end of the south isle stands the altar; it is elevated on three steps of considerable height, and underneath is a charnel house.

A new pulpit was erected a few years since by the late rector, the Rev. Dr. Leman: the old one was a very ancient piece of architecture; on several parts of it was the figure of a man in a devout posture, with a label issuing from his mouth, containing this inscription:—

Misericordia diu in eternu Cantabo.

That is

I will celebrate the divine mercy for ever.

At the upper end of the south isle, on a fair brass-plated stone, is the following inscription, in Anglo-Saxon characters:—

Here lies master Richard Folcard, formerly rector of a mediety of this church to the south, who died on St. Martin’s day, in the year of our Lord, one thousand four hundred.

To whose soul be merciful O God. Amen.

On a brass plate of a man and his wife, with eleven children, in the north isle, is another inscription, in old Anglo-Saxon characters, to the memory of one John Bowf or Bowfe, who died anno millo 6666, XVII.

On a flat marble in the north isle is an inscription to the memory of Philip Richardson, who was rector of Pakefield fifty-one years, and died October 8th 1748, aged 82.

On the north side of the church is a very ancient parsonage-house, built with stone.

On a small silver communion cup is the following inscription:—

X PAKEFELDE-SANTE-MARGARET, 1367.

On a silver paten,

Packefelde.

And on a fine Holland communion cloth,

III III ^. 1640.

This church was lately much repaired and beautified at the expense of its late rector, the Rev. Dr. Leman; who not only new laid the floor, erected a new pulpit and desk, and placed over a curious old font, a handsome model of the tower and spire of Norwich Cathedral, but also embellished it with many other useful ornaments. He was endued with many excellent qualities particularly charity and beneficense, which he constantly exercised with the greatest liberality, both with respect to his parishioners and to mankind in general; and, consequently, was justly entitled to the following character, which was given of him at his decease:—“He was an admired preacher, a strenuous assertor of the rites and ceremonies of the church of which he was so bright an ornament, and indefatigable in every other part of the pastoral office.”

There is also a meeting house in this parish for the people called Quakers, who have held meetings here for 130 years past, though their number is but small.

Int Rogeru Townesend & Henricum Spilman Quer et Tho: Aslack et Eliz ux ejus Deforc, Manerij de Elgh als dict Willingham All Saint set Advoc: Ecclie ejusd: Et Ecclie de Pakefield: Jus Rogeri. Fines Suff. A.° ¹⁰ E. 4 Lig. 1, N^o. 24.

Edmund Jenney Miles, Cond: Test die Veneris ante fm Nat B. Marr: Virg. 1522. Habuit int al: Advoc: Ecclie de Pakefield. P.bat 21° Dec. 1522 ’e libro. (Briggs Regr. Norw. 35 vid. plus in Knodeshall.)

These injuries, and, in a great measure, illegal attempts to exclude the town of Lowestoft from having any share in the herring fishery occasioned a most violent rupture between the towns, and who carried their resentment so far as to fit out armed vessels, to commence hostilities on each others property, and even to commit bloodshed; the one party insisting upon the privileges they pretended to be entitled to by their charter, and the other party as strenuously defending those rights which for many centuries they had enjoyed, without any other interruption than paying the custom due to Yarmouth for the purchase of herrings in Kirkley road. But now it evidently appeared, that an utter exclusion of the Lowestoft men from the benefit of the herring fishery, was the determined resolution of the town of Yarmouth; and, therefore it occasioned the most violent struggles between liberty and oppression that can be well imagined; which continued so long as to make both the parties, most probably, weary of the contention, and agreed at last (in order for settling the dispute) to lay this long-contested affair before the Privy Council; from thence it was referred to the judges, and at last to a hearing before the house of Lords, where the case was finally determined in favour of the town of Lowestoft, as will be more fully shewn in the following section.

Upon an inquiry into the state of the herring fishery, after this contest was decided, it was found that the fishery at Lowestoft, and also at the adjoining towns, was greatly on the decline, occasioned partly by the disputes with Yarmouth, by the civil war in the reign of Charles I, the great fire at Lowestoft in 1644, and the war the nation was then engaged with the Dutch.

In consequence of these distresses, the town of Lowestoft and the neighbouring towns of Pakefield and Kirkley, presented a petition to both Houses of Parliament, requesting their lordships to take the unfortunate state of these towns into consideration, and to grant them relief; and particularly with respect to enforcing the old statutes relative to the consumption of fish in this Kingdom, and also by adding such new ones for that purpose as their lordships might think necessary.

To the right honourable the lords and commons in the high courts of Parliament now assembled,

The humble petition of the fishing adventurers and fishermen of the townes of Lowestoft, Pakefield, and Kirtlye, in the countye of Suffolk,

Humbly sheweth,

That your petitioners have ever chieflye subsisted by the fishing trade, in catching lingg, codds, and herrings, the staple fish of this Kingdom; and have, before the unhappye difference fell in this Kingdom, (the civil wars of Charles I) uttered and soulde greate quantitye of the said fish, which tendered to the welfare and mainteyneing of these townes, in regard of the sale they found for the same, (but nowe so it is.) May in please your honours that our townes are become very poore, and these adventurers in fishing affaires so undone, that one half of them are taken off, our fishermen lamentablye impoverished, and if better encouragement be not given they will fall to nothing; and these fishermen, the nurserye of seamen, will be enforced to undertake other employments, which will prove a greate prejudice to the nation; and for want of expense of the fish, through our adventures therein are soe much declined, yet that fish which we have cannot be soulde for twoe thirde of the price it have formerlye yielded, when twice as much fish have been taken, whereby manye poore faimilyes are utterly decayed, and these poore townes will be undone; they wholye depending upon the fishing trade.

Your petitioners therefore, humblye pray your honours will be pleased to take the premises into consideration, and in your greate wisdomes make provision for the reveiveing of the ould good lawes, and making such additional lawes, that from henceforth fish may be more expended in this Kingdome. That soe your petitioners may be inabled to adventure in the fisherye as formerlye, and thereby support themselves, the fishermen, and theire faimilyes.

And your petitioners, as in dutye bound, shall ever pray.

To this petition were annexed several proposals tending to the improvement of the herring fishery; and both together were transmitted to Sir John Pettus, to be by him presented to the committee appointed by Parliament for drawing up an Act for the further support and advancement of the herring fisheries, these complaints were so far attended to by Parliament that the petitioners obtained for the further increase of their fisheries; and also seamen and shipping; together with other privileges of considerable importance.

A trewe copy of the severall proposalls sent to London this 24th of February, to Sir John Pettus, to be offered to the courtte of Parliament, 1670.

IMPROVEMENTS for ADVANCING the FISHING TRADE.

1st. That the fishers be free from payeing costome or excyse for any materralls to build, finish, victuall, repayre, and fitt to sea, their vessells, on their respective voyadges for herring, codd, ling, or any other fish.

2nd. That the fishers be free to dispose of their fish at all tymes, in all places for their most advantage, within his majesty’s dominions and countries, without restraint of corporation, or any othor place or places whatever. And that noe person or persons be excluded that trade.

3rd. That one year’s assessment for the pore may be advansed in the respective parishes in England, to be employed in building convenient houses in the chefist of their townes; and for stocke for hempe, to sett the pore and idle persons oute of imployment to work to spinn twine and make netts.

4th. That when one yeare after such housis be built, stocke of hemp provided and the pore sett on work to make netts; that all forryne nets be exhebated, upon payne of forfeiture of the same.

And for the EXPENCE of FISH, to SUPPORT the FISHERS.

1st. That all persons of abilitie may have a small quantitie of fish and herrings imposed on them, at the common rate, according to their qualitie.

2nd. That tooe fish days in the weke be duly observed, and no flesh spent unless for good reason they be lysensed by the mynister of the parish.

A BILL for CARRYING ON the FISHING TRADE, and for INCREASE of SEAMEN and SHIPPING.

Whereas the sovereignty of the British seas hath been ever (tyme out of mind) a flower inherent in the crown of England; and whereas the principall supporte thereof, as alsoe of the safetye and welfare of the English nations depend upon multidudes of shipping and seamen. And whereas the fishing trade doth above all others breede and increase seamen and shipping; and alsoe employes greate nombers of all sortes of impotent and aged people, as well women as children, above any other trade, in spinning, making and tanning netts, and in making roapes and sailes; and alsoe in curing, dressing and drying herrings, pilchards, ling, cod, salmon, and other sortes of fish, and otherwise. And whereas this soe advantagious and beneficiable trade, wherein the crowne, strength, and safetye of England is soe much concerned, and whereby innumerable people of all sorts might be maintained, is of late years become neglected, and in hazard to be wholly lost, to the indangering not onlye the soveraignty of the British seas, but also of the safetye of these three nations, if not timelye prevented. And whereas it is impossible for the people of England to attaine unto a share in the taking of herrings, ling, cod, or other fish, to be pickled or otherwise cured and vented in forreigne countryes, unless they be in all respects enabled to builde, furnish and victuall busses and other fishing vessels, to catch them as cheape as other nations; and that the returnes of the said fish, more than shall be found usefull for England, may be brought into England and shipped out againe into any forreigne parts with as little charge and trouble as merchants, fishermen and others, in like cases, are put unto other countryes. Be it therefore enacted by the King’s most excellent maiestie, and by and with the advice and concern of the lords spirrittuall and temporall and commons in Parliament assembled, that all materialls and provisions for building, furnishing, victualling, or repayring of busses or other fishing vessels, or otherwise, to be imployed or spent in and about the fishing trade upon certificate of the trueth thereof, shall be freed from paying the duty of costomes and excise. And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that all victuallers, inns, alehowses, ordinaries, chaundlers, vintners, and coffeehowses, according as they are better accustomed one then another, be and are hereby obliged to take of such merchaunt or other person as shall first tender the same in such porte or other convenient towne or cittye, upon a river neare unto theire respective habitations (as his maiestie, by advice of his right honourable privye council shall appoint) and cause notice thereof, by letters or otherwise in writing to be left here, and a copy thereof to be left with the cheife magistrate or chiefe officer, of such cittye, porte, or towne, or with theire respective officers or servants in that behalfe, one, two, three, four, or more good and merchantable barrells of herrings of herrings yearly, at such tymes and prise as his maiestie, by advice of his right honourable privye councill shall appoint dureing the term of seven years, to commence immediately after the end of this present sessions of Parliament, upon penalty of double the said prise unto the owners of the said herrings soe tendered by due course of lawe in any of his maiestie’s courts of justice, etc.

The town of Lowestoft soon after presented another petition to the lords spiritual and temporal, praying to be relieved from paying a duty of two shillings and sixpence per barrel upon all such beer as should be used in the herring fishery; which petition was also accordingly granted.

To the right honourable the lords and Commons now assembled in the high Court of Parliament,

The humble petition of the inhabitants of the towne of Lowestoft, in the countye of Suffolke,

Sheweth

That your petitioners have ever cheifliest subsisted by the fishing trade, which for many yeares have much decayed, and your petitioners greatly impoverished by reason of the late wars and dearness of tacklin. [48]

That notwithstanding the officers for the excise have required the duty of twoe shillings and sixpence per barrell upon all fishing beer, which in noe tyme past have ever bene demanded; and for non-payment thereoff, have taken some of your petitioners goods, which doth much add to the decaye of youre poore petitioners trade, and discurridgement in the pursuite of theire calling; good bread and beer being theire cheifest comfort.

Wherefore they most humbly pray that your honours would be graciously pleased to take into your considerations, that the excise uppon fishing beere, may wholly be taken off, as in your grave wisdomes shall be thought fitt; that youre poore petitioners may be incorridged comfortably to followe theire calling.

And your petitioners, as in duty bound, shall ever pray, etc.

It is evident, from the above petitions, that Pakefield and Kirkley, etc., were involved in a considerable share of the misfortunes which distressed Lowestoft; and that in petitioning for relief under the hardship respecting the fishing beer, the towns mutually concurred, as appears by the following letter:

to Mr. JAMES WILDE, at LOWESTOFT.

Sir,—By order of Henry Trott, from yourself, these are to certifye you, that here is belonging unto these townes of Pakefield and Kirkley, 14 fisher boats; which in their several voyages of one year, by estimation of us whose names are under-written, may expend nine tunns of beer each boate, which in the whole, is 126 tunnes, which is all at present from them that are

Yours at command,
JO. FOWLER and others.

Pakefield, this 9th of January, 1670.

The state of the herring fishery at Lowestoft and the adjoining towns, in the year 1670, will appear from the following account; together with what beer they respectively expended that year:—

LOWESTOFT.

Twenty-five at nine tuns each, is two hundred and twenty-five tuns.

These 33 boats from Pakefield and Kirkley, etc., together with 25 boats from Lowestoft (the towns which joined in the petition), expending nine tuns each boat, make the consumption of beer, in the whole, to be 522 tuns.

A few years after, the merchants of Lowestoft presented a petition to the lord-treasurer, praying that they might have the further privilege of importing coals, and exporting corn and other goods, for the benefit of the said town; which petition his lordship reported to the lords of the privy council, who granted the request.

The ORDER for IMPORTING COALS, and EXPORTING
CORN, etc., at LOWESTOFT.

After our hearty commendations—Wee have received your report of the 12th instant upon the petition of the inhabitants of Lowestoft; praying that corne and coles may be exported and emported there as well as other goods mentioned in a report by you to the late lord-treasurer of the 15th of October last. In which report of the 12th instant you gave us your opinion that the petitioners may have liberty to export corn from Lowestoft, due entryes being first made at Yarmouth. But not to emport it thither from beyond the seas. Also that they may emport sea coles thither due entreyes being first made at Yarmouth; but not to export them from thence to parts beyond the seas. And that, when the officers at Yarmouth shall see it necessary, an officer be sent over to Lowestoffe, the petitioners paying the officer such allowance per diem for his paines as shall be reasonable. These are therefore to pray and require you to give the necessary orders and directions for permitting and suffering corne to be exported, and sea coales to be imported at Lowestoft aforesaid, provided that due entreyes be made at Yarmouth; and that when the officer at Yarmouth see it necessary, an officer be sent over to Lowestoft, and gain for his pains according to the said Regulation by you proposed. And for soe doing this shall be your warrant.

Whitehall Treasury Chamber, the 24th May, 1679.

To our very loving friends the Commissioners of his majesties customs.

ESSEX. J. ERULE
ED. DERING
S. GODOLPHIN.

Their lordships also at the same time issued another order to the commissioners of the customs informing them, that the merchants at Lowestoft should have liberty to import salt for curing fish, and also to import all such materials as are generally used for fishing vessels, as tackling, etc.

After our hearty commendations—Whereas upon a petition presented to the late lord treasurer, by the inhabitants of Lowestoft, praying that an officer might be settled in the saide towne for receiving their entreys with his maiesties customes, and for granting coequetts for exportation of goods, or that the chiefe officer of his maiesties customes in Yarmouth, upon the petitioners making honest and just entreys, may permit the landing theire goods at Lowestoffe. And upon reference made of the said petition unto you, you did in a report made to the said late lord-treasurer of the 15th October last, set forth,—That the petitioners alledge theire having beene of late denyed to land theire goods at Lowestoft, notwithstanding they have entered them, and paid his maiesties dutyes at Yarmouth, and profered to be at the charge of an officer to see the delivery of them, but are forced to deliver them at Yarmouth, where the towne dutyes are great, and the charges (in regard of theire distance from the port of Yarmouth), also greate, especially upon salt for the fishery, which they cannot carry without greate and apparent loss; for which cause they were compelled to send their ships last yeare beyond the seas with theire goods, whereof his maiestie lost his customes, and the petitioners were much damnified. They likewise alledge that to land the grosser sort of goods at Yarmouth, it would consume almost a quarter part of their profitt to get them home. That the said towne of Lowestoffe is increased in shipping to the number of sixty vessells which is more considerable than both the townes of Southwold and Aldeborough, at each of which townes is an officer to receive entreyes and to grant coequetts. On the other side you set forth, that Southwold and Aldeborough are members of the port of Yarmouth, where antiently there hath been established a collector, and the patent officers of that port are required by law to keep theire deputyes in the said members; but that Lowestoffe is but a creeke in the said porte, where the patent officers are not required by law to have theire deputyes to attend, although it be much increased in shipping. And that it would be a great charge to his maiestie, and the patent officers, to make it a port of receipt, and a member annexed to the said port. That you have also received the report of Mr. Dumsteir, one of the general surveyors, and the patent officers and surveyors of the port of Yarmouth upon the said petitions. Wee are of opinion that it would be to the prejudice of his maiesties customes, besides a charge to his maiestie, to settle a collector there. That great frauds have been formerly practised in the Port of Yarmouth, where with much difficulty things are brought in some good order. That you are of opinion, that by giving the general liberty desired by the petitioners, the same frauds would be practised at Lowestoffe. But as to the importing gross goods, viz., salt, timber, deale boards, pitch, tarr, rozine, iron, hemp, ropes, cordage, and pantiles; and as to the exporting butter, cheese, and fish, you think they may be laden and unladen at Lowestoffe, entreyes being first duly made at Yarmouth, and an officer being sent over to Lowestoffe, when the officer at Yarmouth shall see it necessary, they at Lowestoffe payeing the officer such allowance per diem for his paines as shall be reasonable. Wee have considered what you have set forth and proposed as aforesaid in your said report and do accordingly order and direct that you permitt and suffer the gross goods before enumerated to be respectively imported and exported at Lowestoffe in such manner and under such regulations, as you advise in your report above received, and that you give such directions to the officers whom it concerns as may be necessary in this behalf; and for soe doing this shall be your warrant.

Whitehall Treasury Chamber, June 6th, 1679.

To our very loving friends the commissioners of His Maisties customes.

L. HYDE,
E. D. DERING,
S. GODOLPHIN,
J. ERULE.

The herring season begins on the eastern coast of England about a fortnight before Michaelmas, and continues till Martinmas. The number of boats annually employed at Lowestoft in this fishery, upon an average from the year 1772 to 1781, was about 33; and the quantity of herrings caught in each of those years, was about 714 lasts, or 21 lasts to a boat, which makes the quantity of herrings caught by the Lowestoft boats during that period to be 7140 lasts. These herrings were sold, upon an average, at about £12 10s. per last, which makes the whole produce arising from the sale of the said fish to be £89,250. After the year 1781, the number of boats employed in this fishery were rather less, occasioned by the war with the Dutch and other powers. [51]

At the beginning of the season, the boats sail off to sea about thirteen leagues north-east from Lowestoft, in order to meet the shoals, or second part of the first division of the herrings (mentioned in the beginning of this section), which separated off the north part of Scotland. Being arrived on the fishing ground, in the evening (the proper time for fishing) they shoot their nets, extending about 2,200 yards in length, and eight in depth, which, by the help of small casks, called bowls, fastened on one side, at the distance of 44 yards, from each other, cause the nets to swim in a position perpendicular to the surface of the water. If the quantity of fish caught in one night amounts only to a few thousands, they are salted, and the vessels, if they have no better success, continue on the fishing ground two or three nights longer, salting the fish as they are caught, till they have obtained a considerable quantity, when they bring them into the roads, where they are landed, and lodged in the fish houses. Sometimes when the quantity of fish is very small, they will continue on the fishing ground a week or ten days; but in general they bring in the fish every two or three days, and sometimes oftener, especially when the quantity amounts to six or seven lasts, which frequently happens, and instances have been known, when a single boat has brought into the roads, at one time, twelve or fourteen lasts.

As soon as the herrings are brought on shore, they are carried to the fish houses, where they are salted, and laid on the floors in heaps, about two feet deep; after they have continued in this situation about fifty hours, the salt is washed from them by putting them into baskets and plunging them into water; from thence they are carried into an adjoining fish house, where, after being pierced through the gills by small wooden spits about four feet long, they are handed to the men in the upper part of the house, who place them at proper distances as high as the top of the roof, where they are cured and made red.

The upper part of the house being thus filled with herrings, many small wood fires are kindled underneath, upon the floor, whose number is in proportion to the size of the room, and the smoke which ascends from these fires is what dries or cures the herrings. After the fish have hung in this manner about seven days, the fires are extinguished, that the oil and fat may drip from them and in about two days after the fires are re-kindled and after two more such drippings, the fires are kept continually burning until the herrings are perfectly cured, which requires a longer or shorter time, according as they are designed either for a foreign or home consumption. After the herrings have hung a proper time, they are taken down (which is called “striking”), and are packed in barrels containing 800 or 1000 herrings each.

From the many frauds which have been formerly practised in this part of the fishing branch the packing of herrings, a complaint was made to the government, in the reign of Charles II. praying that this grievance might be redressed, and accordingly an Act of Parliament was obtained, 15 Charles II, to the following purpose:—

That from and after the first day of August, 1664, no white or red herrings of English catching shall be put up to sale in England, Wales, or towne of Berwick upon Tweed, but what shall be packed in lawful barrels or vessels, and what shall be well, truly, and justly laid and packed; and shall be of one time of taking, salting, saveing, or drying, and equally well packed in the midst, and every part of the barrel or vessel: and by a sworn packer, with a mark or brand denoting the gage of the barrel or vessel, and quantity, quality and condition of the herrings packed therein, and the towne or place where they are packed. And the bayliffs of Great Yarmouth for the time being, and the mayor, bayliffs, or other head officer for the time being, of every port, haven, or creek, out of which any vessell or ships do proceed to fish for herrings are hereby authorised and required before the first day of July in the year 1664. And before the first day of July every year after, to appoint for their respective haven, port, or creek, a competent number of able and experienced packers to view and pack all white and red herrings of English catching as shall be brought into their port, haven, or creek; and well and truly to mark and brand the barrels or vessels into which such herrings are put, with such mark or brand as is above directed. And to administer to them yearly an oath, (which oath they are hereby authorised and appointed to give them) for the well and true doing thereof according to this Act. And in case the said bayliffs of Great Yarmouth, or the mayor, bayliffs, or other head officer for the time being of any such port, haven, or creek, shall not appoint and swear such packers before him in every year, as is by this Act required they shall for every default, forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds of lawful money of England. One moiety to his maiestie, his hiers and succesors and the other moiety to him or them that shall informe or sue for the same in any court of record, by bill, plaint, or other action, wherein no essoyn, protection, or wager in law shall be allowed.

THE OATH.

You shall well and truly doe, execute, and perform, the office and duty of packer of herrings; according to the tenour of an Act of Parliament in that case made and provided. So help you God.

The herrings are shipped off for market, which formerly was chiefly confined to foreign ports especially those belonging to Roman Catholic countries, and only a small quantity reserved for home consumption; but of late years the home consumption has greatly increased, and the commissions from foreign parts have neither been so numerous nor so large as in former years. The great increase of inhabitants in London appears to be the cause of the former, as the less rigorous observance of Lent, and other fish days, in Popish countries, is the reason assigned for the latter.

These reasons will receive farther confirmation from the following account of the demand for herrings for foreign consumption, in 1755. In that year there were cured in Lowestoft and Yarmouth 70,000 barrels, which were consigned to the following ports:—

From hence it appears, that out of 70,000 barrels of herrings cured that year, only 18,000 were consumed in England. Since that time the demand for herrings for foreign markets has further declined, and that for home consumption has increased in the same proportion.

The quantity of herrings properly termed a barrel is 1000, though oftentimes 800, as when the fish are picked; the antient method of packing red herrings was in cades, containing 600; but that is a method observed now only in the packing of sprats.

In the year 1776 the herring merchants of Lowestoft were much alarmed with apprehensions of the utter extinction of their fishery, and, consequently, with the total ruin of the town. Some merchants belonging to Liverpool, the Isle of Man, and Dunbar and Caithness, in Scotland, having introduced the method of curing herrings into these parts, and set up a red herring fishery in opposition to Yarmouth and Lowestoft, endeavoured to become their rivals both at the London as well as the foreign markets. But, after repeated attempts, their schemes proved totally abortive, through the superior quality of the Lowestoft herrings; and, consequently, the fishery at Lowestoft was thereby re-established upon a more permanent foundation than before.

The superior quality of the Lowestoft herrings, both in respect of colour and flavour, is evident from this circumstance—their bearing a better price at market than those from any other place.

It has been a long-established rule with the fish-mongers in London, to give ten shillings per last for the Lowestoft herrings more than those of Yarmouth, let the Yarmouth price be what it will. Two reasons may be assigned for the cause of this difference.

In Yarmouth, the merchants entrust the curing of the fish to the care of a head man, called a towher, more than the merchants at Lowestoft do; for at Lowestoft the merchants inspect the curing of the fish chiefly themselves. The other, and more probable cause may be, that in Yarmouth the fish houses are intermixed with the dwelling-houses, and being situated in these narrow passages called rows, are too closely confined, and, consequently, deprived of that free circulation of air so necessary in the proper curing of herrings. At Lowestoft these houses are detached from the other buildings of the town and are arranged at the bottom of the cliff by themselves, where from the benefit of a free and uninterrupted currency of the air, they acquire those excellent qualities which are not to be attained in any other place which has not the same advantages.

Nevertheless, it afterwards appeared, that these new adventurers had a design of this nature in contemplation some time before they attempted to carry it into execution; and in order to the rendering it successful, had sent several persons to Lowestoft, for the purpose of taking dimensions of the fish houses, their manner of construction, etc., and to make every other inquiry respecting the method of curing herrings.

Having by these means obtained every information necessary for their purpose, they began soon after to erect houses, and made every other preparation proper for the curing of herrings, and were able in a short time to furnish the markets with immense quantities of fish; and had not their herrings been so extremely large and fat as to prevent their being properly cured, the undertaking, most probably, would have been successful. The last circumstance which I shall mention concerning the herring fishery at Lowestoft, is the proposal made in 1779, by the French King to the English Court, for a reciprocal neutrality respecting their fisheries, during the war, which met with the approbation of both courts, as appears from the letters below:

COPY of the LETTER from M. DE SARTINE to M. D’ANGLEMONT.

Versailles, the 31st May, 1779.

The benefit, sir, that must result from the reciprocal liberty of fishing between France and England, and above all the desire to preserve the means of subsistence during the war, to the subjects of the two nations, to whom this employment is essential, have determined the King in no respect to interrupt the fishery of the English; his Majesty, persuaded that this example of humanity will be followed by the court of London charges me to order you to make it known to all the officers commanding his ships, and to all private commanders, that it is most expressly forbid them to molest in any manner till after new orders, the fishing boats of the English which shall have no offensive arms; and also such as shall be laden with fresh fish, though such fish should not have been taken by those vessels, unless they should be found making signals to give intelligence to the cruizers of the ships of the enemy.

I have no doubt that you will carefully observe that the King’s commands will be executed.—I am, very truly sir, your very humble and very obedient servant,

(Signed) DE SARTINE.

A Copy of this letter was sent by M. D’Anglemont to the officers of the chamber of commerce at Dunkirk, who had it printed, that they may the better conform to the views of the minister of the marine.

The following LETTER was also sent from the FRENCH KING to his serene highness the ADMIRAL of FRANCE:—

Cousin,

The desire I have always had of softening, as much as in my power lies, the calamities of war, has induced me to direct my attention to that part of my subjects, who employ themselves in the fisheries, and who derive their sole subsistence from those resources. I suppose that the example which I shall now give to my enemies, and which can have no other views than what arise from sentiments of humanity, will induce them to grant the same liberty to our fisheries, which I readily grant them. In consequence whereof, I send you this letter to acquaint you, that I have given orders to all the commanders of my vessels, armed ships, and captains of privateers, not to molest (until further orders) the English fishery, nor to stop their vessels, whether they be laden with fresh fish, or not having taken in their freight; provided, however, that they do not carry offensive arms, and that they are not found to have given signals, which might indicate their holding an intelligence with the enemy’s ships of war. You will make known these my intentions to the officers of the admiralty, and to all who are under your orders. Such being the purposes of these presents, I pray God, my cousin, that he will grant you His Holy protection,

Given at Versailles, the 5th day of June, in the year, 1779.

(Signed) LOUIS.
(Countersigned) DE SARTINE.

Two gentlemen were sent from France to the English Court, to solicit our concurrence in this proposal; they came first to Lowestoft and the other towns on the coast, to request these places to join with them in the solicitation. It appeared that the English Court refused to accede formally to the overture, though they tacitly complied with it, and gave such orders to their commanders that no act of hostility was committed on the fisheries by either side during the war.

Another fishery subsisting at Lowestoft, is that called the mackarel fair. The principal advantages which the merchants receive from this fishery, is that of employing the fishermen, and keeping them at home for the herring season, more than any emolument to themselves; as the benefits which they receive are very inadequate to the expense of fitting out the vessels, the dangers they are liable to from the sea, and in time of war from the enemy.

The mackarel season begins about the middle of May, and continues to the end of June. The number of boats annually employed at Lowestoft in this fishery are about 23; and the money arising from the sale of the fish caught by these boats, amount upon an average to about £2,309. At the beginning of this season (as in the herring season) the boats sail into the north-east, in order to meet the fish at the beginning of their annual revolution around the British Isles. The mackarel being naturally a slothful fish, never rises to the surface of the water in any large quantities in calm weather, so that the success of the voyage almost entirely depends upon a blustering, stormy season, which rouses the fish from the lower parts of the ocean, and brings them within reach of the fishing nets. The quantity caught at the beginning of the season is generally small; afterwards it so far increases, that 500 or 1,800 fish will be caught by one boat in a night, if the weather be turbulent; otherwise, if it be calm and serene, the quantity is inconsiderable. As the mackarel is never salted, but requires an immediate consumption, the boats employed in catching them are under the necessity of returning every day to their respective towns, to deliver the fish which they caught in the preceding night; but when the quantity of fish is small, the weather calm, or the wind contrary, they will sometimes continue upon the fishing ground a second night.

An ACCOUNT of the MACKAREL FISHERY at LOWESTOFT, from 1770 to 1785 inclusive; containing the number of boats employed each year, and the annual amount of the money arising from the sale of the fish.

In 1781, sixteen boats averaged £173 15s. 3½d. per boat.

In 1782, sixteen boats averaged £136 1s. 2d. per boat.

In 1783, sixteen boats averaged £189 1s. per boat.

In 1784, twenty boats averaged £119 5s. 11½d. per boat.

In 1785, twenty boats averaged £249 8s. 8½d. per boat. (Supposed to be the greatest mackarel season ever known at Lowestoft).

In 1786, twenty-four boats averaged £146 7s. 9½d. per boat.

In 1787, twenty boats averaged £105 5s. per boat.

In 1788, twenty boats averaged £93 6s. 6d. per boat.

In 1789, twenty-six boats averaged £98 16s. 2¾d. per boat.

Total amount from 1770 to 1789 inclusive, £49,769 4s. 3½d. [55a]

As soon as the mackarels are brought on shore they are poured upon the beach in heaps, each boat’s by itself. The beach being the place where the fair for the fish is held; here it is that the padders and other purchasers assemble for the purpose of buying them. The fish being thus exposed for sale, are generally sold by private contract, though some times by public auction; formerly by a man appointed by the merchants for that purpose, but now many of the merchants sell their own fish.

The common markets for vending the mackarel are London, and the principal towns in Norfolk and Suffolk, and the adjoining counties; they are sent to the former place in small vessels, called cutters, employed by the fishmongers in London; and to the latter places by carriers, called padders who are employed by the fishmongers belonging to the several towns to which the fish are sent.

There were formerly in this town two other fisheries, called the North Sea and Iceland fisheries. These fisheries were in a flourishing state about the middle of the last century, both here and at Yarmouth. According to Swinden, the number of vessels employed in these fisheries in the year 1644, by the town of Yarmouth only, numbered 205; in the North Sea fishery, 182; in the Iceland fishery, 23; and it was at this time that these fisheries appeared to be in the most flourishing state. Afterwards they gradually declined; for the merchants proving unsuccessful in their voyages, the number of adventurers decreased, and some years after, the fisheries totally ceased. In the year 1740 there was only one boat sent to Iceland from Yarmouth, which appeared to be the last employed in this fishery. At Lowestoft there were about 30 boats sent annually to the North Sea and Iceland; in the year 1720 they were reduced to only five; and in 1748, Mr. Copping, an eminent merchant in this town, was the last person who sent a boat from Lowestoft to the North Seas, which proving unsuccessful, put a final period to these fisheries, they being never attempted afterwards.

The first voyage to these seas was called the Spring voyage; after that was finished they went a second voyage, but returned home again time enough for the herring fishery; but those who were not engaged in the herring fishery, attempted a third voyage. Cod and ling were the principal objects of this fishery, and in a good season would catch about 400 each vessel.

The method of curing these fish was by pickling them in casks, and some dry-salted; which, upon their return home, were exported to foreign parts. The livers of these fish were a considerable article; these they carefully preserved in casks, and the oil they extracted from them was sold to a considerable amount. There is a trench still visible upon the Denes, a little to the north of Lowestoft, in which stood the blubber coppers, where they used to boil the livers of the fish when they returned home from the voyage. They also traded with the natives of Iceland, Shetland, Farra, etc., and imported from hence stockings, blankets, caps, and other articles of the woollen manufactory.

The first decline of these fisheries may be attributed, in a great measure, to the political animosities which subsisted between Yarmouth and Lowestoft, towards the conclusion of the reign of Charles I; for as Yarmouth, during the civil war, took an active part on the side of Parliament, so Lowestoft was as much distinguished for its attachment to the King. In the years 1643 and 1644 the inhabitants of Yarmouth suffered so very much from losses at sea, in having their ships and vessels taken and carried off by armed ships acting in hostility against the parliament, that the town was greatly impoverished, and the fisheries to the North Sea and Iceland much injured. From these circumstances, and the great indulgence allowed the Roman Catholics in foreign parts, in the observance of Lent and other times of abstinence, so prejudicial to fisheries depending on a foreign consumption, the North Sea and Iceland fisheries received so much discouragement, as never to recover it afterwards.

A ship, laden with soldiers and ammunition, sent by the queen from Holland, for the use of the King, springing a leak at sea was obliged to put into Yarmouth, where she was seized for the Parliament and given to the town, who equipped her and sent her to sea in 1645 as a man-of-war, to take any vessels, etc., that were in hostility against the Parliament. Amongst the prizes which she made was the Pink, Captain Allen (afterwards Admiral Allen), of Lowestoft, who, it was said, was in rebellion against the Parliament, of which ship he was the owner of one half part, and which part was seized, and sold to Mr. James Wilde, of Lowestoft, for £35.

Captain Allen and some others who had suffered the like oppressions appear to have entered into a confederacy against Yarmouth, to retaliate the injuries they had received from that town; and for that purpose retired beyond sea, with the design of fitting out vessels to distress the trade at Yarmouth; and, accordingly, we find that in the year 1644, out of the twenty-three vessels employed by Yarmouth in the Iceland fishery, only three of them escaped being taken.

The Yarmouth men being thus distressed, applied to Parliament for a convoy to protect their trade; in consequence whereof, in 1645, three men-of-war were sent, by order of the lord admiral, to convoy their fishers and guard their coasts; who took several of their enemies who were engaged in the confederacy, amongst whom were some Lowestoft men.

As soon as the parties concerned in this confederacy (who had retired beyond sea) were informed of these proceedings on the part of Yarmouth, they sent the town the following letter:

To the BAILIFFS of GREAT YARMOUTH, in NORFOLK.

Right Worshipful,

We hereby give you to understand that those seamen of ours, which your men-of-war have lately taken, or may hereafter take in prizes of ours, be not imprisoned. And that you set at liberty all those that are confined, otherwise you shall not have that usuage you formerly had from us. Without delay let this be observed, else you will have cause to repent. We have given you thousands of prisoners which we might have endungeoned, nay hanged, but that rebellious ignorance have pleaded their escape. Now we can, if you compel us, make a hundred suffer for one. Our pleasures are commended to you, by just and due observation, not to make the innocent suffer for the nocent. Therefore we do daily set at liberty yours, supposing, that upon receipt of these, you will do the same by ours; otherwise we shall soon make known to you our intentions.

Thomas Allen, William Cope, George Bowden, John Dasset,
Richard Whiting, Peter Cliff, Francis Fourther,
Jonathan Banter, Browne Bushell, Jo. Merritt,
Dan. Wilkinson, Francis Colman.

Ostend, June 22nd, 1645.

The Yarmouth historian, speaking of this transaction, says, “Probably all these (who had subscribed the above letter) were Englishmen, who had fled for protection into foreign parts, and lived by plundering the Yarmouth fisheries and others upon the high seas, under pretence of loyalty, and serving their king and country.”

How far this censure is consistent with candour, I shall leave the impartial reader to determine; the only observation I shall make on it is this: that the town of Yarmouth having taken an active part in behalf of Parliament, and the town of Lowestoft, being as warmly interested on the part of the king; and the towns having also acted, for many years, as rivals to each other in the herring fishery, we may consider them, in a great measure, as inveterate enemies; whether we regard them in a political or commercial point of view; and, consequently, may easily account for their animosities, without having recourse either to censures or misrepresentations.

Captain Allen, a few years after, greatly alarmed the town of Yarmouth with the apprehension of an immediate retaliation of the injuries which he and his associates had sustained; for on Sunday, January 13th, 1648–9, he came into Yarmouth roads in one of the prince’s ships, and threatened an immediate revenge on the town: but it appears, notwithstanding these threats, that his humanity conquered his resentment; for neither history, nor tradition informs us, that the town of Yarmouth ever received any injury from him.

The only manufactory carried on at Lowestoft is that of making porcelain, or china-ware; where the proprietors have brought this ingenious art to a great degree of perfection; and from the prospect it affords, promises to be attended with much success. The origin of this manufactory is as follows:—

In the year 1756, Hewlin Luson, Esq., of Gunton Hall, near Lowestoft, having discovered some fine clay, or earth, on his estate in that parish, sent a small quantity of it to one of the china manufactories near London, in view of discovering what kind of ware it was capable of producing; which, upon trial, proved to be somewhat finer than that called the Delft ware. Mr. Luson was so far encouraged by this success as to resolve upon making another experiment of the goodness of its quality upon his own premises; accordingly, he immediately procured some workmen from London, and erected upon his estate at Gunton, a kiln and furnace, and all the other apparatus necessary for the undertaking: but the manufacturers in London being apprised of his intentions, and of the excellent quality of the earth, and apprehending also, that if Mr. Luson succeeded, he might rival them in their manufactory, it induced them to exercise every art in their power to render his scheme abortive; and so far tampered with the workmen he had procured, that they spoiled the ware, and thereby frustrated Mr. Luson’s design.

But, notwithstanding this unhandsome treatment, the resolution of establishing a china manufactory at Lowestoft was not relinquished, but was revived again in the succeeding year by Messrs. Walker, Brown, Aldred, and Richman, who, having purchased some houses on the south side of the Bell lane, converted the same to the uses of the manufactory, by erecting a kiln and other conveniences necessary for the purpose: but, in carrying their designs into execution, they also were liable to the same inconveniences as the proprietor of the original undertaking at Gunton was; for being under the necessity of applying to the manufactories in London for workmen to conduct the business, this second attempt experienced the same misfortune as the former one, and very near totally ruined their designs; but the proprietors, happening to discover these practices of the workmen before it was too late, they took such precautions as rendered every future attempt of this nature wholly ineffectual, and have now established the factory upon such a permanent foundation as promises great success. They have now enlarged their original plan, and by purchasing several adjoining houses, and erecting additional buildings, have made every necessary alteration requisite for the various purposes of the manufactory. They employ a considerable number of workmen; and supply with ware many of the principal towns in the adjacent counties, and keep a warehouse in London to execute the orders they receive both from the city and the adjoining towns; and have brought the manufactory to such a degree of perfection as promises to be a credit to the town, useful to the inhabitants, and beneficial to themselves.

SECTION IV.
THE CONTEST BETWEEN YARMOUTH AND LOWESTOFT
RESPECTING KIRKLEY ROAD AND THE HERRING FISHERY.

In order to discover the origin of those violent disputes and commotions which subsisted so long between Yarmouth and Lowestoft, respecting Kirkley road and the herring fishery, and to represent them in the clearest and most impartial manner, it may be necessary to advert to a preceding section, and to recapitulate from thence such circumstances as may tend to the better understanding the various transactions of the section we are now engaged in.

It was there observed, that in early ages, even before Yarmouth was founded, it is probable, that Lowestoft was the general rendezvous of both the northern and western fishers employed in the herring fishery; because, until the sand whereon Yarmouth was afterwards built appeared above the surface of the water and became firm land the fishermen that resorted to these coasts for herrings must necessarily have a place more southerly to assemble at. That as soon as the sand called Cerdick sand had made its appearance, (the Saxons came first; afterwards the portsmen), they found its situation so extremely convenient for drying of nets, and the other necessary occupations of a seafaring life, that they began soon after to erect temporary booths or tents there, as their several circumstances would admit as well for the accommodation of their persons as the security of their property. Soon after they had officers, called bailiffs, deputed by the barons of the cinque ports, to superintend the fishery for the space of forty days; afterwards they began to erect houses, and at last was founded the burgh called Great Yarmouth.

The burgesses of Yarmouth had a charter of liberties granted them by King John; and the barons of the cinque ports had also certain liberties at Yarmouth granted them by the same king or rather confirmed what they held before by prescriptive right only: but these several liberties interfering with each other gave rise to the most violent disputes and depredations upon each others’ property, which continued, with some intermissions, until the reign of queen Elizabeth, when a proposal for conciliating these differences was offered, by making Yarmouth a member of the cinque ports, but it failed of success: but in the year 1576 all matters in dispute being adjusted to their mutual satisfaction it was at the same time finally agreed, “That as every fishing vessel frequenting this fair in antient times paid four pence, as a toll or custom, to the bailiffs of the cinque ports; and that afterwards the said bailiffs accepted from the bailiffs, of Great Yarmouth, in lieu thereof, the annual sum of six pounds: Yet now, for the sake of restoring peace and tranquility, it was further agreed by the said bailiffs of the cinque ports to receive only three pounds ten shillings from the bailiffs of Yarmouth, in full satisfaction for the above-mentioned toll.” Thus their disputes being amicably adjusted, the contending parties preserved afterwards a more friendly intercourse with each other, which continued for some years, when the Yarmouth men refusing to pay the bailiffs of the cinque ports the above-stipulated sum of three pounds ten shillings any longer, the said bailiffs preferring peace to contention, and wishing to avoid any farther disputes, discontinued coming to the fair at Yarmouth in a public capacity any longer. [60]

The town of Yarmouth having now engrossed the whole of the herring fishery usually carried on near their own town to themselves, it became, in consequence thereof, the general rendezvous of all the vessels employed in buying and selling those fish, of whom they demanded a toll or custom; and having also obtained a charter, 46 Edward III for uniting Kirkley road to the port of Yarmouth, and for extending their liberties seven miles from the said port, were legally authorised to levy their customs upon all such herrings as were bought and sold in the above-mentioned road and within the said seven miles.

But the Yarmouth men, so far from being satisfied with the additional emoluments arising from these acquisitions, envolved themselves in fresh disputes with the men of Lowestoft, in the reign of Henry IV. respecting their customs, which were revived again in the reign of queen Elizabeth, (exclusive of the above-mentioned dispute with the portsmen in 1576), and again about the year 1659, when they attempted to extend their liberties beyond their legal bounds, and endeavoured to hinder the Lowestoft men from purchasing any herrings either at or near their own town, unless they paid the usual customs to Yarmouth; and grounded their claim on a pretence, that the grant of the 46th of Edward III. which extended their liberties seven leuks or miles from Yarmouth, was not to be measured from the key of Yarmouth, but from the mouth of the haven; and consequently would thereby wholly exclude the town of Lowestoft from buying herrings even in the roads belonging to their own town, unless they first submitted to pay such customs as should be claimed by the burgesses of Yarmouth. They also endeavoured farther to show, that that part of the sea called Kirkley road was opposite the parish of Kirkley, a town situated about a mile to the south of Lowestoft, notwithstanding the real name of that part of the sea is Pakefield bay; and that the seven leuks prescribed in their charter as the boundary of their liberties, were not miles but leagues.

These unreasonable and ill-grounded claims on the part of Yarmouth were productive of a most violent rupture between the two towns; they even proceeded so far (in order to defend what each of them thought to be their just and legal privileges) as to fit out armed vessels, in consequence of which many sharp engagements ensued, and much blood was shed on both sides. At last the respective parties, being weary of contention, agreed to lay the affair before the privy council, from whence it was referred to the judges, and lastly to a hearing before the house of lords where it was finally determined in favour of the town of Lowestoft, as will be more fully shewn in the subsequent part of this section.

The above circumstances being premised, I shall now proceed to make some inquiries concerning the several charters granted to Yarmouth respecting the herring fishery, how far the liberties contained in those charters extended; and particularly, whether the charter which annexed Kirkley road to Yarmouth haven tended to exclude the town of Lowestoft from the privilege, which it had enjoyed from time immemorial, of buying and selling herrings in the roads belonging to their own town.

I have observed before, that the great charter of liberties granted to the town of Yarmouth, was that granted by King John, in the 9th year of his reign. This king being distressed in fitting out a fleet of ships for the recovery of his Norman dominions, lately lost, indulged them with a charter, on condition, “that they should provide for him fifty-seven ships for forty days, at their own charge, as often as the wars he was engaged in should give him occasion to demand them.” [61a] By this charter Yarmouth was created a free burgh, and the burgesses thereof were invested with many immunities and privileges, to be held in fee-farm, paying to him and his heirs, an annual rent of £55 for ever; for payment thereof they were allowed only the customs arising out of the port; not being authorised to receive any custom of goods bought or sold in the market upon land at the time of the year. [61b]