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HISTORY OF THE KINGDOM OF SIAM AND OF THE REVOLUTIONS THAT HAVE CAUSED THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE, UP TO A. D. 1770.

Compiled by M. TURPIN from manuscripts
received from M. the Bishop of TABRACA
Vicar Apostolic of Siam and from other
Missionaries in the Kingdom.

PUBLISHED ORIGINALLY AT PARIS A. D. 1771.

Translated from the original French by
B. O. CARTWRIGHT, B.A.
EXHIBITIONER KING'S COLLEGE (CAMB).

BANGKOK 1908.
Printed under the auspices of the
Committee of the Vajirañàna
National Library.

BANGKOK:
Printed at the "American Presby. Mission Press."
1908.

CONTENTS.

PAGE.

Translator's Preface IV.

CHAPTER I.

The First Kings of Siam 1

CHAPTER II.

The Reign of Chao Narai 31

CHAPTER III.

The Revolt of the Macassars 53

CHAPTER IV.

The Revolution that brought about the downfall of Faulcon and the French 65

CHAPTER V.

The Breach between the French and the Usurper 89

CHAPTER VI.

The Persecution of the Christians after the departure of Des Farges 99

CHAPTER VII.

Events leading up to the Revolution of 1760 109

CHAPTER VIII.

The Revolution of 1760 115

CHAPTER IX. The Revolution of 1767 137

CHAPTER X.

The Misfortunes of the Europeans after the Revolution 169

CHAPTER XI.

After the Revolution of 1767 176

CHAPTER XII.

Advantages that might accrue from commercial neighbouring relations with Siam and the Kingdoms 185

CHAPTER XIII.

Tonkin 220

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

Turpin's History of Siam, published at Paris in the year 1771 consists of two volumes, the first of which deals merely with the natural History of Siam.—

The present book is a translation of the second volume only, and is of considerable interest owing to the fact that it is the only extant European work dealing with the events leading up to and succeeding the fall of the old capital, Ayuthia.—

We have no accounts of the compiler M. Turpin himself and therefore are unable to give any account of his life or position.—

The present volume falls into the following parts:—

a. A short resumé of the early history of Siam. Few names are given, and the accounts are somewhat vague. Chapter 1.

b. An account of the reign of Phra Narai and his immediate successors Chapter 2-6. This portion has been compiled from the earlier accounts of Forbin and La Loubère; but Tachard's remarks are not treated as serious history.

c. A short chapter (Chapter 7) giving a somewhat vague account of the period intervening between the above and the next.—

d. The events leading up to the fall of Ayuthia.

A description of the Burmese attack on the capital and of the early years of the reign of Phya Tak (Chapter 8-11.) This forms the part of greatest interest.

e. A description of the Kingdoms bordering on Siam (Chapter 12-13).

Taken on the whole, the book gives a very fair and impartial account, but as the bulk of the information was derived from the Catholic Missionaries, a somewhat biassed view is taken of the religion of the countries treated of.—

The original has been carefully followed in the translation; here and there a few sentences have been omitted for the reason that such sentences are merely remarks of a moralizing nature on the part of M. Turpin himself, and have no connection whatever with the relation of the historical events.—

B. O. CARTWRIGHT.

BANGKOK: November, 1908.

HISTORY OF SIAM.

CHAPTER I.

THE FIRST KINGS OF SIAM.

Eastern despotism, which casts a blight on the soul and quenches public spirit, is the primary cause of all revolutions by which the people seek to ameliorate their condition by the overthrow of their tyrants.

Every State in which there is One against All, has a defective constitution, which causes it to pass in succession from greatness to humiliation, from strength to weakness, and which, in its suicidal policy, awaits but a foreign invasion which will restore to the People, the enjoyment of their Rights.

The unstable and tottering thrones of Asia at last crumble away, and the ambitious, arrogating to themselves the privileges of attempting all things, are overwhelmed by their fall, and, reduce the weak to violate everything in their despair.

The right of the strong is that of a footpad who plunders unarmed travellers, and who, having enjoyed a period of immunity, dies under the axe of the headsman. The Ruler who has the greater share in the benefits of the Law does not recognise his advantages, and when unwilling to extend them prefers to see himself surrounded by trembling slaves who murmur in secret, and only await a leader to become rebels. The crude legislation of Siam has been the cause of all the public ills of the nation. It knows neither the extent of authority nor the limits of obedience. This nation, indifferent regarding the choice of its masters, has received fetters from the hands of ambitious men who spurned the nation while coercing it. Invariably unfortunate, the people have no hope save in a future revolution, which will enslave them to a new tyrant insolently bedecked with the imposing title of "Deliverer".

What can be the motive that prompts a despot to retain the privilege of laying violent hands on the liberty and welfare of his subjects? A despot who replaces natural rights by arbitrary power! He passes away like a torrent which leaves but the remembrance of its devastation behind it. The Kings of Siam, invisible to their subjects made themselves known merely by acts of authority. Thus they could never instil those tender feelings which are inspired by the presence of a King who is both Father and Citizen.

I will not attempt to lift the veil which conceals the beginnings of this Kingdom. This people has never known the art of printing which alone enshrines the virtues and shortcomings of those who preside over the public destinies. Their historical records are founded only on vulgar fables, or on tradition sanctioned by priestly imposture, which gives credence rather to the marvellous than to the simple truth. The Siamese were unknown to us until the discovery of the Indies by the Portuguese, and it is from that period that we ought to reckon their history.

Their first King, according to their vague records began to reign in B.C. 1444. He had forty successors up to the King who was reigning in A.D. 1546. All these Kings were of different families, who were in turn driven from the throne which they had seized, because, having become despots, they were punished for the abuse of their power.

The proud and jealous spirits of a limited dependency ought, in the degradation to which they have been reduced, to console themselves with the hope that their degradation is but transitory, and that their posterity shall be delivered from the chains which have weighed them down. Rarely does tyranny transmit the fruits of its crimes to its descendants.

History has not given us the name of the King who reigned in 1550 A.D., although the chief events of his reign have been chronicled. It was in this reign that the Kingdom of Siam was laid waste by the incursions of several neighbouring nations who carried fire and sword throughout the towns and the country side. Thirty thousand innocent victims were sacrificed to their ruthless vengeance, and this swarm of warriors seemed to prefer to lay waste the crops and to destroy the towns rather than to conquer and govern them.

The King of Siam, alarmed at their progress, arose at the murmurings of his people. He raised a large army. All those capable of bearing arms were summoned to the flag and those who were so cowardly as to excuse themselves from fighting for their country, were threatened with the punishment of being burnt alive. Foreigners were bound by this law.

At that time there were 130 Portuguese in the Kingdom, of whom 120 were obliged to take up arms. The King believed himself to be invincible, when he saw this handful of Europeans whom he regarded as so many heroes at his disposal.

A powerful army of 400,000 men including 70,000 non Siamese took the field with the King at the head. The army was further reinforced on the way by 100,000 men and 4000 elephants. We must regard these numbers as a gross exaggeration. It is true that the temperate nature of Eastern races renders the question of the food-supply an easy matter for the largest armies; but how could so great an army have been collected together in a country which boasts but few inhabitants. However we will set forth the facts as they have been handed down to us, and we can only question them by the light of their probability.

The army, under the command of four leaders (of whom two were Turks and the other two Portuguese) advanced to put a stop to the devastation of the country side. As soon as the armies confronted each other, the enemy commenced a furious attack on the Siamese rear, which would have been destroyed, had not the King altered his tactics. The new disposition of his forces gave him the advantage, and helped by the Portuguese who fought side by side, he was enabled to rally his troops. A general action was then commenced in which his elephants and artillery scattered death and destruction in the opposing ranks of the enemy, who retired under the cover of darkness leaving 130,000 dead on the battle field. This battle cost the Siamese 50,000 men, and flushed with victory, a force of 400,000 Siamese invaded the Kingdom of Quibem which was governed by a Queen who had favoured the enemy. The towns which they conquered were looted and the inhabitants, always the victims of the quarrels of rulers, were put to the sword. The capital would have suffered the same fate, had not the Queen, putting aside her natural hauteur, submitted to the conqueror and to the conditions of peace which were imposed. This princess, cognizant of her weakness, consented to pay an annual tribute of 60,000 Portuguese ducats, and her nine year old son paid homage as a vassal to the conqueror who carried him off to Siam to grace his triumph.

The victorious monarch did not enjoy his glory for long; his days of prosperity were changed to days of mourning. The Queen, in his absence, had indulged in a criminal liaison with palpable results. The fear of being punished for her adultery led her to commit another crime, and, to secure her position, she administered poison to her husband in a cup of milk. The King remained alive for five days, during which time he engaged in affairs of State.

Benefits were conferred upon the Portuguese allies; their nation was declared exempt from taxation of every description for a period of three years, and their priests were permitted to preach the gospel in every part of the Kingdom. His son was proclaimed King, and the joy of seeing his successor in power rendered him indifferent to the pangs of death. As soon as the monarch was dead the chief officers of State handed over the reins of government to the Queen of whose misdeeds they were unaware. Her liaisons which could no longer be kept secret, revealed her unchastity, but hardened to crime and with a conscience untouched by remorse, she acted her part with perfect calmness, and, to make matters worse, she openly lived with her guilty paramour. After this act which was the cause of a certain amount of dissatisfaction, but did not create any actual rebellion, she determined to elevate her lover to the throne, and to dispose of the young King by the same method employed in the case of his father. The disaffection both of the nobility and of the common people, checked her in her career of crime, and the national outcry was favourable to her designs. She pretended to fear that attempts would be made against her son's life, whereas in reality she was his sole enemy; and, to frustrate such attempts, she desired to have a body-guard to protect his august head from the wicked plots of which she said she had had information.

She was granted 12,000 foot soldiers and 500 mounted men for his safe keeping.

It was an innovation, that there should be a permanent guard in a State which hitherto, had called up soldiers only in time of external danger, but, it is the means usually employed in all ages to intimidate the lives and liberties of citizens who support their oppressors. No sooner had she found herself in power, but she used it to wreak vengeance on all those who had opposed her, or, who had grumbled at her ill-regulated life. The most distinguished citizens were the first victims. Two of the leading nobles perished by torture on frivolous charges. This Princess, headstrong in her loves and hatreds, imagined that she could retain her position by force, but the shedding of so much blood was a seed from which new opposition to her tyrannical rule sprang up. The confiscation of the property of those innocent victims enabled her to maintain a certain number of partisans, but those whose friendship it was expedient to purchase gave their allegiance only on condition of being supplied with whatever appealed to their greed. She soon found out that instead of friends, she had but traitors pledged to serve their own interests. It was then that she placed her paramour on the throne and declared him to be her consort, considering that a man, rather than a woman who had given so many examples of the frailty of her sex, would be more capable of overawing the disaffected.

The young King, a mere puppet on the throne, was deposed by his hard-hearted mother, and the fatal draught which she personally administered to him anticipated the vengeance which was about to overtake her; but she did not enjoy the fruits of her crime for long. At the moment of self congratulation on having acquired an ascendency over her subjects, she found by experience that crime engenders nothing but enmity.

The nobles, emboldened by their hatred, and encouraged by the King of Cambaye, made a conspiracy to deliver the kingdom from a creature who could not even satiate herself with the blood of her victims. They invited her and her consort to a feast at which both were slain. The throne which they had disgraced was taken by a brother of the late king's father, who, during these tumultuous times had passed his life in the seclusion of a monastery. This new king, during his retirement, had become morose and savage and he neglected the importance of making himself beloved. His barbarous policy had made him believe that obedience depended on fear, and that punishment was a better instrument of government than clemency. The debauchery into which he plunged could not soften his natural harshness, and, from voluptuous surroundings, he dictated bloodthirsty commands which filled the state with trouble and discontent. His unfitness aroused the ambition of a powerful neighbour. The king of Burma saw that the conquest of the kingdom would be no difficult matter. This nation has had so great an influence on the fortunes of Siam that it cannot be passed over without a few remarks.

People are apt to confuse the kingdoms of Pegu, Ava and of Burma because they are now under the rule of the same king. This country united and open has mountains on its frontiers only. The air is pure and the soil produces all kinds of corn and fruits. The plains and forests abound with game, elephants, buffaloes, goats, deer, and poultry is fine and plentiful. There are mines of iron and lead, which metals are used as a medium of barter, and it is this country that produces the finest rubies and the best sapphires. The diamonds which are very small are found only in the crops of fowls and especially of pheasants. The right of selling diamonds is a monopoly of a single family, and it is a grave offence to dig the ground in hopes of finding them.

The natives of the country differ from the Burmese their conquerors both in dress and in appearance. The Peguans although somewhat stout, are well made and have regular features. Their complexion is of an olive tint. They wear no beard, but carefully pull it out as they consider it to be troublesome growth. Their teeth are naturally white, but they blacken them so that they may have no resemblance to those of a dog. The women who are lighter in colour than the men, are small with plump cheeks and well proportioned limbs. Generally speaking, they are gentle in their way, but very voluptuous. Lewd and licentious, they have quite abandoned all sense of shame. When they appear in public they wear a piece of white cotton stuff draped round their heads which bear no further ornamentation than their raven tresses. The rest of the body is practically naked, they wear but a piece of thin cloth at the waist which allows that to be seen which modesty prefers to hide. This scanty attire was not introduced by reasons of sensuality; it is said that it was the work of a sagacious Queen in order to attract the men who in their transports of passion were addicted to unnatural desires.

The dress of the Burmese is different. They wear a robe of transparent muslin through which the skin tattoed with charcoal dust, can be seen. This ornamentation which is peculiar to them distinguishes them from the Peguans. Their feasts are loathsome and disgusting, as soon as the viands are produced hunger is satisfied. They flavour everything they eat with rotten fish which they use as a substitute for oil or butter just as Europeans use garlic, a plant whose odour is no less unpleasant.

Having no corn, they supply its lack by cakes of rice. Their usual beverage is pure water or a liquid of agreeable flavour which they extract from a certain species of tree.

Whoever takes a wife is obliged to purchase her like other cattle, and if disgust follows possession, the husband has a means of disposing of her. The woman has the same privilege, by the repayment of her purchase price. The rights of hospitality allow fathers to prostitute their daughters to their guests, who take a woman on hire in the same way as they would a house. The majority of persons whose business takes them to Pegu contract temporary alliances of this nature which have nothing of the stigma of concubinage. The Law has provided for such inconveniences as might arise. The King is the heir of all his subjects, but when there are children he has a third share only.

The purity of the air makes up for the lack of medical skill. When anyone falls sick they set a table on which a choice repast is spread, to propitiate the demon, that they consider has been the author of the illnesses that afflict mankind.

The ceremony is conducted by some venerable impostor to whom they give the title of the father of the demon, and although the state of the invalid ought to induce a feeling of sympathy, the whole house resounds with music and song in order to assuage the wrath of the evil minded being.

Gold, silver, rubies and musk are the chief articles of export, and, under the general term "rubies" topazes, sapphires, amethysts and other precious stones should be included. Europeans give in exchange beaver-hats, and the gold and silver brocaded ribbons with which the nobles adorn their heads. All trade is carried on by court officials who hold themselves responsible for payment and if they are convicted of breach of trust, the creditor is allowed by law to seize their wives, children and slaves and to expose them to the glare of the sun at his door.

The Peguans, like all Indian peoples grant the existence of a creator god, whom the people have the exclusive privilege of worshipping. There are lesser deities to whom the people pray in time of need, and the Devil is one of their chief objects of adoration. At early dawn the people are to be seen carrying some rice for his delectation in order that he may be gracious to them during the day time: others throw titbits over their shoulders for him during meal times. This puerile religion is based upon ghost worship. They grant an eternal succession of worlds each of which has a special deity as its ruler. The doctrine of transmigration has many adherents who believe that souls having passed through the bodies of birds, beasts and fishes, are cast into a place of punishment which they leave to enter a paradise of pleasure where everything awakes and appeals to the senses, and finally that after several transmigrations they will be united with the Supreme Being of whose happiness they will be partakers. They have great respect for monkeys and envy the blessed fate of those who are eaten by crocodiles.

On ceremonial occasions, the assembled people hire women and hermaphrodites who perform dances in honour of the gods of the Earth. The dancers bestir themselves so violently that they fall down in a swoon. It is after this fit that they prophesy the future which has been revealed to them by their gods.

The Priests vowed to celibacy, set a good example of abstemiousness to the populace. They eat but once a day and sobriety is their most prominent virtue. When the soil of the district to which they are assigned is insufficient to furnish to their needs, they send out young novices in search of alms and the credulous mob encourages idleness by liberal donations. The poorest citizens are always those who waste their property in pious offerings. Their morals are simple and it is by their studied mortifications that they impose on the populace whose ideal of the Sublime is the Extraordinary and the Peculiar.

They live far from the haunts of men, in the depths of forests in a sort of cage built in the upper parts of trees, so as to escape the dangers of wild beasts. The obscurity of their lives increases the veneration of superstitious folk who from the earliest times have believed that the deity prefers the silence of the forests or the fearsome solitude of a mountain peak. There are certain days on which they exhort the people to practise virtue. Simple as their preaching is they never argue on knotty points of doctrine. They believe that every religion is acceptable to God and that the observance of the laws of nature will always be worthy of a heavenly reward.

The nobility is noticeable in many ways. Though being in great honour, it nevertheless presents an example of the most abject servility and trembles before a despot who can either raise or degrade it. It consents to cringe in the most servile manner, but often it awakes from its slumber and cuts off the hand that strikes it. A proud race is always ready to take up arms for liberty and for the enjoyment of its rights. Thus it is the noble or the servile inclinations of his subjects, that a wise King ought to study so that he can extend or limit his authority.

The King never appears in public without great pomp and ceremony. Everything inspires a respect which would seem to exclude devotion. Seated on a car drawn by 16 horses, he never travels unless preceded by either the army or a crowd of nobles. Four of his favourites in gorgeous apparel are seated with him in this car. His ordinary progress is more magnificent than a Roman triumph. Although the Law, or rather custom only grants him a single wife, he has the right to keep 300 concubines.

The arms used by the Peguans in warfare consist of the lance, sword, and shield, their firearms, finer than those of Europe yield nothing to them in point of excellence. Their arsenals are equipped with many pieces of artillery which are however of not much practical use owing to the lack of skill on the part of their gunners. Although they possess harbours and an abundance of good timber, they do not build fleets as they have neither carpenters nor experienced sailors. The forces of the Kingdom are strong. The armies more numerous than those of Darius, are usually composed of from 100,000 to 1,500,000 men who receive pay from the King.

In time of war he supplies them with arms and accoutrements and in time of peace, he gave grants lands and towns to the nobility for their support. This number of troops is without doubt an exaggeration, but it becomes more easy of comprehension if the natural frugality of the Peguans be taken into account. They require but a little salt and water to season the roots and herbs which they find on the march. The most loathsome creatures, cats, rats and the humblest reptiles excite their appetite and their fertile country furnishes them with an abundant supply of all that is necessary to life.

This kingdom, founded by a fisherman about 1,100 years ago was governed by hereditary Kings until 1539 A.D. About that period it was conquered by the Burmese who prior to this had been confined to a narrow strip of territory but they founded an Empire extending some 800 miles from North to South and 250 miles from East to West.

These people, though of a warlike disposition had been obliged to yield to the numerical superiority of the Peguans. The Peguan conquerors had exacted a toll of 30,000 Burmese to be employed on various works of public utility. Such toilsome slavery provoked their proud spirit, and unwilling to see themselves working in the mines, formed a general scheme for their deliverance.

The Monarch was accustomed to go in company with all his train to visit the works, and to reward industry and to punish idleness. The Burmese captives took this opportunity to compass his assassination, and, having robbed the Queen and the concubines of their valuables fled to their own land with a great booty. The successor of the murdered Prince was unable to avenge his death. The nobles fomented discords in the state from motives of self-aggrandizement, and passed directly from slavery to independence. They declared for the rivals of their master by whom they had been reduced to servitude.

Mandara, King of Burma took advantage of their internal dissensions to attempt the conquest of Pegu. He invaded the Kingdom at the head of an army of 1,000,000 men and 5,000 elephants. His fleet was commanded by Cayero, a daring Portuguese adventurer who had 1,000 of his compatriots under him. The Peguans were unable to oppose a barrier to the swarms of the invaders.

Mandara, conqueror of Pegu then turned his arms against the vassal states of the Empire which he had just conquered. Martaban, the capital of a Kingdom of the same name was taken, but the brilliancy of the action was tarnished by acts of cruelty. Mandara had promised to spare the lives of the King and his wife and children who were ordered to spend the rest of their days in exile; but the savage conqueror was faithless to his word. The captured Queen was conducted to his pavilion together with her two sons and forty young girls who charmed all by their beauty and still more so by their misfortunes. Priests recited prayers to appease the wrath of heaven. The King her husband at last appeared, mounted on an elephant and dressed in black velvet. He had a rope round his neck and seemed to be more concerned at the misfortunes of his family than with his own.

The next day the Queen and her children with the ladies of the court were led to a mound in the midst of the soldiery who forgetting their natural savagery, appeared to be moved by pity.

The Princess and her children were suspended by the feet to gallows destined for criminals of the deepest dye. The unfortunate King was allowed to survive his family for a few days to brood over the sadness of their fate. He was afterwards hung in a similar fashion and a stone being tied round his neck he was cast into the sea together with fifty of his chief officials who had committed no crime further than their devotion to King and country. This gross act of barbarity aroused the indignation of all the Burmans, and a revolt was imminent had it not been crushed by the diplomacy of the conqueror who held out the prospect of unlimited plunder. The capital was given over to pillage, a hundred million gold pieces were taken from the public treasury and distributed to the army. Everything that did not excite the greed of the conquerors was given over to the flames. Seventeen hundred temples and 140,000 houses were destroyed 60,000 of the inhabitants perished by fire and sword. The survivors of their country's downfall were condemned to drag out the rest of their days in slavery. The neighbouring Kings, jealous of Mandara's rapid success leagued themselves together to check his victorious progress. In great alarm he strengthened his out-posts and put himself at the head of 900,000 men. The rapidity of his movements anticipated the designs of his foes to whom he gave no time to collect their scattered forces. He laid siege to Prome the capital of a Kingdom of the same name which at that time was governed by a Queen acting as regent for her son aged 13 years. A stubborn defence was offered and the Princess's spirit so animated the courage of the troops, that the efforts of the besieging force would have been rendered futile, had it not been for traitors who opened the gates. As soon as the Burmans had proved victorious, the King ordered that the bodies of 2,000 children who had been killed in the general carnage should be dismembered and given to the elephants. The Queen, in a state of nudity, was given over to lust of the brutal soldiery, after which, executioners armed with whips, tore her in pieces. When, amid fearful tortures, she had breathed her last they tied her corpse to that of the King her son and cast them into the water. It is said that Mandara indulged in this cruel excess, because of his hatred towards, her father the King of Ava, who had refused her in marriage. Three hundred of the chief officials of the State were impaled and their corpses had no burial other than in the water.

The King of Ava, learning of the tragic end of his daughter, raised a large army, the command of which he entrusted to his son, who had no thoughts but those of vengeance for the death of his beloved sister. Mandara sent a force of 200,000 men to oppose his progress under the command of his foster-brother, a leader of proved courage and ability. The Burmans made a furious onslaught on the rear guard of the foe. The battle was hard fought, but the victory was gained by the Burmans who lost 115,000 men, although the army of the Prince of Ava numbered about 30,000 men of whom at least 800 deserted to the conqueror.

Mandara, who knew both how to conquer and how to turn his victories to account, sought enemies everywhere in order to increase the number of his vassals. No sooner was he informed of the troubled condition of Siam than he made preparations to annex so rich a prey, but before making a start, he wished to consult with his subjects, not so much as for taking their advice as for assuring himself of their support. The scheme, which, if successful would open a way to China, met with universal approbation. Martaban was the rallying point of his army which consisted of 800,000 infantry 40,000 cavalry, 5,000 elephants, and 1,000 pieces of artillery drawn by buffaloes and rhinoceros. The commissariat and the baggage was carried by oxen. This brave, but undisciplined array was far more suitable for a marauding expedition than for one of conquest. A force of ten thousand Europeans skilled in military tactics could have easily dispersed this motley rabble, which had to deal with a people quite as undisciplined, and less brave than themselves.

The chief strength of the Burmans consisted in a force of 2,000 brave Portuguese commanded by one Diego Suarèz, who, by favour of the King, had been raised to one of the chief dignitaries of the State. We must remark that in this century the Portuguese scattered over the Indies sold their lives to the service of any King who would pay them well enough. These adventurous heroes decided the issue of wars by their bravery, and the Monarch who had the greatest number in his pay, marched confidently to victory.

The first blow fell on the fortified post of Taparan whose garrison of 6,000 Siamese were put to the sword. This slaughter was insufficient to satisfy the fury of the pitiless conqueror who was so cruel as to sacrifice women and children to the memory of the soldiers killed in the operations.

After this carnage, he determined to make himself master of the capital, and without halting at unimportant places, which might have weakened his army, he advanced directly on the royal city, headed by a force of 60,000 pioneers who levelled the difficult tracks through a country covered with forests.

The Siamese, having no sound knowledge of the methods of attack and defence, remained apathetic whilst a numerous army surrounded their ramparts. Terrified, and unskilled in combat, they put their whole trust in their lofty walls which they regarded as being impregnable to attack. At last they were roused from their lethargy by the sounds of an onset. The love of life, rather than that of liberty aroused their courage and they offered a stubborn resistance to the foe who were repulsed with great loss. The besieging force adopted new tactics, which though deadly were not successful. Suarèz, seeing the repulse of the soldiers and that the elephants were terrified by the fire, thought it best to beat a retreat. But the King inflexible in his resolution to capture the city, ordered a fresh assault in the course of which he displayed the greatest bravery, but was wounded by an arrow which confined him to his bed for the space of a week. His wound relaxed the vigour of the siege operations. During the time of inaction he caused wooden towers 65 feet high, mounted on 25 iron wheels and filled with combustible materials to be built. These engines, which demonstrated his skill in mechanics were intended for use against the ramparts. A dark and stormy night was chosen for the attempt and the glare of the lightning and the rumble of the thunder added to the terror they were to inspire. It was in the midst of this blinding storm that the towers were run up to the walls.

The Siamese putting aside their wonted timidity, sustained the attack with great bravery. They set fire to the engines which became fatal to their owners. So stout a resistance only served to increase the courage of the Burmans, but while the King was consulting with Suarèz on the best course that should be adopted, news was brought that the Peguans had risen in revolt to gain the rights of their ancient independence. He raised the siege and instead of attempting the conquest of new territory, he considered it more prudent to take measures for the protection of His own Kingdom.

Having put down the rebellion, he made fresh preparations against Siam, but was assassinated by a gang of conspirators who could not conceal the fact that they had had everything to fear from his vengeance.

Chaumagrin, the foster brother of the murdered King, and to whose instrumentality the late victories were due, succeeded to the throne. He adopted the warlike policy of his predecessor without delay. This Burman would have held a high position amongst heroes if he had had chroniclers to immortalize his deeds which, as it is, have only come down to us by vague tradition. It is said that his mighty army of 1,600,000 men overwhelmed the neighbouring Kingdoms that he extended his conquests to China and Tartary and that he was sovereign ruler of 24 Kingdoms.

The possession of a white elephant of which the King of Siam was very fond was the pretext for a sanguinary war between the rival monarchs. The King of Burma offered large sums of money for the animal which was considered to be remarkably intelligent; but, on being refused, resolved to capture it by force. In reality the sight of two nations in mortal combat for the possession of an elephant is no more to be marvelled at, than the spectacle of European rulers causing the slaughter of thousands of men for the possession of some useless fortress.

The Burmans invaded Siam with a large force, and laid siege to the capital where they expected to meet a long and stubborn resistance. In order to spare the lives of his soldiers, the leader bribed certain traitors who rendered him master of a town by purchase rather than by conquest. The King of Siam became the vassal of Burma. The Queen and her children were exiled to Pegu from which event the rulers of Pegu have taken the title of "Prince of the white elephant" since one of these creatures had been the occasion of a war leading to such glorious results.

After the death of the conqueror his son named Prunginiko succeeded to the throne. His first act was to demand the tribute which the King of Siam had agreed to pay. But the latter said, that he acknowledged no master. On this refusal, the Burmans sent a punitive expedition, under the command of a subordinate officer, to take vengeance on the faithlessness of his vassal.

The Siamese Monarch, terrified by this invasion, gave him to understand that if the King had come in person, there would have been no difficulty in rendering his dues, but that under the circumstance he was unable to comply without compromising his dignity in receiving orders from a subordinate. The haughty Burman replied that his vassal Kings as well as the meanest slaves were expected to obey his behests.

The Siamese army commanded by the son of the King, (who was known as the Black Prince to distinguish him from his brother) took the field and gained a brilliant victory, Prunginiko annoyed, rather than dispirited, raised an army of 1,700,000 men under the leadership of his eldest son, who self confident in numerical superiority assumed the title of King of Siam. The reports of his march caused general consternation, but the Black Prince, calm amid the stress, did not lose hope of dispersing them. His soldiers fired by his example, were eager for the fray. A battle was fought on which the fate of the Empire hung in the balance. With equal ferocity, the two leaders mounted on elephants sought each other out and careless of danger, engaged in single combat, appearing to fear death less than the shame of being vanquished by a hated rival. At last the Burmese Prince fell in the dust and died with every symptom of rage and despair. His soldiers, panic stricken, turned and fled and the Siamese harassed them in the rear for a month as they pursued them like wild beasts, and, slaughtered them without mercy. After a glorious reign, the Black Prince who succeeded his father left the Kingdom in a settled condition to his brother the White Prince who had no skill in the art of government. This new King, a prey to greed and suspicion, allowed himself to be ruled by one of the chief nobles at the Court who in order to render the King more odious, encouraged his vices and follies. This faithless favourite with a large retinue of slaves including 280 Japanese, plotted to gain possession of the throne. The King enfeebled by debauchery was in danger of death, but his son, the heir-apparent, was an obstacle to the ambitious ideas of the favourite. The King misled by the representations of his favourite pronounced sentence of death on his innocent son, but the successor to the throne avenged the crime by the death of the favourite to whom it was due. The blood of the guilty was the cause of new troubles. The slaves of the ambitious favourite and especially his Japanese retainers took upon themselves to avenge the death of their master. These bandits, nurtured on crime and rebellion, obliged the King to deliver over to them four of the chief nobles whom they massacred without pity. Their fury extended even to the King who was obliged to sign in his own blood the conditions which they had the audacity to impose. They furthermore demanded that the chief priests should be given up to them as hostages for the promises they had extorted.

This first attempt was followed by the sack of the town and after having despoiled the citizens, they took their departure unmolested with a great booty. The tyranny of the late King had prepared the way for all these outrages. Whoever calls in foreign defensive assistance is no more than an oppressor who has more trust in the mercenaries he pays, than in the subjects he plunders, but he has the sad experience that his paid defenders often turn out to be only traitors. All countries in whose armies foreigners have predominated have only had transitory periods of prosperity, for the reason that those who have brought about their success, have also been the cause of their downfall.

The neighbouring tribes wishing to profit by the troubles in the Kingdom, made an invasion. Their army came within three day's march of the capital, but peace had then been restored as the Japanese had taken their departure. The King of Siam collected his troops, and struck such terror into them that, they retreated precipitately without risking the issue of a battle.

This Prince, with the assistance of the Portuguese, recaptured several provinces which had previously been seized by the Kings of Ava and Pegu, and, full of gratitude towards his brave auxiliaries, he offered the Port of Martaban to the King of Portugal as a base for his fleet. The ambassadors who made this offer to the Viceroy of Goa returned loaded with gifts. They were accompanied by a Dominican friar to whom the negociation was entrusted. They were received with every mark of distinction and concluded a treaty the terms of which were extremely advantageous to the Portuguese. This first success was the cause of a new embassy in 1621 which assisted the progress of the Faith. Some Franciscans were demanded by the King to preach the Gospel in his realm. He built them a church at his own expense and wished to make them wealthy, to which latter proposal they turned a deaf ear. Their disinterested motives of which the country furnished so few examples, increased the admiration which their other virtues had evoked.

This Prince was a curious mixture of strength and weakness, of vice and of virtue. Brave to the point of foolhardiness, he was cruel and savage, and the cowardly and timorous side of his character sacrificed both innocent and guilty to his suspicions. An absolute despot, he was not over-scrupulous in financial transactions. He was tyrannical, but not miserly. Having a strict eye for justice he cast robbers and dacoits to crocodiles and to tigers and even found a savage pleasure in attending such functions. Ingenious in his methods of reprisal, he imprisoned a vassal King, who had made a rebellion, in a cage and gave him no other food than the flesh which he caused him to tear from his own body. He took delight in the torture of his subjects; he himself cut off the legs of seven of the Court ladies as a punishment for walking too quickly; and performed the same operation on three others who had been too slow to obey his orders. Thus it was an equally heinous offence to walk either to too fast or too slowly. His brutality was extended even to birds and animals. He caused the head of a horse to be struck off because the animal had been disobedient, and the same fate overtook a tiger which had spared the life of a criminal that it ought to have devoured.

This crowned monster of iniquity, died in his bed with all the complacency of a benevolent monarch. Perhaps the horror inspired by his crimes was modified by his brilliant talents and the other virtues he possessed. Faithful to his promises and lavish of rewards for services rendered, liberal and magnificent, he had many supporters who having become his accomplices guaranteed his immunity from revenge for his crimes.

He entrusted a large sum of money to a Portuguese to purchase certain articles from Malacca. This madman gambled away the money and then had the hardihood to return to Siam where he expected to meet with severe punishment. The King welcomed him graciously and said, "I think more highly of your confidence in my mercy than of all the rare articles that you ought to have brought me." Like all tyrants, this prince had a favourite who introduced five or six hundred Japanese, disguised as merchants, into the Kingdom as tools for his own aggrandisement. As soon as the King had closed his eyes; he made use of them to ensure possession of the crown. But the son of the late King rallied his forces and snatched the sceptre from the hand of the usurper. He was more fortunate in recovering it than in retaining it as he was shortly afterwards assassinated.

He left the throne to his younger brother who conceived a violent dislike to the Japanese as he considered them a dangerous gang, watching for an opportunity to take his life. Many of these Japanese were killed and the rest were compelled to leave the country. Peace having been restored, it was imperilled by the murder of the King's brother who had been suspected of aspirations to supreme power. A prince of the blood taking advantage of the feeling inspired by this crime, proclaimed himself King. This new usurper, under pretence of safeguarding the interests of the state maintained an armed force in time of peace, and this force was more vexatious to the citizens, than it was dangerous to foreign foes. However by keeping up a standing army he was able to dispose of the partisans of the legitimate heir to the throne. The Dutch to whom he gave trading facilities were his most zealous upholders.

It has been presumed that this usurper was the celebrated Chao Pasa Thong whom some maintain was of royal birth, but to whom others assign a lowly origin. For a long time he had held the office of Chacri or Chancellor during the tenure of which he deceived his master, oppressed the people, and made use of his ill gotten gains to consolidate his position. His wealth was lavished on his fellow conspirators. As soon as he was on the throne, he desired to marry the daughter of his predecessor, but the princess unwilling to bedeck herself with the spoils of his brothers who were the proper heirs to the throne, looked upon this criminal union with disgust. The tyrant enraged at their love for their sister ordered them to execution.

Having disposed of his rivals, he showed all the ferocity of his nature. The death of his daughter furnished an excuse for his harsh policy of removing all those who might have checked him in the path of crime. Having celebrated her funeral rites with the utmost pomp; he himself gathered up her ashes, and on seeing a morsel of flesh unconsumed by the fire, made up his mind that his daughter had been poisoned. Mad in his suspicions, he had all the women who had been in attendance on the poisoned Princess, put under guard, and tried to extort by torture an avowal from them of an imaginary crime. The whole court was a scene of punishments. Even so large a number of victims could not appear the cruelty of the tyrant. All the nobles of the Kingdom were summoned before him, and he caused trenches to be dug and filled with glowing charcoal so as to put them to the ordeal by fire. They began by scraping the soles of their feet with a sharp piece of iron and then made them pass over the burning matter. Those whose feet were injured by the fire were held to be guilty.

This tyrant, a cunning inventor of punishments, devised new methods. Some victims were crushed under the feet of elephants, others, buried up to the shoulders, begged for death which alone could terminate their sufferings. It was a heinous offence to give them the least assistance or to hasten their death. He employed fearsome tortures. The bodies of victims were squeezed so tightly by cloths that the cloth appeared to be part and parcel of the body of the sufferer. Some were pierced with needles of various shapes and then were cut in half, the upper portion being placed on a copperplate so as to stop the bleeding and to prolong the agony.

Three thousand persons were sacrificed to the barbarity of the tyrant, who under the pretext of avenging the death of his daughter, found a means of removing the enemies of his usurped power.

There still remained other important victims namely the two sons and the daughter of the late King. As he could only revile them for their misfortune and degradation, he brought a false charge against the eldest daughter whom he accused of having given an exhibition of unholy glee at the cremation of the Princess. She was condemned to the ordeal by fire together with all the ladies of her suite and the pain extorted from her the avowal of a crime of which she was innocent. The executioner at once received the order to cut off a piece of her flesh and to make her eat it. When she was offered this disgusting repast, she cried out. "Vile tyrant! you can rend my body, but remember that my spirit is not under your command. You will observe that the fixity of my purpose renders me superior to your tortures. Learn also that your crimes will not go unpunished and that my blood shall be a seed from which shall arise the avengers of my family and country."

At this, the tyrant highly enraged, ordered her to be cut in pieces and to be cast into the river. The brother of the Princess who at that time was twenty years of age met with the same fate. He had previously pretended to be insane but as soon as he was mounted on the scaffold, he made it known that it was the love of life that had caused him to act in a cowardly manner. The beauty of his countenance which his sad position rendered more touching, caused tears to come into the eyes of the most hardened. When he saw the executioner approaching, he cursed the author of his misfortune. "Although innocent," he said, "I am about to suffer the death of the guilty. The tyrant wishes that I should die, and I shall not demean myself to beg his clemency, a virtue of which he is quite ignorant. I prefer to arouse the feelings of the people and to encourage them to thoughts of vengeance." This usurper, who was notorious only for his cruelties, died after a reign of 30 years. He left a son whom the devotion of the people called to the throne, but he was supplanted by his uncle who based his claim to the throne on the custom which placed the crown on the head of the late King to the exclusion of his children.

The young Prince cleverly dissembled his resentment and waited for a favourable opportunity to show it. His uncle, a man of unbridled passions, wished to take his sister as a concubine. The opposition which her brother made to the match caused his uncle to resolve in his death, which he only escaped by flight. The Portuguese sympathised with him and in hopes of his protection offered him their help to reclaim his brother's heritage. This prince, supported by 1000 of these brave Europeans forced his way into the palace, of which he made himself master before any one suspected his designs. The usurper hoping to flee in disguise mixed with a crowd of slaves, but a Portuguese seeing him escape, seized him and stabbed him to the heart with a dagger. The Prince punished only those who had been concerned in the tyrant's misdemeanours and his liberal policy secured him many adherents.

CHAPTER II.

THE REIGN OF CHAO NARAI.

The death of the usurper opened the way to his nephew's possession of the throne. It was in this reign that the barriers which had divided Europe from the Kingdom of Siam were broken down. The welcome that Chao Narai extended to foreigners, drew them from all parts of the world in the hopes of gaining wealth which in reality did not exist or which at least had been much exaggerated by the reports of untrustworthy travellers. This Prince, endowed by nature with all the qualifications necessary for kingship would have been the creator of this nation, had not the intractable nature of his subjects been opposed to all the good he wished to do for them. They however invariably preferred the old customs to useful innovations. Abuses founded on prejudice and custom are rarely capable of being reformed. Chao, desirous of glory, and carried away by his energetic nature did not, like other Kings of the Indies, seclude himself in the gloom of a harem, there to grow weak in debauch and to forget his duties. His throne shaken by the turbulence of the nobles needed a firm hand to keep it secure. His first victories were those over his subjects, and all premonitory symptoms of internal dissensions were promptly repressed by the death of the rebels. Though naturally of a kindly disposition yet severe in his methods of government, he clearly understood that it was always necessary to be ready for all emergencies when dealing with a people who were ready to renounce their allegiance if not intimidated by fear. A chief priest, proud of his authority took upon himself the onus of reading him a lecture. He dared to tell the King that the whole nation was grumbling in secret at his great severity. The Prince listened to what he had to say without appearing to be annoyed by his indiscretion. Some days later in order to make him see the folly of his remarks, the King sent a monkey (an animal which is intensely disliked by the Siamese) to the priest and told him to take great care of it and to let it play about without hindrance.

The Priest suffered great inconvenience from his guest who upset all the furniture, broke the crockery and bit all the servants. At last, exasperated by the animal's tricks he implored the King to relieve him of its presence. "Well" said the Prince, "Can you not put up with the petty annoyances of an animal for two days; and yet you wish that I should endure, for the rest of my life, the insults of a people one thousand times worse mannered than all the monkeys in the forests! Learn then, that even if I punish wickedness still more will I reward virtue and merit." Having crushed the rebellion, he put himself at the head of his army and his first expedition was crowned by a brilliant victory. The Peguans had invaded the outlying portion of the Kingdom and had committed great havoc. These people, so often the conquerors of Siam, found by bitter experience that they could not always be invincible, and after sustaining a disastrous defeat hurriedly retreated with their shattered forces to their own territories.

Whilst thus engaged in the repulse of foreign foes, storms were brewing in the heart of his Kingdom. This Prince too enlightened to give himself up to superstitious idolatry, soared above popular prejudice. The priests feared that they would fall in public estimation and that the people, following the example of so popular a ruler, would forsake the altars of their gods. They thought that they might prevent their loss of prestige by the murder of the King. The zeal for the interests of heaven urged them to the crime of attempting his life and misled by sanctimonious piety they chose for their fell deed, a feast day on which the King entered the temple, more as a censor, than a partaker in their vulgar rites. The success of this sacrilegious plot seemed assured, owing to the fact that the royal body-guard was not allowed to enter the temple precincts. A fortunate chance averted the danger. Two officials, sent to examine the preparations for the ceremony, perceived that the temple was filled with a mob of priests, all of whom were armed with swords and daggers concealed under their robes. These warlike preparations were considered suspicious. On hearing the news, the King surrounded the temple with soldiers who cut down the guilty priests without mercy. This just punishment was regarded as an act of sacrilege by the populace who are apt to confound the cause of God with the crimes of His ministers. The priests, to whose interest it was to decry him, proclaimed him to be a bloodstained Ruler who cared naught for God and man. Such was cause of the hatred that this King felt for the priests.

It was under these favourable circumstances that three French bishops came to Siam to plant the standard of their faith. Their enlightened character contrasted strongly with that of the idolatrous priests, sunk in the depths of ignorance and in the mire of debauchery.

In order to slight the priests, the King made as though to favour Christianity. The prelates established a Seminary on a piece of land given to them by the King. The aim of this institution was to educate the young, and to enable them to learn the languages of their neighbours all of whom had establishments in the capital known as 'camps,' that of the French being known as the camp of St. Joseph. The King built them a church at his own expense. This generosity seemed to indicate his leanings towards Christianity, but in reality he was indifferent to all religions and above all took delight in showing his contempt for the idolatrous priests whom he loved to humiliate. The Mahomedans shared his favours with the Christians and if he had been obliged to make choice of a religion, it is most probable that he would have declared for the Koran. A Prince surrounded by concubines would naturally vote for a religion which authorises his predilections. The logic of the Court furnished overwhelming arguments which silenced the voice of reason. The executive was entrusted to a foreigner, who, brought up in the bosom of Christianity, favoured its progress. This man was equally celebrated for his rise and fall; he has played too important a part on the world's stage for us to omit a sketch of him.

Constantine Faulcon, a Greek by nationality, was born in 1650 in the island of Cephalonia. Father Tachard assures us that his father was a noble Venetian who was the governor of the island, and that his mother was a daughter of one of the leading families. This Jesuit, whose works must be read with a great deal of distrust, created titles to do honour to those of his friends and protectors to whom good birth had been denied.

The name of Faulcon does not occur among those of the noble families of Venice, and Forbin, better informed and less of a flatterer, says that he was the son of an innkeeper in a small village known as La Custode in the island of Cephalonia, at which place Faulcon received an education commensurate with his abilities. Nature revenged herself on the caprice of Fortune and his high spirit was evident as he grew up, and his pride could not stand a locality where every thing recalled his lowly origin.

At the age of twelve he took ship for England and did not delay in making himself known for his commercial abilities. His lively imagination knew how to place everything in a favourable light. His ready speech and interesting conversation bore witness to his birth in that happy land which in former times produced the teachers of the nations. He was sought after by the greatest people at Court, and his intelligence fertile, though uncultivated gave him ready access to the most refined courtiers and the wisest of the learned. Mr. White, a rich English merchant recognised his talents, and seeing the advantage that might accrue from his society, took him on a voyage to the Indies where his skill justified his preconceived ideas.

Having passed through his English service, he found himself possessed of sufficient means to be independent, and started trading for himself. His efforts were not crowned with success. Twice he embarked, and twice was his ship wrecked near the mouth of the Menam. These mishaps did not damp his commercial ardour. He embarked on a third venture, but was again wrecked on the coast of Malabar. He was barely able to save himself from the fury of the elements and managed to recover but 2000 crowns, as the sole relics of his fortune.

Overcome by exhaustion, he fell asleep on the lonely and unknown shore. His disordered imagination gave him a vision of a beautiful and majestic female who, casting tender glances at him, told him to return to Siam where he would meet with better fortune. This dream which he afterwards regarded as a sign from heaven led him to seek means to carry out the project. Thus, smarting from his recent misfortunes, it was from a idle dream, that this man whose talents have been so belauded, took his directions which indeed led him to power. Many unfortunate persons have been led to their doom by following such untrustworthy guides.

Next day, as he was walking along the shore regarding the devouring element that had swallowed up his fortune, he was met by a man in a most wretched plight. It was a Siamese ambassador, who, returning from Persia, had been shipwrecked on the same coast. This personage, having lost all his property thought that he had only been saved from the waves to die on the shore. He was agreeably surprised to meet a sympathetic fellow creature in a similar situation. The account of each other's mishaps cemented a friendship such as is rarely known between those on whom fortune is wont to smile. Faulcon, wealthy compared with his destitute friend, used his remaining wealth to purchase food, clothing and a boat in which they sailed to Siam together, Faulcon found a home in the seminary where he lived on the bounty of the archbishop of Beryta.

The ambassador touched by Faulcon's kindness sang his praises to the Barcalon who desired to see his benefactor. Faulcon captivated the minister by the brilliancy of his talents. The trust he inspired rendered him a necessity to the Barcalon who, a foe to hard work, preferred pleasure to business. He found the burden of the administration could well be borne by a subordinate whose well-directed operations redounded both to the credit of the Monarch and of himself. Faulcon was chosen to accompany an embassy to a neighbouring kingdom where he kept up appearances without causing unnecessary expense. The Mores insatiable in their avarice wasted the public money as they were in charge of the state's finances. Faulcon repressed their greed. This parsimony rendered him dear to the King, who, after the death of the chief minister appointed him as his successor, but the Greek was wise enough to refuse the position as he saw that, he a foreigner, would incur the hatred of the Nobles who invariably aspired to offices without endeavouring to render themselves worthy of their trust. But if he had no show of power, he had all the reality. He was careful to hide behind the machine of which he pulled the strings, and, minister without the title and decorations, he presided as an invisible yet guiding spirit over public affairs.

A Malay who had received the appointment of Barcalon endeavoured to undermine his influence, but the falsity of his charges having been proved, was punished by loss of his office. Nations have spoken differently concerning this singular personage. These who take his lowly origin into account assume him to have been the possessor of superior attainments by which he surmounted the obstacles which hinder the progress of ordinary people.

The French priests supported by his generosity and possibly misled by imposing externals have depicted him in the most glowing colours. Tachard, loud in his praise has represented him as having a nobility of character, a facile mind and polished manners, very rare qualities to be found in a sailor who had passed his life on shipboard in the company of wild, uncouth, seafaring men.

He has also supplied him with natural eloquence and persuasiveness, but the proofs which this Jesuit has brought forward are so open to doubt, that it is fairly apparent that Tachard himself was the author of all the elegant productions which he assigns to Faulcon. The other European nations jealous doubtless of his preference for the French or the Portuguese Catholics, have taken pleasure in vilifying his character. They have painted him with all the vices to which both ancient and modern Greeks are addicted. Perfidious and cringing, concealing the symptoms of frenzied ambition under the cloak of moderation, polite in manner and haughty in character, he did not trouble to disguise his vices in his dealings with a people accustomed to servile obedience. Implacable in revenge, he skilfully laid the onus of the punishment of his enemies upon the king. Everyone agrees that he was possessed of certain virtues which never became obscured throughout his life. A sincere despiser of wealth, he made use of riches only for the purpose of personal aggrandisement. His incorruptible nature was never suspected of receiving bribes in the administration of justice. Eager for the honours from which his birth seemed to have excluded him, he was all the more anxious to secure them. Faithful to his master, the only reward of his service that he claimed, was the privilege of maritime commerce, which furnished him with the money necessary for his expenses. It seems that he was a true Catholic, since free to make choice of a religion, he deserted the Anglican faith which would have been less of a hindrance to his desires.

He was a man of medium stature, with bright penetrating eyes. Although having an intelligent expression, there were traces of gloom in his character, indicative of a conscience smitten by remorse.

Such was the condition of the court of Siam when the question of an alliance with France was considered. A new treaty, the motives of which could not be clearly understood, drew the attention of those interested in politics.

Those who were jealous of Faulcon declared that he had invited the French, only for the purpose of furtherance of his schemes and to place him on the throne that was the summit of his ambition. It is quite possible that feeling himself exposed to the envy of the court, he might have wished to have raised some barrier against the designs of his foes and that in protecting the French, he was actuated by regard for his personal safety rather than by that of his master's prestige.

Whatever his ideas may have been on that point there is no doubt that he was fully alive to the advantages which would accrue to the kingdom from commerce. Otherwise the Dutch, the masters of the Malay Peninsula, would have been the arbiters of the fate of the Indies the kings of which needed an alliance to counterbalance the power of these formidable republicans. Their dangerous proximity was the lure the minister made use of to bring the king round to his ideas.

The Bishops, newly arrived in Siam gave such glowing accounts of Louis XIV that the Siamese monarch was greatly flattered by the prospect of obtaining so illustrious an ally. A pompous announcement of the list of presents sent was made, but fearing lest these gifts might be seized by the Dutch who at this time were at war with France, it had been decided to leave them at Bantam. This delay might have been fatal in a court ruled by avarice, and it was to be feared that over-zealous courtiers, jealous of the favour in which the prelates were held, took every opportunity of doing them harm by declaring that they were secretly plotting to possess themselves of these presents. The king anxious to receive these gifts was persuaded that he would receive them in due course; but hardly had the vessel set sail, than the Dutch caring naught for the King of Siam seized the presents as a prize of war. The Court of Siam broke out in threats at this audacious act; but the Dutch, too powerful to fear any act of reprisal, foresaw a rupture from which nothing was to be gained. So in order to depreciate the high ideal the Siamese had of Louis XIV., they craftily restored all the gifts of small worth, but retained those which were valuable so as to belittle the offering of the King of France.

The King of Siam, hearing of this act of bad faith was only the more eager to hasten the projected alliance, and, to ensure its consummation, he pretended to have decided leanings towards Christianity. The Buddhist temples were closed and those who disobeyed this order were severely punished. The King was pleased to hear the Bishops discourse on Christianity. His gifts helped to embellish the Seminary. He caused a gilt throne to be carried there, the magnificence of which seemed to indicate the respect for the doctrines there promulgated. On the cessation of hostilities between the Dutch and the French, ambassadors were chosen to bear a reply to the French monarch. The King built a church at his own expense. This edifice still remains and the memory of its founder made it to respected by the persecutors of the followers of Christ. The people, free to select a religion, would have ranged themselves under the banner of the Gospel, if the chief minister had not secretly disobeyed the order of his master.

The first ambassadors had many obstacles to overcome. The Court, impatient at receiving no tidings, sent two other high officials accompanied by M. M. Vachet and Pascal two enlightened missionaries to be their guides in a land where the manners and customs would be unfamiliar.

It was at the beginning of January 1684 that they set sail on board an English vessel, together with six young Siamese who were to be instructed in European arts and sciences. They arrived in London after voyage of six months and thence took for ship Calais. It was then that M. Vachet resigned the position of chief of the embassy in order that the Siamese officials might enjoy the dignities of the post.

M. de Seignelay, before making the news public, wished to learn verbally the reason for the embassy. M. Vachet told him that the fame of Louis XIV, had penetrated to the extreme Orient and that the King of Siam hoping to form an alliance, offered him, if his efforts were successful, a position in a state where a French company might establish a trading station to extend commercial operations to China and all parts of the Indies.

The minister, having previously been misled by false reports, appeared to doubt the truth of this recital. "Be careful," he said, "in speaking of this embassy we know very well that it has not been sent by the King of Siam and that Louis XIV. fears that his dignity would be compromised if he were to send an embassy to him." M. Vachet had no difficulty in surmounting this obstacle. Louis XIV., who was better informed on the matter, summoned him to his presence and entered into the details of the affair. He appointed a day for the audience of the ambassadors to whom the ministers lent their equipages and retainers.

They went to Versailles, where their presence aroused the interest of the whole Court. Their dress was rich and elegant, they wore white pointed head-dresses ornamented with a ring of gold three inches in width. The spectacle was interesting from its novelty.

They were conducted with great ceremony to the Royal Presence. On the appearance of His Majesty they prostrated themselves with their faces to the ground, having the hands above the head, in the same posture as they were wont to adopt towards their own King. M. Vachet acted as interpreter and the King replied "Tell these officials that We shall have great pleasure in doing what our brother the King of Siam desires."

Afterwards they dined with the King and the luxury of the table appointments, made a great impression on men naturally accustomed to frugality. They were conducted over the park where the fountains which were playing seemed to them to be an exhibition of magical power. Having satisfied their curiosity, they were invited to magnificent banquet. The King's brother was their host at a splendid entertainment at St. Cloud at which the choice vintages excited their appetites. The objects of art in the Prince's apartments attracted their attention and many Frenchmen were astonished to find such good taste and appreciation in strangers coming from so distant a country. The Prince of Condé, who inherited the inborn courtesy of the heirs of his house, invited them to Chantilly. The most distinguished persons vied with each other in the magnificence of their receptions and during a stay of more than two months in France, they appeared of more account than their master.

On their return to Siam, they rendered account of their negociations and the King pleased with their success and the honours they had received, called M. Vachet to renew to him the assurance of his protection. He addressed him in these words which sounded strange from the mouth of an idolatrous prince.

"Father Vachet, do not pride yourself on the success of your voyage, it is not you that have effected such great things, it is the God of Heaven and Earth to whom all praise be due."

These negociations were the fruit of Faulcon's intrigues and above all of the zeal of the missionaries for the glory of their religion and of their King.

The French merchants who foresaw new openings for commerce were also greatly interested in the scheme. Louis XIV. had resolved to send out Jesuit mathematicians to China, where their observations might perfect the knowledge of geography and navigation. He seized the occasion of the visit of the Siamese ambassadors to carry out his design. The Chevalier de Chaumont was appointed ambassador to Siam with the Abbé de Choisy as his co-adjutor with instructions to reside in the Indies until the King of Siam had been converted to Christianity and to work in conjunction with the missionaries to further the great work.

The Abbé who was a most agreeable personage, was bent more on pleasure, than on the giving of instruction but it is not by amenities of character that apostleship is successful.

The Chevalier de Chaumout cast anchor in the Gulf of Siam on September 27th 1687 after a voyage of six months duration. He was accompanied by M. M. Ceberet and La Loubere the chiefs of the deputation, five missionaries and fourteen Jesuits. Father Tachard who had no rank other than that of a mathematician was the life and soul of the party of which he alone imagined he pulled the strings. The stress he lays on the smallest details of the negociations ought at once to make his position suspected. The French were received with every mark of distinction. The King of Siam, laying aside the hauteur of an Asiatic monarch became quite familiar. It was then that the ambassadors become apostles and begged the King to become a Christian.

Their efforts were redoubled on receiving the news that an ambassador had just arrived from Persia to convert the King to Islam. The Missionaries in their zeal and desire to gain so illustrious a convert, overstepped the limits of his favour. The Chevalier du Chaumont under instructions from them and from Faulcon (who though animated by the same zeal had yet other motives) never ceased pointing out to the King on every possible occasion, that it was the ardent wish of Louis XIV that he should embrace Christianity.

Narai, wearied by his importunity, asked what had led the King of
France to believe that he had wished to become a Christian.

The following was the King's reply from the memory of those who were present and who were desirous of his conversion. Faulcon himself acted as interpreter.

"I regret that the King of France sets me so difficult a choice. I should be rash to embrace a religion of which I know nothing. I wish for no other judge than this wise and virtuous prince. A sudden change might cause a revolution and I do not intend to forsake lightly a religion received and practised without interruption in my kingdom for the last 2229 years. Besides this I am greatly surprised at the eagerness with which this King upholds the cause of heaven, it seems that God himself takes no interest whatever in the matter, and that He has left the mode of worship which is due to Him to our own discretion. For could not this true God who has created heaven and earth and all the dwellers therein and has endued them with diverse characters, in granting souls and bodies to mankind, have inspired mankind with similar ideas on the religion they ought to follow, and have indicated to them the mode of worship most agreeable to Him and to have submitted all nations to a uniform law. As He has not done so we ought to conclude that He has not wished it to be so. This ordered unity of worship depends entirely upon a divine Providence that could have introduced it into the world just as easily as the diversity of sects that are established. It is then natural to believe that the True God takes as much pleasure in being worshipped in different ways as by being glorified by a vast number of creatures who praise Him after one fashion. Would the diversified beauty which we so admire in the physical, be less admirable in the ethical world or less worthy of the Divine Wisdom? Whatever may happen, since God is the absolute ruler and director of the world I resign myself and my kingdom entirely to His good providence and with all my heart I trust that His eternal wisdom will so order them according to His good pleasure."

These brilliant sophisms showed that the Prince had no great leanings towards Christianity. The Abbé de Choisy was quite capable of understanding their hollowness but, convinced that the logic of Kings is hard to refute, became tired of his apostleship owing to the small hope he held of success.

The French were none the less well received, and in virtue of a secret treaty, Mergui and Bangkok were banded over to the soldiery to whom the King extended a welcome. These towns were reckoned as two of the ramparts of the country the one on the Bay of Bengal and the other on the Gulf of Siam. Des Farges was appointed governor and commander in chief of the French soldiery.

These foreigners transferred to the Kingdom of Siam, were regarded as its defenders. Twenty-four of them were selected to act as a bodyguard to the prime minister, and the King himself never appeared in public without a French escort. One of these men was raised to the rank of colonel of the guards and others were placed in command of Siamese regiments in order to instruct them in military discipline. The soldier who fell ill was sent to Louvo where he received better attention than he would have in his own home. These privileges were extended to all Christians who enjoyed full rights of citizenship. The French Jesuits were allowed to preach the Gospel in all parts of the Kingdom. The King appointed many of them to Buddhist temples under the pretext of their having to learn Siamese, but in reality to observe their procedure as the priests were neither suited for, nor willing to act as spies. The minister laid the foundations of a college for the education of the younger member of the nobility under the name of College of Constantine. M. the Chevalier de Chaumont having brought the negociations to a conclusion departed from Siam at the end of 1688. He was accompanied by three Siamese Ambassadors equally distinguished by birth and ability and who were in charge of some rich gifts for the King of France.

The object of this mission was to demand that engineers should be sent to instruct the Siamese in the art of fortification and in the methods of attack and defence of positions. They were also empowered to request a body of troops to perfect the Siamese in military evolutions.

The French officers and soldiers who remained in Siam abused the consideration they had enjoyed. Convinced of their superiority in power and knowledge, they were rash enough to presume upon it, and instead of laying themselves out to please, desired to be thought much of. With impudent mockery they condemned every thing that differed from their own customs. The people and nobles at first suffered the pride of their insolent guests in silence. The Bishops and clergy alone were not exposed to the popular dislike. Keeping within the seminary and devoting their time to labour, they were neither vain nor ambitious, they were known by the services they rendered to the public and above all to the unfortunate.

The Jesuits, animated without doubt by the same motives had other means to attain their end; and it was by the brilliancy of their accomplishments that they endeavoured to enjoy the public confidence.

Surgeons, physicians, astronomers and mathematicians, they beheld men of all stations in life coming to ask their advice and to follow their teaching.

But while making converts, they multiplied enemies. The more they displayed the superiority of their talents the more were they suspected of dangerous designs. It was incredible that such learned men should expose themselves to such fatigue and danger for the mere purpose of dressing wounds free of charge, and to teach how to calculate eclipses or the periodicity of comets. They were both admired and hated, and the Siamese were told that it was merely by this display of secular learning that they had succeeded in having a powerful following in Japan. In such manner they decried the zeal of these religious persons pure in their motives, but perhaps too ostentatious in their methods.

Many of the Siamese, attached to their own habits and customs were alarmed at seeing so many foreign priests and soldiers introduced into the Kingdom. They could not but perceive that this policy was a forecast of an approaching change in the laws and religion of the country. Faulcon, the author of these innovations, became the object of public execration. A zealous, but indiscreet Malay informed the King that the minister, the accomplice of the French, had conspired against him and the state. The Monarch having been forewarned of this tale would not deign to listen to the proofs he had to offer and instead of receiving the rewards that he thought would be his due, was condemned to be devoured by tigers.

The Prince of Johore, a vassal of the King of Siam, wrote to the King to induce him to expel these foreigners from his Kingdom; alleging that the French after having been received as allies would soon attempt to become masters. This prince with the connivance of the Dutch, offered his troops to help in the liberation of the Kingdom from these new oppressors. His advice was rejected in anger, and the envoys would have been beheaded had not Faulcon been wise enough to check an act of violence which might have led to disastrous results.

A few remarks should be made here on this embassy which was a brilliant, rather than a useful achievement.

The French clergy who had been the primary occasion of the embassy had only the interests of Christianity at stake, but the political party regarded it as an advancement of the prestige of the King of France, who, in his turn, surrounded by flatterers, was misled by their counsels.

Father Tachard, ready to grasp anything that would advance the interests of either his master or his sect, thought that the conquest of Siam was reserved for his own society. He was seconded by Pere de la Chaise, who removed all the opposition on the part of the ministers to this expensive and useless alliance.

The Chevalier de Chaumont and the Abbé de Choisy had had but a very superficial idea of the Siamese nation. They had been present at banquets and hunting parties and the Royal Treasures had been displayed to their view. They had been conducted round the temples where they had been told that the colossal images therein were of solid gold, whereas in reality they were only of plaster skilfully gilt. The ambassadors, dazzled by what they saw, deceived the Court of France in their turn.

Count Forbin, the head of the navy and a thorough Spartan, had observed all this parade in a philosophic spirit. This brave soldier who preferred the roar of cannon, to any more sensuous form of music, perceived that the French were being blinded by a bogus magnificence. The simple account he has given of this journey is a complete refutation of the meretricious lies of Tachard and Choisy.

His insight into the wretched state of the country was keen, and Faulcon, fearing lest he should discredit the reports that the ambassadors were about to carry to the French Court, asked the Chevalier de Chaumont that Forbin should be appointed Admiral of the fleet. The Count was obliged to obey the orders of the ambassador and was duly appointed Admiral and Commander-in-chief of the land and sea forces of the Kingdom of Siam. This grandiloquent title gave him opportunities of investigating the true state of the country the misery and weakness of which he soon discovered. Some days after he had an audience with the King whom he found surrounded by officials seated on wicker-work mats. A single lamp illuminated the hall and whoever wished to read, pulled out a yellow wax taper from his pocket, lit it, and then extinguished it with great economy when he had finished with it.

One day the mean and miserly Monarch asked the Count "Well Admiral, do you not find great pleasure in your appointment at Court?" Forbin was obliged to answer that he considered himself highly favoured to be in his service. This plain-spoken sailor ground his teeth as he uttered this polite lie.

The severity with which the slightest faults were punished made him squeamish. Those who did not speak sufficiently had their mouths slit from ear to ear and those who spoke too much had the mouths sewed up. Petty offenders were burnt in the arm or lacerated in the thigh, Forbin was surprised to see that the highest officials were exposed to such shameful treatment, from which even the King's brothers themselves were not exempt. He feared for his personal safety, but was reassured by Faulcon who employed every artifice to retain him in the service. He was not over-satisfied with the allowance made for his pay and accomodation which was quite out of proportion to his grandiloquent title.

He was given thirty six slaves to wait on him, and two elephants. His house was small and poorly furnished. He was presented with twelve plates two large silver cups, four dozen table napkins and a daily allowance of two of yellow wax tapers.

Such were the emoluments of Count Forbin, Admiral and Commander-in-chief of the forces of the Kingdom of Siam. This mean equipage can give some idea of what an Asiatic monarch considered to be luxury.

It seems that Fortune, in retaining Count Forbin in the service of a nation incapable of profiting by his example, had foreseen that the chance would be given him of acting as the country's defender, as happened in the Macassar revolt which broke out two years later and of which the circumstances shall now be related.

CHAPTER III.

THE REVOLT OF THE MACASSARS.

A people to whom the Kingdom of Siam had given refuge in their misfortunes, were the cause of an event that shook it to its foundations. The King of Macassar, a district in the island of Celebes, had been dethroned by the Dutch. One of his sons, escaping from the vengeance of the conquerors, had sought asylum in Siam. The King of Siam, attracted by the rank of the unfortunate prince, granted him land on which houses were built for him and his followers who had accompanied his flight.

This locality which still retains its name of 'The field of the Macassars' was situated adjacent to that assigned to the Malays who were also a Mahommedan people.

The benefits showered on the fugitive Prince only made him ungrateful, and when he ought to have sacrificed everything for his benefactor, he made an attempt on his life, in order to place the King's younger brother on the throne. The conspiracy was discovered and the author of it deserved severe punishment, but Narai overlooked the offence and magnanimously pardoned him. Daen (this was the name of the treacherous Prince) emboldened by impunity, considered himself more powerful than the Prince to whom he was so much indebted.

Base characters regard clemency as a sign of weakness, not as a virtue. Humiliated by an unmerited pardon, he rendered himself still more unworthy by entering into a new conspiracy. As he needed fellow-conspirators for the execution of his evil designs, he corrupted by means of specious promises, the three Princes of Champa, who, like himself had sought refuge in Siam, after the death of their father to escape from the machinations of their brother, who having succeeded to the throne, would have in accordance with Mahommedan usage, laid violent hands on possible rivals.

These Princes conspired with the Prince of Macassar to open a road to the throne. Their plot was, at first, to place the crown on the head of the youngest of the King's brothers and to reign in the name of the crowned phantom. They were resolved to compass his destruction after having elevated him to the throne and to substitute one of themselves by vote. It seemed that the interests of their religion justified the conspiracy in their sight. They intended to offer to Christians and Mahomedans alike, the alternatives of death or the Koran.

One of these three Princes occupied a high position at Court. He was the youngest, and the others placed him at the head of the conspiracy. He was of an age at which ignorance of the risk he ran, might lead him into crime without his perceiving the fatal results. He followed the counsels of a bold Malay who had nothing to lose and who was ready for any desperate deed. It was necessary to enlist the sympathy of heaven for their cause so as to inspire their followers with that fanatical enthusiasm which regards the present life as a mere prelude to eternal felicity.

They received great assistance from the impostures of a Mahomedan priest who informed the Malay and Macassar encampments that a sign of evil omen had appeared in the sky and that their nation was threatened by a grave disaster. For the space of three months he published these dreadful tales. Fanatical madness is contagious, and an imposter who misuses the name of the Deity can soon reckon on a numerous following.

With the exception of three hundred Malays, everyone eagerly drank in his words. When the plot was ripe, the three ringleaders sought means to win over these three hundred to their side, as the success of the plot largely depended on their co-operation. They decided that on the appointed day, they would summon them to their meeting and that they, seeing their compatriots armed for the common cause, would no longer hesitate to throw in their lot with them. It was resolved to break open the prisons and to liberate the captives to augment their forces. As their financial resources were limited, they signified their intention of looting the palace and the treasury in the hope of encouraging the bravery of their fellow-conspirators by the prospect of a rich booty.

On the appointed day, before striking the first blow, the two Princes wrote to their brother, who was holding office in Louvo, to advise him to put as great a distance as he could between himself and the Court. He received the letter at nightfall and the messenger disappeared without waiting for an answer. The hasty departure of the messenger aroused the prince's suspicions and guessing that the letter contained some important secret information, gave it unopened to Faulcon, who alarmed at the news of the rising, hurried off to inform the King. Three thousand men were sent to defend the palace. The guards stationed near Louvo prevented the outbreak of the revolt by their vigilance. Forbin was sent to Bangkok to attend to the defence of that important port.

The conspirators ignorant of the discovery of their plot, assembled to carry out their designs. When the three hundred Malays, whom the conspirators had been endeavouring to win over, had discovered the nature of the plot, they became highly indignant and protested that far from wishing to betray the King their benefactor, they were ready to shed their blood in his defence.

Their fidelity brought back many to a proper sense of their position. The Mahomedan priest trembled for his life and saw no better way out of his difficult position than by revealing the secrets of those whom he had deceived. The princes no longer doubted that they were discovered, especially when they learnt that the palace was defended by three thousand men and that armed guards were keeping watch on the ramparts.

They returned home without striking a blow. The King, although he could have punished them very severely, showed his clemency and pardoned them.

The Malay leader, who had been the arch-plotter deserted the camp of the Princes whom he had so seriously compromised. He divulged all the secrets and sources of the plot and avowed that he had only served with the Princes in order to be able to disclose the matter to the King.

Faulcon was sent to interview the rebels and to induce them to return to their allegiance. He pardoned all those who came and acknowledged their faults. The Malays who had rebelled simply because they had been prevailed upon by the others, gave testimony of their repentance and obedience in future. But the Macassars, who were unprincipled scoundrels, showed a ferocious courage that feared death less than the shame of submission. Their Prince was frequently ordered to appear before the King's tribunal, not to be judged, but merely to acknowledge his guilt and to reveal the names of his fellow-conspirators. He excused himself on various pretexts and alleged that although he was not guilty, yet he could not endure the shame of having to justify his actions. If he had anything to reproach himself with, it was the fact that he was unable to reveal the names of those who had entrusted him with their secrets, but that his dignity would have been compromised had he condescended to play the part of a spy and informer, and furthermore that far from wishing to betray the King to whom he owed so much, he was incapable of traducing the very least of his friends. The King who could not subdue his pride by kindness, found that he was obliged to resort to force. But the Macassars too hardy to blench at the approach of death, gave him to understand that the most formidable enemies are those who are prepared to die.

Hearing of their resistance, the King of Macassar sent slaves and money to the rebellious princes to ensure them a means of subsistance.

A Malay captain, one of the ringleaders of the revolt, thought that he could take advantage of the ship which had brought these gifts to Bangkok, to find a home in some other land. But the Chevalier de Forbin by means of a warrant he had received for his arrest, prevented his escape. He had asked for, and obtained a passport to leave the Kingdom, but on his arrival at the chain stretched as a barrier across the river, Forbin sent an order that he should land and give an account of the members of his suite.

The Captain, perceiving the threatened danger, replied that he would only submit to the governor's order on condition of his being accompanied by all his suite bearing arms.

After some deliberation he was allowed to land with an escort of eight soldiers armed with daggers. These daggers are formidable weapons as they are usually poisoned. The possession of one of these daggers is a mark of honourable distinction among the Macassars, and the surrender of it to an enemy is considered to be the greatest disgrace, and whoever draws his weapon and does not succeed in killing his adversary is held to be dishonoured in the sight of the nation. The captain, apprehensive of danger, fearlessly disembarked from his ship and made it known to his companions that it was his determination to plunge his dagger into the breast of the first man that attempted to disarm him. On his arrival at the fort he was ordered to send for the rest of his suite who remained in the ship. He was obliged to yield as the hall was filled with soldiery. An officer commanded him in the King's name, to surrender his dagger, but instead of obeying, the Malay stabbed him to the heart. Two Siamese soldiers tried to seize him, but they met with the same fate as their officer, and a fourth man succumbed to his blows. Then in a frenzy of rage he and his companions rushed on the soldiers who were armed with pikes, and forced their way through in defiance of death. They sprang upon a bastion, but the musketry fire compelled them to leap into the fosse. Some, even were able to make a stand against the guards posted to stop their flight, but, sorely wounded, they received the fatal strokes they had desired to deal. When the captain lay dying in the dust, a French officer advanced to seize his dagger, but instead of grasping it by the handle, he only managed to get the scabbard. The Macassar, recalled to action by the fear of losing his weapon, snatched it and ripped up his adversary and exhausted by the effort, died together with him. By this stubborn resistance Forbin was assured that the survivors would sell their lives dearly. He turned out the garrison which numbered four hundred. There were only thirty-two Macassars and they were reduced to desperation. These savages, more like wild beasts than men, wished to dictate terms rather than to make them. They demanded the body of their captain and threatened to punish the French if they refused to give it up. When they perceived that Forbin was making preparations to attack them, they made ready for a vigorous defence. They twisted strips of cloth round their arms and shoulders to serve as shields. An English captain, underrating the strength of these fanatics, told the general that he would go forth and bring them back in chains. He advanced, but soon fell a victim to his daring. The Macassars fell upon him and stabbed both him and his followers through and through with their daggers. The garrison on seeing this rash venture, were panic-stricken and broke their ranks. Forbin made vain efforts to rally them and ran a great risk of losing his own life. If the Macassars had but known how to take advantage of the terror they had inspired, they could have rendered themselves masters of the fort. But as they were more desirous of the blood of their enemies than of dictating terms; they massacred without mercy all the soldiers, women and children who fell into their hands. Having glutted their thirst for vengeance, they dispersed into the jungle where they suffered greatly from hunger and the attacks of leeches and mosquitoes. They were hunted like wild beasts, and in spite of their desperate condition, they had the courage to face death with their weapons in readiness. They appeared merely to regret the fact of death in cases where they could not take the lives of their adversaries.

Those who were taken alive, begged for death, and tired of life, they merely desired the same fate as their companions whom they did not wish to survive.

The Prince of the Macassars, to whom the fate of his companions should have been a warning, ought to have yielded himself to the mercy of the King; but he still persisted in his refusal to appear at Court.

A force of 6000 men under the command of Faulcon was sent to force his submission. This body of troops ought to have been more than sufficient to crush a handful of undisciplined men, but the Macassars are the bravest and most determined of the Eastern races. Energetic and fearless in danger, they despise luxurious habits that sap vitality and extinguish all sparks of courage.

On hearing the trumpets sounding the attack, they maddened themselves with drugs and in a blind frenzy of passion fell upon the foe. Faulcon, who relied on strategy more than on numerical superiority, embarked in a ship with an Englishman the captain of a war-vessel stationed at the bar of the river. He was accompanied by a missionary and several Europeans who were more reliable than the Siamese who trembled at the mere mention of the name of the enemy.

The captain of the guard at, the head of fourteen slaves, made an advance in the direction of the Macassar camp, without taking precautions to cover his retreat. A Macassar with thirty men springing from an ambush fell upon them and slew the captain and seven of the slaves. The remainder of the party fled in the darkness. At the same time the English captain of the war vessel made an attack on the extreme point of the camp. Their musketry fire riddled the Macassar huts and caused the inmates to beat a hasty retreat. The captain, followed by a dozen Englishmen and a French officer pursued them. The Macassars turned at bay and then with a haughty defiance, advanced, armed with their daggers, determined neither to ask nor to give quarter. The English captain fell dead on the scene of the combat, his companions fled in terror, and the French officer had to swim for his life.

The Macassars deserted their ruined camp and endeavoured to reach the Portuguese quarter in order to make a furious attack on the Christians. Faulcon seeing their plan, made arrangements to circumvent it; and, followed by eight Frenchmen, two Siamese and one Japanese, unwisely made a frontal attack. He advanced, but the enemy had formed up in two parties to cut off his retreat. Maddened by their drugs, they fell upon his little band like hungry tigers upon their prey and Faulcon seeing that he was in danger of being overwhelmed by numbers, beat a hurried retreat after losing half of his men.

It was evident that the attack must be made more warily and that it was useless to imagine that mere force of numbers would be sufficient to crush them. Faulcon rallied his whole army and fell upon the foe who fought with the courage born of despair. At length the Macassars, overwhelmed by numbers, retired, some to their huts and others behind hedges of bamboos. Twenty two of their number took refuge in a temple and resolved to bury themselves in its ruins. The huts were fired, but the Macassars did not emerge from them until, they were nearly burnt. Then to cut short the agony, they rushed forward sword in hand on the pikes of their foes and fought till they died pierced through and through, The Macassar Prince, wounded by a ball in the shoulder, perceived Faulcon, the man whom he considered to be his most dangerous enemy. The thirst of revenge lent him strength, and mad with rage, he advanced on his hated rival, but as he was in the act of striking with his javelin; he was shot by a French soldier.

Those who had taken refuge in the temple, surrendered without striking a blow. Thirty three more who had been severely wounded were taken prisoners. One of the sons of the Prince, a boy of 12 years of age, implored the mercy of the conqueror. He was shown his father's corpse. "Alas," he exclaimed "he was the cause of our country's miseries, but I feel his loss none the less keenly."

A few remarks on these curious people might be made here. It is quite a novelty to find in an enervating climate, such an example of ferocity. The Macassars have no knowledge of fire-arms and they regard them as detrimental to personal prowess, because they render modes of attack by bodily strength of no avail. Besides this type of weapon hinders the user from tasting the fruits of vengeance and leaves him ignorant of the number of the slain. On the other hand, this dislike for fire arms may be due to the fact that they do not know how to use them, as they would have to surrender their superiority in the art of hurling lances and assegais. They show the greatest skill in the use of the sword and dagger, and they employ long blow pipes from which they shoot arrows tipped with a poisoned fish-bone. Whoever is struck by one of these deadly missiles has not more than three hours to live.

Forbin cites an example of their intrepidity. One of these fanatics was making a rush at him and he stopped him by a spear thrust in the abdomen, but the Macassar, although mortally wounded was still anxious to have his revenge. He continued to press forward on the spear, so as to reach Forbin, who, stepping backwards, still holding him off by the spear with which he had impaled him; gave time for others to come to his assistance, and slay the Macassar. Especially when they were subjected to tortures they evinced the greatest firmness of demeanour.

Amongst the prisoners were found four soldiers who had deserted, and these men were selected to serve as an example of severity. At first they were tortured. Splinters were thrust under their nails, after which their fingers were crushed. They were then burnt in the arm and their heads were compressed between two boards. They suffered all these torments without a murmur. A missionary thought that, exhausted by torture, they would be easy subjects for conversion and approached to lead them to Jesus Christ, but the victims deaf to their entreaties gave no sign save those of pride in the fact they knew how to die. After having been tortured in every possible way, they were tied up to a post with their hands and feet bound in order to be devoured by a hungry tiger that merely sniffed at them. The executioners goaded on the tiger until it at last devoured its prey. One of the prisoners watched it eat his own foot without making any effort to withdraw it. Another hearing the crunching of his own bones, uttered no sound. A third, while the animal stood licking the blood which was running down his face did not even care to glance round. The King of Siam spared the lives of the two sons of the Macassar Prince. They were sent to Louvo under the charge of a Christian, from Constantinople, who had entered the Siamese service, and, later, they went to France where they served in the navy. Faulcon had the bodies of all the rebels found armed decapitated and exposed the heads in the then deserted encampment. The English and French who had shared the dangers and who had been instrumental in his success were loaded with honours and presents.

CHAPTER IV.

THE REVOLUTION THAT BROUGHT ABOUT THE DOWNFALL OF FAULCON AND THE FRENCH.

Whilst Faulcon was doing his best to ensure the prosperity of the state, the nobles, jealous of his power and influence were humiliated by having to be subservient to a foreigner. The priests discredited, and without the enjoyment of Court favour, saw to their sorrow a minister, who despised their religion and set an example to the nation of forsaking their gods and superstitions. The common people, blind to common sense, and ready to follow any leader as foolish as themselves, espoused the cause of the priests who, to promote the cause of Heaven, sowed dissensions broadcast. Kings ought to have learnt by experience that when a people is discontented, an ambitious man is all that is required to make it rebellious. A single man suffices to instil into dull minds the fact that union is strength, and to cause them to pass from the ignominy of slavery to the desire for freedom.

The Siamese people, who were murmuring in secret, only awaited a leader to break out in revolt. Men of all conditions yearned for a deliverer and any ambitious personage had a chance of assuming this imposing title.

An official by name Pitracha, took advantage of the popular discontent as a basis on which to rear the fabric of his fortune. At first he sheltered his aims under the cloak of religion; and a hypocritical zealot in religious matters, he gained the confidence of the priests and people, who regarded him as the protector of their temples and of their ancestral form of worship. This imposter in disguise took the surest means to stir up the fires of rebellion, as the mob invariably supports those who take up arms on behalf of their religion.

Some say that Pitracha was born to be galley-slave rather than to succeed to a throne, but I can affirm that, from reliable information received, that he was of the blood royal and even first cousin to the reigning King. His mother who had been nurse to the King had two children, Pitracha who has been mentioned, and a daughter. Both these children had been brought up in the Palace and had been the playmates of the King in his youth. First impressions are the most durable, and the King had always a kindly feeling for the playfellow of his youth, whom he afterwards advanced to the highest official position in the Kingdom. The daughter who was comely and pleasing withal, was admitted to the harem and became the favourite wife. Unfortunately she conceived a guilty passion for the King's brother and as there were too many spies about for the liaison to be kept secret for long, the faithless wife was condemned to be devoured by tigers.

Pitracha dissembled his resentment so as not to lose favour; and the King, charmed with the apathy he exhibited, ordered him to chastise the offending prince with a rattan.

Pitracha carried out his instructions with such effect that the Prince dragged out a wretched existence; as the punishment had caused severe injuries.

The other brother of the King had been implicated in the Macassar plot, and this fact added to his natural vicious habits debarred him from any possibility of obtaining the throne.

The fact of the King being in poor health, and of his having no heirs was favourable to ambitious designs.

Pitracha though small in stature was high spirited. His physiognomy was interesting; his glittering eyes seemed to pierce the inmost depths of one's thoughts and although 56 years of age, he still had the strength of youth. His natural eloquence won the hearts of all. Popular amongst his subordinates, and haughty towards his rivals, he adopted even with the King, the tone of a censor animated by the public welfare. His frankness was a clever artifice by which he might reproach the King with his faults or those of his ministers, whom he rendered odious, by acting the part of the zealous citizen. Although he managed to conceal his criminal designs, his more indiscreet followers embittered the people by the announcement that the minister (Faulcon) in calling in the French soldiery was scheming to place the sceptre in their hands, and to raise Christianity on the ruins of the faith of their forefathers.

The alarm or the nation was strengthened by the fact that Bangkok and Mergui had been handed over to the French and the same fact gave colour to their statements.

Pitracha, calm in the midst of the general turmoil, pretended to deplore the evils for which in reality he was responsible. He had a rival for the King's favour, and he considered it wise to help his rival's claims so that he might the more readily be able to compass his downfall.

There was a favourite at Court named Monpit aged twenty-two years whom the King had loaded with honours. The licence that both he and his relatives enjoyed, gave credit to the rumour that he was the offspring of a secret amour between the King and a concubine; and that he had been chosen as heir to the throne. The eyes of all were fixed on this rising star which was confidently expected to preside one day over the destinies of the nation.

His inexperience rendered him an easy prey; and the favour he enjoyed rendered him unsuspicious.

Pitracha, accustomed to Court life, where a kiss is the usual prelude to treachery, found in him a suitable tool for the accomplishment of his designs. He pointed out to him, that as he had been adopted by the King as his son, he had only one step to take to become his successor; but that he ought to act with boldness so as not to render the promises of fortune worthless.

Monpit dazzled by visions of power, surrendered his will entirely to the counsels of an enemy in the guise of a patron. He begged Pitracha to act as his father and promised to share the throne with him.

The Court was ruled by three men, all of whom were actuated by different motives.

The moribund King had but a shadow of that power of which the favourites possessed the reality. The hearts of all the nation beat for Pitracha, who artfully appeared to despise the power which in secret he coveted. His devotion to the priests had enlisted them in his cause, and there are no more zealous partisans than those who imagine they perceive in an ambitious hypocrite, a defender of their temples and rites.

His designs could not escape the notice of Faulcon who was sufficiently clear sighted to see their aim, but was too weak to circumvent them. Full of confidence in the French, he considered that he could oppose them as a rampart against the assaults of enemies.

He had been informed that Pitracha had counterfeited the seals of state so as to be able to issue orders favourable to his schemes. His emissaries, spread throughout the provinces, were raising forces under pretext of guarding against imaginary dangers. Pitracha, despairing of ingratiating himself with Faulcon, sought means to undo him by pandering to his self esteem, by means of the encomiums that the office holder invariably imagines are his due. "It is unfortunate for you and for the State," he said, "that being a foreigner, you are not eligible for the throne, as otherwise you would rule as King, an Empire that you administer to-day in your official capacity."

"The King, who is well aware of the incapacity of his brothers would always have a scruple against giving us such masters. If by some unlucky chance, they came into power, they would use it against the favourites and officials whom they hate as the authors of the punishments they have had to bear. Believe me, let us anticipate their revenge and as soon as the King is dead, let us take possession of the palace. I would see that you were conducted to Bangkok by my friends and there you could bid defiance to any who might wish to supplant you, Monpit is working in your interests and in mine. Our safety is dependant on our union, but for my own part I have resolved to bury myself in solitude and to consecrate the rest of my life to the worship of our gods whom it is quite impossible to serve amid the stress of state affairs." Faulcon did not believe a single word of this, and was convinced that ambitious men have no disinterested friends. He replied that he intended to remain faithful to the service of his master, and that he considered it treasonable to form any league; and assured those who looked for his co-operation that he would only act on behalf of the King's interests.

He resisted the temptation of revealing the matter to the King and besides the fear of aggravating the illness of the Royal patient caused him to dissemble. He had no convincing proofs to bring against the guilty parties and he might have exposed himself to the risk of punishment inflicted for slander. The King would have with difficulty given credence to his recital, and his deluded heart would have justified his favourites. Had Pitracha been exposed, the plots would only have come to a head, and as no precautionary measures had been taken, it was necessary to dissemble.

It is politic to ignore crime that cannot be punished. Faulcon, in order to retain his prestige in sight of the people, let it be understood that it was he who had been the cause of Pitracha's advancement; and in favouring his cause so as to the more easily bring about his downfall determined that the dying King should hand over the regency of the Kingdom to him. Pitracha made great protestations of gratitude in order to be afterwards ungrateful for his success. He played his part so well that the Greek, who considered himself a past-master in the art of plumbing the depths of a man's character, believed that he had no more zealous partisan, especially since his advice was always followed in the councils of state. As the keeper of the King's conscience, he was exposed to the danger of causing the happiness of the few and of arousing the hostility of the many. Every case heard before his tribunal increased the number of his enemies, because those who gained the day were never grateful to justice, while the losers imputed their defeat to the corruption of the judges.

The new regent had no more eloquent panegyrist than the man whom he wished to destroy, and the King delighted in listening to the praises which the minister showered on his secret enemy. The King charged them to continue to work harmoniously together as the public welfare depended on their concord. He made them embrace each other as a pledge of eternal affection, but the favours of courtiers are but as snares for the credulous, who are influenced by externals only.

Faulcon's friends who were more clear sighted warned him of the approaching storm, but he was blinded by his uninterrupted successes; and prosperity unmixed with reverses had made him forget that Fortune is apt to desert her favourites. Accustomed to being in authority he never considered for one moment that his credit might fail; and a fortunate office-holder invariably believes himself to be a necessity to his employers.

M. de Métellopolis, with more foresight, pointed out the gulf yawning under him, but Faulcon treated him with the scorn which is the reward of dreamers who offer visions for realities. A Jesuit was hounded with ignominy from his presence for having had the boldness to give him some advice, and he was indiscreet or ill-natured enough to reveal to the other officials the sources from which he had obtained his information.

At last his eyes were opened to the dangers, but it was too late to find a remedy. The King suffering from dropsy, was sinking rapidly. As he could now no longer hide the approach of Death; he nominated Monpit as his successor.

His friends and relations filled all the important offices, and troops had been raised to support his candidature. Faulcon, ever devoted to the interests of his master, acted on his behalf, but Pitracha condemned his action in no measured terms. He proclaimed that it was his determination to place the crown on the head of the King's brother whom he would set up as an imposing phantom so as in reality to secure the power for himself. Pitracha was the wire-puller of this macheviellian policy and to attract the Princes to the court, pretended that the King their brother wished to nominate one of them as his successor.

They hesitated for a long time before yielding to his pressing solicitations. The youngest, braver or perhaps more ambitious than the rest, presented himself at the court with the Princess whom he had just married. They were given a magnificent reception. All the nobles hastened to render homage, but Monpit and Faulcon alone held aloof. The eldest of the Princes on his arrival shortly afterwards, refused to receive either Monpit or Faulcon when they asked for an audience.

As soon as the regent had all those who might cross his path in his power, he resolved to wait patiently for the death of the King and then to be proclaimed as his successor.

But having been informed by his spies that an armed force, was advancing to support the claims of Monpit, he resolved to hasten the consummation of his crimes. Monpit, who for several days had been watching by the bedside of the dying King; was called out of the room and stabbed to death by the emissaries of Pitracha, regardless of the outcries of the King who implored them to spare his son. At last, Faulcon who had been lulled to a sense of false security, realised the condition of affairs. He could only cure the evil, by striking at the root, namely by arresting Pitracha, and thus secure the loyalty of the disaffected; but he was powerless, as he himself was surrounded by enemies in a court where Royal favour and the fact of his being a foreigner had drawn upon him the hatred of all. There was only one resource left, and that was the assistance of the French soldiery. He instructed them to assemble under arms at Louvo and told them that their presence was necessary to the mutual interests of the allied monarchs. The rapidity with which Des Farges took action showed that he was ready to do everything for the benefactor of his nation.

He set out with 100 picked men of his garrison and this little band was sufficient to overawe thousands of the Siamese. The general passed through the capital before proceeding to Louvo, but at this point timidity prevented his further advance. The report that the King was dead had been disseminated by the rebels, who wished to sound the popular feeling, and everything pointed to a generally disturbed state of affairs. Des Farges went to the Seminary and thought it would be wise to hold a consultation with those who lived there.

The protection that the missionaries had enjoyed caused him to regard their abode as an inviolable sanctuary, and the confidence he reposed in them, invited him to follow the wisdom of their experience.

The Missionaries, deceived by the popular rumours, told him that he would be running useless risks, that the roads were lined with ambuscades ready to annihilate all the French.

The general, unmoved by these tales dictated without doubt by the desire they had for his safety, appeared to wish to persevere in his design of going to the rescue of the King and his minister.

He was all the more anxious to do so as he foresaw that the downfall of Faulcon would mean his own ruin, and, that shut up without hope of succour in a town ill-fortified and badly provisioned, he would be obliged to submit to any humiliating condition they might impose upon him.

Not however wishing to precipitate matters, he sent one of his officers to Louvo to find out how matters really stood. Whilst he lingered at the capital, a secret rumour aroused the inhabitants against him. It was reported that the object of the French forces in going to Louvo was the pillage of the public treasury, and that they intended to dispose of the throne as they pleased. In order to reassure the inhabitants the general thought it more prudent to withdraw his little army whose presence had caused such alarm. He retired a distance of two leagues from the town, and was met by his envoy who gave him an account of the events at Court. Whether this officer had been misled by his own fears or that he was convinced that there was imminent danger, his recital so alarmed Des Farges that he believed the reports he had heard on his arrival in the capital. So, instead of marching to glory, his only idea was that of retreat; he was no longer a warrior ready to encounter danger that his friend might be saved.

Des Farges, followed the advice of his timorous companions and returned to Bangkok; but, before his departure, wrote to Faulcon to justify his retreat. He informed him that, as it was reported that the King had died, he thought it would be rash to withdraw his troops from a position on which their safety depended, and that he might be punished if he were to endanger the lives of the soldiers under his command without sufficient reason, and that finally he offered him and his family shelter in a place that the French had resolved to defend to the last.

The friends of the fallen minister slandered the Bishop of Métellopolis and the missionaries. They blamed them for the disgrace of the French retreat. The chief authors of this calumny were those who were obliged to refute it. Jealous of the esteem in which this prelate was held and because he was not ambitious, they strove to decry the missionaries, so as to gain all the consideration they enjoyed, and to raise themselves on their ruin. But the defence of the prelate was an easy matter. Ought he to have concealed a danger which was imminent? Had the troops been cut to pieces, with what horror would not Europe have learnt that a French Bishop, misled by overconfidence, had kept silence about what ought to have been revealed. Would he not have been rightly considered the author of a massacre of his fellow-citizens? Duty obliged him to reveal the reasons of his fear. It was for the commander to reject or to follow his advice. But it is certain that had he marched to Louvo he would have failed in the first of his duties, namely to remain on guard at his post.

Faulcon left to the mercy of his enemies, complained bitterly that the French had deserted him, and on hearing the news, exclaimed. "Alas they do not consider that they themselves will be involved in my downfall," and turning to his retinue, asked them to follow him to the church saying "I was wrong to trust to human aid, I wait for God only. There is His House, He alone can suffice to protect and defend me."

He positively refused to accept the commander's offer of shelter, as it would have justified the slanderous reports that he had handed over the place to foreigners so as to arrange for a place of safety in time of danger.

Instead of flight, he preferred to reveal part of the danger which threatened the State to the King. The remedy lay in the choice of a successor who could subdue the disaffected. The Prince proclaimed his daughter as Queen and allowed her to select whichever of her uncles she might prefer as her husband.

So feeble a measure was not sufficient to remove the cause of the disaffection rife everywhere. Factions increased, and the ringleaders were only waiting a favourable opportunity to break out in open revolution. The policy pursued by the conspirators towards Faulcon, lulled him to a sense of false security. He still perceived the danger, but he thought it had been relegated to the future. He sought the King and said "Sire, the time for repining and speech is over. We must act, and that silently."

"Decisive measures must be taken against the impending evils, and a half hearted policy will only favour the progress of their designs. If Pitracha be arrested, the conspiracy will come to naught. Remember that the greatest secrecy is absolutely necessary to the success of this enterprise, and, to be successful, we must dissemble our feelings." The King understood the importance of this advice, but weakened by illness was unable to keep the matter secret, and he could not resist the temptation of breaking out into threats and reproaches. Pitracha's suspicions were aroused mid he anticipated matters. He assembled his retainers and pointed out the serious nature of the situation. Without delay they marched on the Palace and possessed themselves of the King. Faulcon, alarmed at this sudden turn of events, would not follow the advice of his friends who desired him to remain at home to await the upshot of affairs. His impolitic attachment to the King was the cause of his downfall, and believing that inaction would be detrimental to the favours he enjoyed, followed the promptings of courage and duty.

He went to the Palace accompanied by Beauchamp, Fretteville, Vaudrille, Laise and the Chevalier des Farges, all of whom were French officers. He was followed by two Portuguese and sixteen Englishmen who were in his pay as guards. He took his departure and said to his wife "Farewell for ever, madame. The King is a prisoner, and I am going to die at his feet."

His zeal and courage buoyed him up in the hope that with this little band, he could force his way to the room of his master, but no sooner had he entered the outer courtyard of the palace, than Pitracha at the head of a Siamese force arrested him on the charge of high treason.

His first thought was to defend himself but on seeing that his guards had basely deserted him, saw that resistance was useless. The French officers however justified the confidence he had in their courage, and alone, they thought they could scatter the armed mob, but Faulcon exhorted them to give up their swords and they were led off to the common prison under pretext of rescuing them from the fury of the crowd.

Pitracha, now absolute master of the King's fate left him the empty title of King with the shadow of power, and to render the fact of his usurpation less objectionable, merely took the title of chief minister of State.

All submitted to him. The priests whom he had deceived by his hypocrisy, belauded him as the defender of their faith. The officials regarded him as the liberator of their country from the oppression of the foreigner. The populace, were foolish enough to imagine that a change of masters, would be the prelude to a happier condition of existance.

The usurper, now assured of the support of the whole nation, saw that the French were the sole obstacles in his path. To him they seemed invincible, as they possessed the two strongest positions in the Kingdom. He sent for M. de Métellopolis, who fearing punishment for having advised Des Farges, excused his attendance on the ground of ill-health.

M. de Lionne, Bishop of Rosalie, however acted as his substitute.
Pitracha insolently addressed him in these words.

"It is with the greatest disgust that I learn that the French troops who come to Siam to serve the King, refuse to obey his commands. I order you to write to their commander to enforce their obedience. Should he persist in his contumacious behavior you shall suffer for it, I will give your Seminary and Church over to pillage, all the French shall be blown from the cannon's mouth, and every Christian shall be put to death."

M. de Rosalie replied that although he had no authority over the French commander, he would endeavour to arrange matters that Des Farges should come to Louvo in person. This offer was accepted, and the prelate accompanied by two officials who had been members of the embassy to France, set out for Bangkok.

Des Farges, on learning the nature of the mission at first was uncertain as to how he should act. At last he decided to set out and to follow M. de Rosalie and the two officials with one of his sons, the other being detained as a prisoner in Bangkok.

Pitracha haughtily reproached him with his refusal to bring up the troops that the King impatiently demanded. He threatened to employ force if his demands were not complied with and informed him that ten positions as strong as Bangkok would be but feeble ramparts against the vengeance he premeditated.

Des Farges replied with the greatest moderation to these threats and having waited till Pitracha had exhausted the exuberence of his verbosity, said "The King my master sent me here in command of troops at the bidding of the King of Siam his ally only, but since these troops cause trouble, kindly order that ships may be furnished us or grant us permission to equip the same. The speed with which we shall hasten our departure, shall leave no doubt of the good will of the King my master." This proposal was rejected and Pitracha sharply ordered him to write to his lieutenant to bring up the troops.

The commander replied that as he was not at his post, he no longer had the authority, and that the only way to ensure the obedience of the garrison would be to allow him to return to Bangkok. He promised to do his utmost to persuade them to obey his wishes, and in addition, offered to give his children as hostages for his word. Pitracha gave his consent. But on the return of Des Farges to the fort, the officers and soldiers swore they would leave it only to return to their native land. Pitracha, hearing of their determination advanced with an army. The French evacuated the fort they had occupied opposite to Bangkok, and the Siamese taking possession of it commenced hostilities. De Bruant and Beauregard, who were in command at Mergni, fearing that they would shortly be attacked made ready tor a vigorous defence. They were not about to fight for mere glory, a more powerful incentive fired their hearts. It was a case of life and death itself. The Siamese ordered them to capitulate, but were repulsed with severe loss, and, the conquerors having seized one of their vessels as well as an English ship then in harbour, embarked and set sail for Pondicherry where they landed without further mishap.

The French, shut up in Bangkok were a source of annoyance to the usurper who was sure that M. de Métellopolis would have had more influence over them than M. de Rosalie. He ordered the former to be conducted to Bangkok by an escort of "Tattoed Arms" who are the bailiffs arid minions of the law. The servants of the prelate were the victims of innumerable insults from these officials who are as cowardly as they are insolent. They were pilloried, bound, and half strangled and exposed almost naked to the burning rays of the sun, to the importunities of insects, and to the extremes of hunger and thirst. The Bishop and M. Basset a missionary were equally targets for their witticisms. The bulk of their clothes were taken away and even their hats. This was but the commencement of the cruelties practised then in the fort opposite to Bangkok. The officer in charge exposed them on a bastion in range of the French artillery which did not cease fire until the victims had been recognised.

The stubborn resistance of the French modified the hostile disposition of the Siamese. Pitracha who on the death of the King had succeeded to the throne, thought he ought to get rid of guests too warlike not to be a subject of dread. He resolved that they should take ship for Pondicherry on condition that the Bishop and the Missionaries would engage on peril of their lives that the ships and sailors with which they would be furnished, should be returned. While the new King was negociating with the French, his heart, a prey to the anxieties and suspicions which are the first punishments that crime brings in its train, thirsted for the blood of his enemies.

Faulcon who formerly been an object of fear to him was singled out for his first act of vengeance. As soon as the tyrant had him in is power, he caused him to be led in triumph on the walls of the palace.

This favourite of fortune, now fallen into the deepest disgrace, was cast into a filthy dungeon to which admission was refused to everyone. Some say that the head of Monpit was fastened to his neck as a punishment for his complicity. In addition the soles of his feet were burnt, and his head was placed in a vice in order to make him acknowledge crimes he had never committed. This man, formerly the centre of an admiring throng was now guarded in a narrow prison by barbarous gaolers who kept at a distance those who might have procured some respite for him.

His wife however discovered the place of his confinement and she obtained permission to supply him with a few necessaries.

The usurper, who still retained a trace of humanity had restored to her son whom the soldiers had carried off; but this was only a passing favour, the natural ferocity of the tyrant softened but for a moment.

She was suspected of having concealed immense wealth, and that was quite sufficient cause for her to be treated as a criminal. Her weapons, documents and even her clothes were taken away; a guard was posted in front of her house and a sentry at the door of her room. The brutal soldiers who watched all her actions caused her to complain bitterly. "Well" she remarked "What have I done to be thus treated like a felon." But ashamed of her weakness she rose superior to fear and misfortune. She had need of all her fortitude and contempt for earthly possessions. Two days afterwards an armed force seized the furniture, money and jewels which the palace contained. Unmindful of the loss of so much property she cried out. "At last God alone remains for us and no one can take Him from us."

The insatiable spoilers suspected that she had hidden the bulk of her wealth and their pitiless leader threatened her with death. He ordered two executioners to come forward and at a signal, they struck her on the arms without regard for the weakness of her sex. Her grandfather and son witnessed her sufferings and showed their sympathy by cries and tears. All the servants who had chosen to share their sorrows were punished for showing their sympathetic attitude.

The wretched family knelt at the feet of the official, who, enraged at not being able to find a new victim, ordered the executioners to redouble their blows. "Alas" cried the wretched woman covered with blood, "have mercy on me or at least take me away that my relations see not my sufferings."

These words coming from a woman aged twenty-two years who was both beautiful and of a noble disposition made not the slightest impression on the official. He ordered her to be taken away together with her son and her slaves and only set her grandfather free on account of his age and infirmities.

For a long time no one knew where she had been imprisoned. A missionary, passing by the palace stables saw her aunt who had been confined with her. With difficulty he obtained permission to see her for a moment. He found her in a dismal dungeon, stretched on a mat with her unhappy and innocent son by her side whose lamentations seemed to reproach her for having brought him into the world to suffer.

This woman, brought up in luxury and splendour, bore her hard fate as if she had been born to it. She displayed that serenity of mind which is a sure indication of a calm and pure soul and she appeared more at peace in her gloomy prison than she had been amid the gaieties of the palace.

For some time they respected the life of Faulcon since he was under the protection of the King of France and they feared to incur the vengeance of the French troops. But the usurper on seeing how little interest the French took in their old protector, considered that now was a chance to get rid with impunity of an enemy who though even in irons appeared formidable. Sentence of death was pronounced against him on the charge of high treason, a crime on which those in authority are wont to arraign fallen ministers. He was punished for having introduced foreigners, whom he wished to use as a means of self aggrandisement and for the furtherance of his ambitious designs in the kingdom. At dusk he was taken from his prison and went by elephant to a forest near Louvo to receive the fatal stroke. It seems that his barbarous enemy had chosen the silent forest for the execution ground as if he wished to bury the horror of his unjust revenge in eternal silence.

Faulcon's countenence was pale, but this was caused rather by the sufferings he had undergone in prison than the fear of the death which was about to end them. His glance was fixed and he uttered no groan or complaint; he seemed lost in communion with the God he was so shortly to meet.

Having arrived at the spot where he was to meet his doom, he saw the son of the tyrant who was in charge of the execution. He turned towards him, not to implore mercy but to ask for time to make his peace with the Judge before Whom he was so soon to appear.

The soldiers seemed distressed to see one before whom the people and the nobility but so recently had bowed down, now brought to so pitiable a condition. Having finished his prayer, he protested that he was innocent, but that in dying guiltless, he had at least the consolation of being able to expiate, by a painful death, the weaknesses and follies of a life devoted to the pursuit of fruitless ambition.

He added that during the whole course of his tenure of office, the only motives by which his policy had been directed, were the glory of the true God, the service of his King, and the interests of the State.

After this protest he spoke a second time to the young official in these words, rendered more pathetic by their eloquent grief rather than by any devices of art.

"I am about to die. Remember that even if I am guilty, I leave a wife and child who are innocent. For them I ask neither rank nor wealth, but at least let them enjoy freedom and life."

Having said these words he remained silent and at a signal, the executioner cut him down with a blow of his sword.

He fell with a sigh, the last he ever uttered.

So died at the age of forty one years, a man who had risen from the petty details of a counting house to the most prominent position in a great Empire.

His skill in politics justified his master's choice and he would have been numbered among the greatest public men of his day had his end been as brilliant as his beginning.

If his sagacity had been led astray it is not certain whether that he feared that, being a stranger, his most disinterested actions would have been objects of suspicion. Cautious and circumspect as he was he did not fully grasp the situation of present affairs, as his mind dwelt more upon eventualities. His virtues were marred by several faults; passionate and easily moved to anger, he would lose in one day, the fruits of the work of several years. A man of great ambition, he showed all the pettiness of vain-glory.

The magnificence in which he lived was a almost an insult to the poverty-stricken nation whom it was thought he had plundered. The produce of every province appeared at his table and four hundred slaves hastened to serve him, to obey the wishes of his guests and to make parade of his opulence. Generous to a fault, he spent upwards of 100,000 crowns on gifts during the space of 3 years. His policy betrayed by the wishes of the moment, blinded him to the fact that bounties of this kind are more apt to give rise to suspicion than to cause happiness. After his conversion to the Roman faith he submitted to all its dogmas and practiced all its precepts and although a public man, he believed he could not dispense with the obligations binding on private individuals.

His wife, still languishing in prison, forgot her own sufferings in lamenting the demise of her husband. "Well" she exclaimed "Why is he dead? What was his crime that he should have been treated like a felon." An official, a relative of Pitracha's who was standing near her whispered that his crimes had been the favour he had enjoyed, and his natural abilities.