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THE
Black Hawk War

INCLUDING A REVIEW OF

BLACK HAWK’S LIFE

Illustrated with upward of three hundred rare and interesting

portraits and views

BY

FRANK E. STEVENS

FRANK E. STEVENS

1205 Chamber of Commerce Bldg.

Chicago . . Illinois

1903

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1903, by

FRANK E. STEVENS

in the office of the Librarian of Congress at

Washington, D.C.

Dear Mother–

This book represents long years of patient toil from which a corresponding return is not expected; it has been a labor of love. To whom, then, should it be dedicated but yourself, who spent so many toilsome years to rear its author, who may never repay a fraction of the debt he owes you.

F.E.S.

INTRODUCTION

In the autumn of 1871, I began the collection of materials for the book which is just completed; at a time when many original sources existed from which to draw. Since that time, no opportunity wherein I might see and talk with persons who were in the Black Hawk campaigns has been lost, and from those interviews I have been able to gather information, old letters, commissions, muster rolls and papers obtainable by no possible system of correspondence.

I have endeavored to be thorough, and to be thorough has required space. I deplore the necessity which forbids an expression of thanks to each individual by name who has contributed documents, valuable portraits and information from which this work has been constructed. I thank them all as generously as I have borrowed, which has been much. Especially must I thank Mrs. Catherine Buckmaster Curran, of Alton, Illinois, who furnished me with a complete set of papers, without which I could never have finished my work as it should be finished.

Mrs. Colonel William Preston Johnston, of New Orleans, who, at great inconvenience and sacrifice of time, secured a copy of the journal kept by Lieut. Albert Sidney Johnston during his service in those campaigns.

Dr. J.F. Snyder, Virginia, Illinois, President State Historical Society.

Prof. B.F. Shambaugh, Iowa City, Iowa.

Mr. R.G. Thwaites, Madison, Wisconsin.

Charles Aldrich, Des Moines, Iowa.

Miss Caroline M. McIlvaine, Librarian Chicago Historical Society, Chicago.

CONTENTS

List of Portraits and Other Illustrations

BLACK HAWK.

CHAPTER I.

Birth–Personal Description and Character of Black Hawk–Not a Chief–Made a Brave–Expeditions Against the Osages–Death of Py-e-sa–Period of Mourning–Expedition Against the Osages–Expedition Against the Cherokees–Expedition Against the Chippewas, Osages and Kickapoos–The First Appearance of the Americans.

Black Hawk’s name, as given in his autobiography, was Ma-ka-tai-she-kia-kiak[^[1]], and, without reference to the many renditions of it by various writers, is the version that will be adopted in this work as nearest authentic. He was born in the year 1767 at the Sac or Sauk village, located on the north bank of Rock River in the State of Illinois, about three miles above its confluence with the Mississippi. His father, Py-e-sa, a grandson of Na-na-ma-kee or Thunder (a descendant of other Thunders), was born near Montreal, Canada, where the Great Spirit was reputed in Indian lore to have first placed the great Sac nation. Black Hawk was a full blood Sac, five feet eleven inches tall in his moccasins; of broad but meager build[^[2]] and capable of great endurance. His features were pinched and drawn, giving unusual prominence to the cheek bones and a Roman nose, itself pronounced. The chin was sharp. The mouth was full and inclined to remain open in repose. His eyes were bright, black and restless, glistening as they roamed during a conversation. Above these rested no eyebrows. The forehead was given the appearance of unusual fullness and height from the fact that all hair was plucked from the scalp, with the single exception of the scalp lock, to which, on occasions of state, was fastened a bunch of eagle feathers. In his later years it was his boast that he had worn the lock with such prominence to tempt an enemy to fight for it and to facilitate its removal should he be slain in the encounter. This statement, however, must be received as a boast and nothing more, because among the Sacs the custom of plucking from the scalp all hairs save the scalp lock was general and not confined to Black Hawk’s redoubtable person, as he would have us believe. J.C. Beltrami, the Italian traveler, who ascended the Mississippi in 1823, stopping at all the Indian villages, particularly Black Hawk’s upon Rock River, which he reached May 10th, has this to say, which is interesting: “The faces of the Saukees, although exhibiting features characteristic of their savage state, are not disagreeable, and they are rather well made than otherwise. Their size and structure, which are of the middle kind, indicate neither peculiar strength nor weakness. Their heads are rather small; that part called by French anatomists voute orbitaire has in general no hair except a small tuft upon the pineal gland, like that of the Turks; this gives the forehead an appearance of great elevation. Their eyes are small and their eyebrows thin; the cornea approaches rather to yellow, the pupil to red; they are the link between those of the orang-outang and ours. Their ears are sufficiently large to bear all the jewels, etc., with which they are adorned; two foxes’ tails dangled from those of the Great Eagle. I have seen others to which were hung bells, heads of birds and dozens of buckles, which penetrated the whole cartilaginous part from top to bottom. Their noses are large and flat, like those of the nations of eastern Asia; their nostrils are pierced and ornamented like their ears. The maxillary bones, or pommettes, are very prominent. The under jaw extends outwards on both sides. Their mouths are rather large; their teeth close set, and of the finest enamel; their lips a little inverted. Their necks are regularly formed; they have large bellies and narrow chests, so that their bodies are generally larger below than above. Their feet and hands are well proportioned. Except the tuft on the head, which we have already remarked, they have no hair on any part of the body. Books which deal greatly in the marvelous convert this into an extraordinary phenomenon, but the fact is that, from a superstition common to all savages, they pluck it out, and, as they begin at an early age and use the most perservering means for its extirpation, nothing is left but a soft down.”

With this personal description of Black Hawk, it may be well to add the following, published in the “Annals of Iowa,” 3rd series, Vol. 4, page 195: “Bones of Black Hawk.–These bones, which were stolen from the grave about a year since, have been recovered and are now in the Governor’s office. The wampum, hat,[^[4]] etc., which were buried with the old chief, have been returned with the bones. It appears that they were taken to St. Louis and there cleaned; they were then sent to Quincy to a dentist to be put up and wired previous to being sent to the East. The dentist was cautioned not to deliver them to anyone until a requisition should be made by Governor Lucas. Governor Lucas made the necessary requisition and they were sent up a few days since by the Mayor of Quincy and are now in the possession of the Governor. He has sent word to Na-she-as-kuk, Black Hawk’s son, or to the family, and some of them will probably call for them in a few days. Mr. Edgerton, the phrenologist, has taken an exact drawing of the skull, which looks very natural, and has also engraved it on a reduced scale, which will shortly appear on his new chart. Destructiveness, combativeness, firmness and philoprogenitiveness are, phrenologically speaking, very strongly developed. Burlington Hawk Eye, Dec. 10, 1840.”[^[3]]

An intimate knowledge of Black Hawk is denied us. The little known of him prior to 1832 is derived from less than a dozen sources, the most important being his autobiography;[^[5]] the others, nearly all military, are to be found in treaties and the records of the war department. A few settlers only knew him, because settlers about his haunts in those days were exceedingly scarce. And so it has come to pass that his character has been universally judged by the contact with him during the last five or six years of his long life, while he was in a sense a captive, brooding over his fallen estate, while the drapery of an eternal evening was fast falling about him. At such an age, shorn of power, chafing under restrictions, disgruntled at the supremacy of his ancient enemy Keokuk, who had answered for his good behavior, the old man’s ambitions crushed, he was naturally a distressing object, evoking that pity which so universally appeals to an American and is so surely allowed to cover a multitude of sins. Those few last years have been thus carelessly permitted to become the monument to the man, and those who drove him from power have been harshly judged or jocularly denominated “carpet soldiers,” as much as to say the pioneers had never suffered hardships nor endured wrongs. Justice to those whose wives and children had been butchered, whose fathers and brothers had been burned at the stake, demands that all the truth be told and the reason given why those settlers, infuriated at the loss of two successive crops from Black Hawk’s perfidy, finally drove his band into the Mississippi River at the mouth of the Bad Axe and almost annihilated it.

It has been written that he possessed a mind of unusual strength, but slow and plodding, with little genius and few talents to manage a great enterprise in war.[^[6]] The influence to sustain such a paradox, as well as kindred irregularities and disorders of the man’s mind, may be attributed to the fact that he was a confirmed hypochondriac, morbidly regarding as frivolous everything save war. He was discontented and reckless, envious of others with greater influence or name, and in meeting questions in or out of the council with such men as Keokuk he was churlish to a degree unless his individual will ruled. While it must candidly be owned that the whites have been guilty of the most revolting injustices to other Indians, notably Shabona, the same cannot be pleaded for Black Hawk. He was found making and breaking engagements and treaties[^[7]] the greater part of his very long life, and then, when retribution was imminent, he hoisted flags of truce down to August 2d, 1832, when his power for further mischief was forever crushed.

The reputation which he has established in Indian annals comes not from any sacrifice he made for his people, for never in his life did he make one. Neither comes it from his struggles for an oppressed race, for he never conceived a solitary scheme for its amelioration. He had never a lofty aspiration for his nation. His every venture was made for personal aggrandizement or popularity. Tecumseh dreamed of a great confederation; not to become a leader. Cornstalk, Logan and Pontiac were ambitious for their people, but Black Hawk never. Black Hawk said of Keokuk that the latter was a groveling sycophant, but Keokuk was the most powerful orator of his race, and, penetrating the inevitable destiny of the whites, he conformed to it and used his great genius to gain for his people the greatest good. While Black Hawk was stolidly plotting for war, Keokuk was planning to secure for his people good homes and larger annuities, and these he secured, to their very great benefit. Black Hawk’s prominence comes from notoriety alone.

In his various conflicts with the whites he was invariably the aggressor. The unfortunate affair which resulted in the death of his so-called adopted son cannot be, by any conceivable logic, tortured into an exception, as we shall presently see. After the treaty of 1804 he and his band were permitted to remain unmolested upon the ceded lands year after year and decade after decade, a license rarely allowed and, as it proved, a thoroughly mistaken policy. He received his yearly annuities and retained the lands for which the annuities were given, literally eating his cake and keeping it. His passions were many, but the consuming passion of his life was hatred of the Americans, a hatred without cause and as unjustifiable and unreasonable as man’s baser passions are always found to be. Yet this may not be surprising, fed as he was by his devouring gloom and restless, war-like spirit. The mantle of charity has many a time before and since covered graver faults; so let it be with Black Hawk’s, for it is said of him that in his domestic life he was a kind husband and father, and in his transactions with his people he was upright and honest,[^[8]] if he was not ambitious for their elevation.

Black Hawk was not a chief of the Sac nation.[^[9]] He was simply a brave. His father was the tribal medicine man, and whatever standing Black Hawk may have secured was derived from his personal bravery and daring as a warrior, which have never been questioned. Possessed, as we have seen, of a martial spirit, he was ever ready and eager to lead war parties of young companions to battle, and one or two engagements alone were sufficient firmly to establish him in that leadership which bravery fitted him to hold over his followers in war.

At fifteen, having distinguished himself by wounding an enemy, he was permitted to paint and wear feathers and join the rank of the Braves.[^[10]] About the year 1783 he united in an expedition against the Osages and had the fortune to kill and scalp one of the enemy, for which youthful act of valor he was for the first time permitted to mingle in the scalp-dance. As one exploit followed another his desire for blood became insatiable, and from his own account, the number of the enemy slain by him staggers credulity.

A short time after the ’83 tragedy–“a few moons,” as he puts it–Black Hawk was leader of a party of seven which attacked a band of one hundred Osages, killed one of their number and retreated without loss, Black Hawk taking the credit for this fatality to his personal valor. His taste for war, coupled with his prowess, attracted notice from others, and very presently he was found marching at the head of one hundred and eighty braves against the Osage village on the Missouri. Finding it deserted, the greater number of his young followers became dissatisfied, abandoned the enterprise and returned home, but Black Hawk continued, and, with but five followers, came upon the Osages, killed and scalped one man and a boy and then returned home. In consequence of this mutiny he has told us he was not again able to raise sufficient force to move against the Osages until his nineteenth year, during which interim, it was claimed, the Osages committed many outrages on his nation.

In 1786 his restless spirit had planned another attack of a retaliatory nature against the Osages. Setting out with two hundred followers, he met a party of the enemy about equal in strength, which for a time stubbornly resisted Black Hawk’s attack, but, unable to maintain an unequal contest with the fierce Sac fighters, the Osages were finally routed and the band almost annihilated. One hundred of them were killed outright and the remnant which remained was left to be scalped while helplessly wounded, or driven from the country, while, on the other hand, Black Hawk’s loss was but nineteen men. Six of the enemy were killed by Black Hawk–five men and one squaw–and in alluding to this he adds these words: “I had the good fortune to take all their scalps.” In recording his glorious enterprise his interpreter doubtless insisted that the murder of a female by a great warrior was not creditable, for, once the enormity of his offense is cited, he pleads in extenuation that the squaw was accidentally killed; yet he scalped her.

The severe cost to the Osages of this battle brought about a treaty of peace between the belligerents which lasted for a considerable period, as peaceful times between Indian nations seem then to have been reckoned.

The stormiest periods of Black Hawk’s life were all born of tranquil times, and this interval of peace served to incubate a plan of campaign against his ancient and inveterate enemy, the Cherokees, which was to be fraught with consequences more serious than all his former campaigns together.

Py-e-sa, Black Hawk’s father, the hereditary medicine man of his tribe, had held the medicine bag for many years and his ability as a discreet, fearless and upright man cannot be controverted. Regarding a campaign by the young men so far from home as hazardous in the extreme, he joined this expedition, and with his people paddled his canoe night and day down the Mississippi River until the enemy was reached upon the Merameg River, south of St. Louis, in vastly superior forces. The battle which followed was stubbornly waged, but in it, as in so many others, the ferocity of the attack put the Cherokees to flight, leaving twenty-eight of their number dead upon the field, while the Sacs lost but seven braves. But one of those seven was Py-e-sa, whose loss was never thereafter supplied to the great Sac nation. Had he been spared to treat of subsequent questions with the whites, his moderation had unquestionably sustained Keokuk’s position and the campaigns of 1831 and 1832, with their trains of slaughter, would have been averted. In this engagement Black Hawk himself killed three outright and wounded many more.

By the death of Py-e-sa, Black Hawk fell heir to the medicine bag, with its attendant responsibility. He immediately returned to his village, blackened his face and remained tranquil for the succeeding five years of his life, with no more stimulating employment than hunting, fishing and meditation. During this period of inaction, Black Hawk maintains, the Osages were constantly harassing his people by incursions into his country, carrying with each invasion a predatory warfare extremely distressing and galling. These became so frequent and offensive that, as Black Hawk has told us, “the Great Spirit took pity on them” (the Sacs), upon which event he took to the field. Here, at the head of a small party, he overtook a few struggling Osages, so feeble that he simply made them prisoners and handed them over to the Spanish father at St. Louis. With this famous act of clemency he continued his plan of total destruction of the offending Osages.

About the year 1800, the Iowa nation, having accumulated many grievances against the Osages, made common cause with the Sacs for the purpose of waging a war of extermination. Raising a force of about one hundred, which joined the Sac forces, numbering now about five hundred more, the two allies marched upon the unsuspecting Osages, who were unarmed and wholly unprepared for defense. They valiantly defended their homes and families and fought with the desperation known only to those who have waged such defenses against overpowering odds. One by one and dozen by dozen and score by score fell dead before the terrific attacks of the most terrible of Indian fighters, until there was none left to fill the gaps made in their ranks by the tomahawk and spear. Forty lodges were destroyed and every inhabitant save two squaws was put to death. Then, returning home, a great feast was made, at which Black Hawk exploited his personal valor to his friends. In this engagement he killed seven men and two boys with his own hand.

During those five years of meditation following his father’s death resentment had but slumbered. They killed his father, ’tis true, but it had been done defending themselves. The Sacs as a nation had no quarrel with the Cherokees. But immediately he returned from his war upon the unsuspecting Osages, Black Hawk collected another party and moved down the river against them. In due season the enemy’s country was reached and invaded, but, roam as they would, no more than five unknown people could be found, four men and one squaw. The men, after a short detention, were released, and the squaw was taken back to Black Hawk’s village on Rock River.

The futility of this campaign rankled in Black Hawk’s heart for a time, and to recoup his lost, or at least suspended reputation, he planned, in the year 1803, about the ninth moon, the most extensive campaign of his life against the combined forces of the Chippewas, Osages and Kaskaskias. No just reason existed for this war; none of the tribes of these nations had trespassed on Sac territory or rights, and none had offended in any other particular. Black Hawk was piqued at his last miscarriage and he simply made war against these people for the sake of war, and bloody indeed it proved to be. During its continuance seven pitched battles were fought, together with numerous skirmishes, in all which more than one hundred of the enemy perished. Here again Black Hawk boasts of personally killing with his own hands thirteen of the bravest warriors in the enemy’s ranks. His ferocity in these engagements is the best evidence for the statement that the glory of Black Hawk was placed above every other consideration.

In 1763 France ceded Louisiana to Spain, though Senor Rious, the Spanish agent, did not formally take possession of St. Louis and the upper Louisiana country until 1768, and even then St. Ange, the French Governor, continued to perform official acts until 1770. In 1800 Napoleon took it away again, retaining it until 1803, when it was purchased by the United States.[^[11]] During the Spanish domination Black Hawk had been a periodical visitor to St. Louis, accepting frequent presents and forming what might be termed a devotion to the Governor, whom he designated as his “Spanish Father.”

After the conclusion of his last war, he paid this Spanish father a friendly visit at St. Louis. Spanish and French domination had ended and the Americans were just then taking possession of the country, much to his regret and, as might be imagined, disgust. Here are his comments: “Soon after the Americans arrived I took my band and went to take leave for the last time of our father. The Americans came to see him also. Seeing them approach, we passed out of one door as they entered another and immediately started in our canoes for our village on Rock River, not liking the change any more than our friends appeared to at St. Louis. On arriving at St. Louis, we were given the news that strange people had taken St. Louis and that we should never see our Spanish father again. This information made all our people sorry.”

CHAPTER II.

British Intrigue Against the Frontiers–Hatred of the Americans–Treaty of 1804.

By the treaty of Paris, Sept. 3, 1783, Great Britain covenanted to surrender certain western forts which were of great strategic importance to the Americans in protecting the frontier from Indian incursions and also in dealing with such as were disposed to treat honorably with the Government. The compact was solemnly made and signed, but, disgruntled from the loss of her colonies, the British government sent secret instructions to its garrisons to retain these forts, and in consequence not one of them was surrendered. Nor was this the only violation by the British of their engagements. Agents were set to work over our vast frontier to foment insubordination among the Indians against American domination. These Indians were supplied with provisions and arms and incited openly to war against the whites and drive them back east of the mountains, and year after year they continued until the sickening horrors of the stake and scalping knife were sweeping the feeble settlements of the West from end to end.

France and Spain, both with colonial possessions to the west, while gratified to see England stripped of her possessions, were suspected of aiding the design of the British to restrict American settlements to the shores of the Atlantic. Spain claimed exclusive ownership of the Mississippi and commerce upon her waters by Americans was prohibited. The “dark and bloody ground” of Kentucky, long the scene of carnage, was made the first scene of British intrigue, where the atrocities of the Indians were the most frightful in history. The tribes of Ohio and Indiana, which were in the league, penetrated the settlements of the whites, deluging the land with the blood of innocent women and children.

The Government, hopelessly involved with debt and graver questions of state, could offer the struggling settlers no relief, and thus alone they were forced to stand in hourly fear of butchery. They grew to look for no help save in their own resources, and yearly meeting with defiance, a pioneer community of militant husbandmen gradually grew and moved westward; instinctively taught to rush to arms upon the breaking of a twig or the rustle of a leaf in defense of their defenseless loved ones in the cabin. When, therefore, Black Hawk lent a willing ear to the British agent, accepted his presents and performed his murderous behests, which he did, he should have expected the awful consequences of defeat and annihilation which followed his years of hypocrisy, and accepted the Government’s final requital with gratitude, or at least Indian stolidity, instead of snarling at his fate and constantly bewailing the elevation of others over him who had loyally stood by the Americans and their Government in perilous times. He invited destruction and was destroyed. The attention of the student is directed to this phase of Black Hawk’s character as it develops in these pages down to his defeat, August 2d, 1832.

The Sacs were originally British Indians, domiciled near Montreal. By constant quarrels and wars with their neighbors their tribes, once numerous and powerful, were reduced to a remnant and finally driven from the country altogether. They settled in Wisconsin, where they met the Foxes, similarly driven from Canada, and the two tribes immediately combined, ever after being considered as a confederated nation. They again grew powerful and arrogant and became involved in wars with their neighbors. At the time of the last French and English war they took sides with the English and received from that source presents for many years. This British sympathy was born in Black Hawk, and continued with him, growing in intensity as the Americans expanded and defeated the English, until it became positive hatred[^[12]]. When, therefore, he repeats the statement that he heard bad accounts of the Americans in 1803, and then asserts that all his differences with the Americans date from the signing of the treaty of 1804, he states that which cannot be received with confidence. Prior to 1803 he never had found himself in contact with the Americans to an extent worthy of note, and no cause, real or imaginary, had been given him for a difference, yet on leaving the Spanish father, mentioned in the last chapter, he catches a rumor, adopts a prejudice and dictates for his autobiography the following ill-natured words, false to begin with and as malignant as he was generally found to be in speaking or writing of the Americans: “I inquired the cause and was informed that the Americans were coming to take possession of the town and country, and that we should lose our Spanish father. This news made myself and band sad, because we had always heard bad accounts of the Americans from Indians who had lived near them.”

KE-O-KUK.

PA-SHE-PA-HO.

ANTOINE LE CLAIRE.

J.B. PATTERSON.

During the years 1803 and 1804, Gov. William Henry Harrison of Indiana concluded treaties with the Kaskaskias and the Wabash tribes, obtaining thereby title to a large extent of country south of the Illinois River. Having an immense stretch of country unserviceable for fishing and hunting, many of the Sacs and Foxes considered it desirable to receive annuities,[^[13]] after the manner of the Wabash tribes. A bad hunt could thus be recouped in a certain money stipend. Accordingly, slight overtures were thrown out to this effect. The Sacs and Foxes roamed north of the Illinois River, like the fugitive buffalo or lonesome bird of passage. Those broad prairies afforded them no subsistence in hunting or fishing. The bare claim to possession was their sole exercise of it, and that frail tenure had been wrenched by conquest from others without compensation in the smallest degree. Along the streams a few harmless, nondescript Indians and tribal remnants lived, or rather remained, as dependent vassals of the mighty Sacs and Foxes, but these were so inconspicuous and weak as to be ignored by both the whites and Indians in treaties.

There can be no doubt of a knowledge by the Government of this desire for annuities by the Sacs and Foxes. President Jefferson was not the man to simulate the existence of any unfair postulate in treating with the Indians, who were at all times objects of his especial solicitude. Accordingly, on the 27th day of June, 1804, he directed Governor Harrison to treat with the Sacs and Foxes and obtain cessions of lands on both sides the Illinois River, granting as a consideration therefor an annual compensation. Agreeably with his instructions, Governor Harrison called the head chiefs of the consolidated tribes to meet him at St. Louis, which Pashepaho, head chief of the Sacs, Layowvois, Quashquame, Outchequaha and Hashequarhiqua did. Here, on November 3d, the following treaty was solemnly made and signed:

Articles of a Treaty, made at St. Louis, in the district of Louisiana, between William Henry Harrison, Governor of the Indiana Territory and the District of Louisiana, Superintendent of Indian affairs for the said Territory and district and Commissioner plenipotentiary of the United States, for concluding any treaty or treaties, which may be found necessary with any of the Northwestern tribes of Indians, of the one part; and the Chiefs and head men of the united Sac and Fox tribes of the other part.

Article 1. The United States receive the united Sac and Fox tribes into their friendship and protection and the said tribes agree to consider themselves under the protection of the United States, and no other power whatsoever.

Art. 2. The General boundary line between the land of the United States and the said Indian tribes shall be as follows, to wit: Beginning at a point on the Missouri River opposite to the mouth of the Gasconade River; thence, in a direct course so as to strike the River Jeffreon, at the distance of 30 miles from its mouth and down the said Jeffreon to the Mississippi; thence, up the Mississippi to the mouth of the Ouisconsing River, and up the same to a point which shall be 36 miles in a direct line from the mouth of the said river, thence, by a direct line to the point where the Fox River (a branch of the Illinois) leaves the small Lake called Sakaegan; thence, down the Fox River to the Illinois River, and down the same to the Mississippi. And the said tribes, for and in consideration of the friendship and protection of the United States, which is now extended to them, of the goods (to the value of two thousand two hundred and thirty-four dollars and fifty cents) which are now delivered, and of the annuity hereinafter stipulated to be paid, do hereby cede and relinquish forever, to the United States, all the lands included within the above described boundary.

Art. 3. In consideration of the cession and relinquishment of land made in the preceding article, the United States will deliver to the said tribes, at the town of St. Louis, or some other convenient place on the Mississippi, yearly and every year, goods suited to the circumstances of the Indians of the value of one thousand dollars (six hundred of which are intended for the Sacs and four hundred for the Foxes), reckoning that value at the first cost of the goods in the City or place in the United States, where they shall be procured. And if the said tribes shall hereafter at an annual delivery of the goods aforesaid, desire that a part of their annuity should be furnished in domestic animals, implements of husbandry, and other utensils, convenient for them, or in compensation to useful artificers, who may reside with or near them, and be employed for their benefit, the same shall, at the subsequent annual delivery, be furnished accordingly.

Art. 4. The United States will never interrupt the said tribes in the possession of the lands, which they rightfully claim, but will, on the contrary, protect them in the quiet enjoyment of the same against their own citizens and against all other white persons, who may intrude upon them. And the said tribes do hereby engage that they will never sell their lands, or any part thereof, to any sovereign power but the United States, nor to the citizens or subjects of any other sovereign power, nor to the citizens of the United States.

Art. 5. Lest the friendship, which is now established between the United States and the said Indian Tribes should be interrupted by the misconduct of individuals, it is hereby agreed that for injuries done by individuals no private revenge or retaliation shall take place, but instead thereof, complaint shall be made by the party injured to the other by the said tribe, or either of them, to the superintendent of Indian affairs, or one of his deputies; and by the superintendent, or other person appointed by the President, to the Chiefs of the said tribes. And it shall be the duty of the said chiefs, upon complaint being made, as aforesaid, to deliver up the person, or persons, against whom the complaint is made, to the end that he or they may be punished agreeably to the laws of the state or territory where the offence may have been committed. And, in like manner, if any robbery, violence or murder shall be committed on any Indian, or Indians, belonging to the said tribes, or either of them, the person or persons so offending shall be tried, and, if found guilty, punished in the like manner as if the injury had been done to a white man. And, it is farther agreed, that the chiefs of the said tribes shall, to the utmost of their power, exert themselves to recover horses or other property which may be stolen from any citizen or citizens of the United States by any individual or individuals of their tribes. And the property so recovered shall be forthwith delivered to the superintendent or other person authorized to receive it that it may be restored to the proper owner. And in cases where the exertions of the chiefs shall be ineffectual in recovering the property stolen, as aforesaid, if sufficient proof can be obtained, that such property was actually stolen by any Indian or Indians belonging to the said tribes, or either of them, the United States may deduct from the annuity of the said tribes, a sum equal to the value of the property which has been stolen, And the United States hereby guarantee to any Indian or Indians of the said tribes a full indemnification for any horses, or other property which may be stolen from them, by any of their citizens; Provided that the property so stolen cannot be recovered, and that sufficient proof is produced that it was actually stolen by a citizen of the United States.

Art. 6. If any citizen of the United States, or any other white person, should form a settlement, upon the lands which are the property of the Sac and Fox tribes, upon complaint being made thereof, to the superintendent, or other person having charge of the affairs of the Indians, such intruders shall forthwith be removed.

Art. 7. As long as the lands which are now ceded to the United States remain their property, the Indians belonging to the said tribes shall enjoy the privilege of living and hunting upon them.

Art. 8. As the laws of the United States regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes are already extended to the country inhabited by the Sauks and Foxes, and as it is provided by those laws, that no person shall reside as a trader, in the Indian country, without a license, under the hand and seal of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, or other person appointed for the purpose by the President, the said tribes do promise and agree that they will not suffer any trader to reside amongst them without such license, and that they will, from time to time, give notice to the Superintendent, or to the Agent, for their tribes, of all the traders that may be in their country.

Art 9. In order to put a stop to the abuses and impositions, which are practiced upon the said tribes by the private traders, the United States, will, at a convenient time, establish a trading house, or factory, where the individuals of the said tribes can be supplied with goods at a more reasonable rate than they have been accustomed to procure them.

Art. 10. In order to evince the sincerity of their friendship and affection for the United States, and a respectful deference for their advice, by an act which will not only be acceptable to them, but by the Common Father of all the nations of the Earth, the said tribes do, hereby solemnly promise and agree that they will put an end to the bloody war which has heretofore raged between their tribes and those of the great and little Osages. And for the purpose of burying the tomahawk and renewing the friendly intercourse between themselves and the Osages, a meeting of their respective Chiefs shall take place, at which, under the direction of the above named Commissioner, or the Agent of Indian affairs residing at St. Louis, an adjustment of all their differences shall be made and peace established, upon a firm and lasting basis.

Art. 11. As it is probable that the Government of the United States will establish a Military Post at, or near the mouth, of the Ouisconsing River, and as the land on the lower side of the River may not be suitable for that purpose, the said tribes hereby agree, that a Fort may be built, either on the upper side of the Ouisconsing, or on the right bank of the Mississippi, as the one or the other may be found most convenient; and a tract of land not exceeding two miles square, shall be given for that purpose. And the said tribes do further agree, that they will at all times, allow to traders and other persons traveling through their country, under the authority of the United States, a free and safe passage for themselves and their property of every description. And that for such passage, they shall at no time, and on no account whatever, be subject to any toll or exaction.

Art. 12. This Treaty shall take effect and be obligatory on the contracting parties, as soon as the same shall have been ratified by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States.

In testimony whereof, the said William Henry Harrison, and the Chiefs and headmen of the said Sac and Fox tribes, have hereunto set their hands and affixed their seals. Done at Saint Louis, in the district of Louisiana, on the third day of November, One Thousand Eight Hundred and Four, and of the independence of the United States the Twenty-Ninth.

ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.

It is agreed that nothing in this treaty contained shall affect the claim of any individual or individuals, who may have obtained grants of Land from the Spanish Government and which are not included within the general boundary line laid down in this treaty: PROVIDED, that such grant have at any time been made known to the said tribes and recognized by them.

William Henry Harrison, [L.S.]

Layowvois, or Laiyuva, [L.S.]

His (X) Mark.

Pashepaho, or The Stabber, [L.S.]

His (X) Mark.

Quashquame, or Jumping Fish, [L.S.]

His (X) Mark.

Outchequaha, or Sun Fish, [L.S.]

His (X) Mark.

Hashequarhiqua, or The Bear, [L.S.]

His (X) Mark.

In presence of

Wm. Prince, Sec’y to the Commissioner.

John Griffin, one of the judges of the

Indiana Territory.

J. Bruff, Maj. Art’ry, U.S.

Amos Stoddard, Capt. Corps of Artillerists.

P. Chouteau, Agent de la haute Louisiana

pour le department Sauvage.

Ch. Gratiot.

Aug. Chouteau.

Vigo S. Warrel, Lieut. U.S. Artillery.

D. Delauney.

Sworn Interpreters: Jos. Barron.

Hypolite Bolen,

His (X) Mark.

CHAPTER III.

Treaty of 1804, and Black Hawk’s Version.

On December 31st, 1804, the President submitted this treaty to the Senate, which ratified it immediately.

In justice to Black Hawk, his relation of all incidents leading up to this treaty, from the departure of French rule to its ratification, which he always insisted was the bone of contention between himself and the whites, will be given, and in justice to the Americans, his inaccuracies, their logical deductions and the manner in which he played the same against the facts will also be given.

In the first edition of his autobiography, published in Boston in 1834, page 25, after concluding his sorrow at the advent of the Americans, he stated:

“Some time afterwards, a boat came up the river, with a young American chief (Lieutenant, afterwards General, Zebulon M. Pike), and a small party of soldiers. We heard of him (by runners) soon after he had passed Salt River. Some of our young braves watched him every day, to see what sort of people he had on board. The boat at length arrived at Rock River, and the young chief came on shore with his interpreter, made a speech, and gave us some presents. We, in return, presented him with meat and such provisions as we could spare.

“We were all well pleased with the speech of the young chief. He gave us good advice; said our American father would treat us well. He presented us an American flag, which was hoisted. He then requested us to pull down our British flags, and give him our British medals, promising to send us others on his return to St. Louis. This we declined, as we wished to have two fathers.”

“* * * We did not see any Americans again for some time, being supplied with goods by British traders.”

“Some moons after this young chief descended the Mississippi, one of our people killed an American and was confined in the prison at St. Louis for the offense. We held a council at our village to see what could be done for him, which determined that Quash-qua-me, Pa-she-pa-ho, Ou-che-qua-ka and Ha-she-quar-hi-qua should go down to St. Louis, see our American father, and do all they could to have our friend released by paying for the person killed; thus covering the blood, and satisfying the relations of the man murdered; that being the only means with us of saving a person who had killed another, and we then thought it was the same way with the whites.

“The party started with the good wishes of the whole nation, hoping they would accomplish the object of their mission. The relatives of the prisoner blacked their faces and fasted–hoping the Great Spirit would take pity on them, and return the husband and father to his wife and children. Quash-qua-me and party remained a long time absent. They at length returned, and encamped a short distance below the village, but did not come up that day, nor did any person approach their camp. They appeared to be dressed in fine coats, and had medals! From these circumstances we were in hopes that they had brought good news. Early the next morning the Council Lodge was crowded. Quash-qua-me and party came up, and gave us the following account of their mission: ‘On their arrival at St. Louis they met their American father, and explained to him their business, and urged the release of their friend. The American chief told them he wanted land, and they agreed to give him some on the west side of the Mississippi, and some on the Illinois side, opposite the Jeffreon. When the business was all arranged, they expected to have their friend released to come home with them. But about the time they were ready to start, their friend was let out of prison, who ran a short distance, and was shot dead. This was all they could recollect of what was said and done. They had been drunk the greater part of the time they were in St. Louis.’

“This was all myself or nation knew of the treaty of 1804. It has been explained to me since. I find by that treaty all our country east of the Mississippi, and south of the Jeffreon, was ceded to the United States for one thousand dollars a year! I leave it to the people of the United States to say whether our nation was properly represented in this treaty, or whether we received a fair compensation for the extent of country ceded by those four individuals. I could say much about this treaty, but I will not at this time. It has been the origin of all our difficulties.”[^[14]]

During the years 1803 and 1804, the British were in their ugliest humor toward the Americans, and no effort to aggravate, yea murder, the frontier was spared. In the face of those atrocities and in face of the further fact that on January 9th, 1789, a solemn treaty of friendship was made between the United States and the Sacs, at Fort Harmar, signed by Te-pa-kee and Kesh-e-yi-va, the 14th article of which is as follows: “The United States of America do also receive into their friendship and protection the nations of the Pottiwatimas and Sacs, and do hereby establish a league of peace and amity between them respectively; and all the articles of this treaty, so far as they apply to these nations, are to be considered as made and concluded in all, and every part, expressly with them and each of them,”[^[15]] it would seem in extreme bad taste for Black Hawk to desire a continuance of British paternity and British provisions, and flout British authority in the faces of those Americans who were the sufferers. A sane man would expect something to happen. Black Hawk stated and emphasized the fact that Pike went up the Mississippi and returned before the treaty of 1804 was made, when as a matter of fact he went up the river in 1805 and returned in 1807. Now if he committed such glaring errors in matters of passing importance, what can be expected in matters of graver importance? And where can the intelligent student draw the line between fact and fabrication?

GOV. WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.

LIEUT. ZEBULON M. PIKE.

COL. AUGUSTE CHOUTEAU.

COL. PIERRE CHOUTEAU.

Much else that Black Hawk has said is altogether incorrect as well as preposterous. There can be no excuse for his untruthful statement that but four chiefs signed the treaty, because there were five, as the record itself discloses, and Pash-e-pa-ho, the then principal chief of the Sac nation, was one of them. Nor can it be seen that he strengthened his standing with the public to charge William Henry Harrison, the most upright of men, with giving the Indian emissaries fine clothes and medals as part consideration for their signatures, and with stupefying them with liquor and finally murdering outright the prisoner, and it is certainly regrettable to find in his narrative no mention of the sorrowing wife and weeping children of the murdered American who never returned to his hearthstone.

CHAPTER IV.

Treaty of 1804.

That the Indian had many wrongs must not be denied, but that such wrongs should be transferred from those who suffered them to the personal account of Black Hawk, either entire or to any great extent, is a proposition too monstrous for sober consideration. The simpering casuist has strenuously endeavored to effect that transfer, even to the extent of adopting his statements about the liquor and the murder. As needless, yea repugnant, to all sense of propriety and truth as the task may be to shore up the reputation of Governor Harrison against Black Hawk’s aspersions, it has been thought best to quote the only historical record at hand on the subject of the murder, and dissipate for all time the maudlin sympathy which his contention has raised:

“Some time about the middle of the year 1804, three American citizens, who had settled above the Missouri, were murdered by a party of Sack Indians; and the Governor having learnt this circumstance, as well as the hostile dispositions of the Sacks and Foxes toward the United States, sent them a message by Captain Stoddart, in the month of October, requiring their chiefs to meet him in St. Louis; and on his arrival at that place he learnt the circumstance of the murder, as well as the exertions which were making by some of the old chiefs among them to give up the perpetrators of it, but who were opposed by a majority of the nation, who declared their satisfaction at what had been done, and their determination to protect the murderers at all risk. The Governor dispatched another messenger to the Sack chiefs, to inform them of his arrival at St. Louis, and urge them to make every possible exertion to apprehend, and bring with them, the murderers; but if that could not be effected, he requested that they would come to him at any rate, assuring them of their being permitted to return in safety.

“The Governor, conceiving that if they could be prevailed upon to come to a conference it would be easy to convince them of the necessity of preserving the friendship of the United States, had no doubt that he would prevail upon some of them to remain with him as hostages for the delivery of the murderers. But before his messenger had arrived, the petty chief who headed the war party had surrendered himself to the sachems or head men of the nation, and declared his willingness to suffer for the injury he had done. On the arrival of the chiefs at St. Louis, he was delivered up to the Governor, and a positive assurance given that the whole nation were sorry for the injury which had been done, and that they would never in future lift the tomahawk against the United States.”[^[16]]

At this same meeting, the treaty was made which has already been set out at length, and while the same authority mentions the fact without comment, it will be quoted, and following it some reasons may be noted why the bargain was not one of particular rigor. At least Black Hawk’s argument may be shown to be specious:

“At this meeting with the chiefs of the Sac and Fox Indians, the Government negotiated a treaty by which the Indian title was extinguished to the largest tract of land ever ceded in one treaty by the Indians since the settlement of North America, as it includes all the country from the mouth of the Illinois River to the mouth of the Ouisconsing, on the one side, and from the mouth of the Illinois to near the head of the Fox River on the other side; and from the head of the latter a line is drawn to a point 36 miles above the mouth of the Ouisconsing, which forms the northern boundary, and contains upwards of 51 millions of acres.”

Black Hawk offers to leave the question of bargain to the people of the United States. From present day standpoints it might be considered a hard bargain, but from the facts in the case, the reply might be made with an inquiry if the Wisconsin farmer got much of a bargain when he bought from a sharper the Masonic Temple of Chicago for $2,000.

Two-thirds or more of the land ceded was claimed and occupied by the Winnebagoes and Pottowattomies at the time, and Black Hawk knew the fact and admitted it times without number on subsequent occasions. Even down so close to him as the Prophet’s village, in the present county of Whiteside, the country was Winnebago territory; the same at Dixon’s Ferry, while over on the Illinois River the Pottowattomies had for a great length of time held dominion, and this had never been controverted by the Sacs and Foxes. The fact is that the United States acquired but very little territory by that treaty, when the magnificent proportions are mentioned without regard to the facts.

With his usual carelessness of fact, Black Hawk omitted to mention the payments down in money and trade which were made and which in those days were not regarded as trifling. He made no mention of subsequent and additional payments and annuities, neither did he credit the Government for the use and occupation of those same lands for over a quarter of a century after they had been ceded. He omitted entirely that he had never kept a treaty in his life until he was finally crushed and driven from power at the point of the bayonet, and he forgot to omit the further fact that all the Sac and Fox Indians, save Black Hawk and his immediate followers, recognized that treaty as just in 1808, when a delegation visited Fort Madison to ascertain if its erection was in violation of it. Schoolcraft, Vol. VI, page 393, made a very sensible observation regarding the sales by Indians of their lands: “But while any section of their territories abounded in game, the Indians elected to retire thither, and bestowed but little attention on either grazing or agriculture. There was, therefore, a singular concurrence in the desire of the emigrants to buy and in the willingness of the Indians to sell their lands.”

At no time had the Illinois lands been valuable to the Sacs for hunting, the streams and forests of Iowa having always been sought for their annual hunts. There can be no doubt that this feature had its influence exactly as Schoolcraft, the friend always to the Indian, has stated.

FORT MADISON.

GROUND PLAN OF FORT MADISON.

MAJ. JOHN BEACH.

CHAPTER V.

Erection of Fort Madison–Rumors of Indian Attack–Black Hawk Joins Tecumseh–Returns to His Village–Attacks Fort Madison–The Siege.

The object of the expedition of Lieutenant Pike, in 1805-6-7, was, among other things, to select suitable locations for military reservations, Indian posts and forts. One of the last named he located at the head of the Des Moines Rapids, immediately above the mouth of the river of that name, on the west bank of the Mississippi.

In 1808, First Lieutenant Alpha Kingsley, with Captain Ninian Pinckney’s company, was sent there from below to construct the fort and garrison it. His work attracted the attention of passing Sacs and excited the suspicion that the act might be a possible infraction of the 1804 treaty. To determine the matter, a party, including Black Hawk, traveled down the river to the scene, where a council or talk was immediately held, at which the intention of the Government was fully discussed. The explanations were satisfactory in every particular to the respective chiefs, who, every one, cheerfully ratified the action of the Government, commending the act as one of prevision for both parties, and with assurances of good feeling returned to their respective homes. Even Drake, the especial champion of Black Hawk, is forced to state, on page 79: “Some of the Indians went down the river, and, after an interview with the officers in charge of the troops constructing it, returned home, satisfied that there was no infraction.”

Not so with Black Hawk. He came to the spot bent on mischief, and while the others entered and were engaged in the council, he remained aloof, that no obligation might rest upon him if the talk should result adversely to his wishes, his favorite trick for avoiding the meshes of engagements which might conflict with the arrangements he had made with his British friends, who were furnishing him supplies, as we have seen.

Thus was the construction of Fort Madison permitted to continue, and thus was it in due time completed and garrisoned by seventy-five men; but Black Hawk had studied well its plans and marked it for his vengeance at such a time as stealth should permit him to ambush it and butcher its garrison, lulled into a supine security[^[17]].

During the winter of 1808-9, British agents, taking advantage of the suppositious dissatisfaction of the Indians, moved industriously among the tribes, and, through Black Hawk, were able to create among his followers a desire to annoy the Americans. Reports of impending attacks reached the garrison of Fort Madison from time to time. “Upon receiving this information,” Lieutenant Kingsley wrote, “I made every exertion to erect the blockhouses and plant my pickets; this we did in two weeks (lying on our arms during the night), and took quarters in the new fort the 14th inst. (April, 1809). Being tolerably secure against an attack, we have been able to get a little rest, and are now making the best preparations for the safety and defense of this establishment.”

This letter is dated, “Fort Madison, near River Le Moin, 19th April, 1809.” In the same letter Lieutenant Kingsley reported that rumors of an Indian alliance are reaching him frequently, and that any coming trouble may be traced directly to British influence. “The sooner the British traders are shut out of the river,” he added, “the better for our Government.” Thus was Black Hawk allied, preparing for his part in the war of 1812 with England.

Governor Harrison, in a letter to the Secretary of War, dated Vincennes, July 15th, 1810 (Drake, p. 62), said: “A considerable number of the Sacs went some time since to see the British superintendent, and on the first instant more passed Chicago for the same destination.”

General Clark, under date St. Louis, July 20th, 1810, stated in writing to the same department: “One hundred and fifty Sacs are on a visit to the island of St. Joseph, in Lake Huron.” John Johnson, the Indian agent at Fort Wayne, under date of August 7th, 1810, said to the Secretary of War: “About one hundred Saukees have returned from the British agent, who supplied them liberally with everything they stood in need of. The party received forty-seven rifles and a number of fusils, with plenty of powder and lead.”

In 1811 Black Hawk eagerly accepted British counsel to join the Prophet at Tippecanoe[^[18]] for the purpose of annihilating Governor Harrison. Failing in that effort, he turned westward with a party of Winnebagoes to attack Fort Madison, but the long march homeward must have exhausted his martial spirit, because that attack was not made by him until September 5th, 1812, at 5:30 P.M. However that may be, he considered it unwise to precipitate his contemplated attack without preparation and care. Therefore, he had the ground thoroughly reconnoitered by his spies, who reported that every morning it was customary for the troops to march out for exercise, leaving no defense behind, and this was the hour finally fixed for his attack.

His British band and about 200 Winnebagoes stealthily marched to the neighborhood, where, after a consultation, the plan of attack was changed into one of assault, which was immediately begun and continued until darkness compelled the Indians to retire. The following morning it was not resumed, as contemplated by the garrison, which lulled it into negligence, for a soldier was permitted to leave the gate. He returned safely, and John Cox, another private, was permitted to go out with less show of caution. This poor fellow was instantly shot and scalped and the Indians, with yells, then recommenced their assault. During the engagement the boat of a Mr. Graham, who had arrived on the 4th, was burned, as were two others belonging to the Government. Soon after fire was thrown upon the blockhouses that stood near the bank of the river, but syringes made from gun barrels were used with such effectiveness that the blaze was confined to little damage. One detachment of the enemy killed the live stock, plundered and burned the house of a Mr. Julian and destroyed the corn. On the 7th the battle was renewed and raged with greater fury, the Indians again throwing fire upon the blockhouses and shooting flaming arrows into the roofs, but the garrison repulsed every attack. In the evening the house of a Mr. Nabb was burned and the blacksmith shop and factory of the garrison threatened. Had these been fired in the prevailing wind, every man of the garrison had been burned alive, but commanding officer Thomas Hamilton, by the most heroic measures, forced the fire away until the wind veered, when he dispatched a soldier to fire the factory, which he successfully did, and in three hours it was consumed without danger to the garrison. During the day, several Indians crept into a stable, and there, harbored from musket balls, shot deadly arrows into the roofs, but a shot from the cannon by Lieutenant Burony Vasquez finally drove them out. On the 8th the attack diminished in ferocity, and on the 9th not an Indian remained to be seen.

Inside the fort only one man was wounded, but the casualties of the Indians were reported as upwards of forty.

Fort Madison, for the purposes of trading, was favorably located, but for purposes of defense it was hopelessly inadequate. Timber, ravines and the bank of the river afforded the enemy positions from which he could not be driven. At the same time a small party could harass the garrison with no great danger to itself unless some of the number became imprudent. During the siege there were but first and second lieutenants Hamilton and Vasquez, two sergeants, two corporals and a few more than thirty privates to defend a fort–a force totally inadequate against a horde of bloodthirsty savages.

After the 9th Black Hawk permitted several days to elapse before resuming hostilities, during which he formed another plan to capture and massacre the garrison. To all appearances they had retired to their homes. Immediately so-called friendly Indians came to trade, including Quash-qua-me and Pash-e-pa-ho, who, while professing friendship under that treaty, could not resist British and Black Hawk intrigue, and were then leagued with Black Hawk to destroy the fort by stratagem. These two were readily admitted to the fort, retired and called again and again, offering finally to entertain the fatigued garrison with a dance. The officers, to oblige the men, signified a willingness to witness the ceremony. Quash-qua-me was to signal Black Hawk, who was to be near by, to rush in upon the men and murder every one while the dance progressed. Early in the day a young woman, who had formed a strong attachment for one of the garrison, appeared before Lieutenant Hamilton as though in great distress. She was taken inside the stockade, and, when free from observation, disclosed the plot of the would-be assassins. Her simple story touched the heart of every man, and, though their long seige had worn them down well nigh to despair, her love and devotion inspired a strength and courage which would only falter when the spirit had fled and left the useless body a clod upon the field.[^[19]] Lieutenant Hamilton caused a six-pounder, loaded with grapeshot, to be masked and ranged full upon the stockade entrance. Sentinels were posted with orders to allow no more than one Indian to enter at a time. Quash-qua-me and his companions duly appeared and were admitted singly. The warriors within, to a considerable number, gathered about the entrance, the designated place, and began their dance, raising with their whoops and yells a din to heaven. Suddenly the dance was suspended by the warriors making a furious rush for the gate, which conveniently opened. Confident that the plot had been successfully carried out by those inside, the others outside madly charged the angle. A lighted fuse, flashed above the unmasked cannon, brought those in front to a sudden halt, while those behind, by reason of it, were plunged headlong into a confused and confounded mass. Aghast at their miserable miscarriage, a general retreat was attempted, but this was not accomplished by Quash-qua-me and his immediate followers, who were made prisoners.

Finding himself in disgrace and fearing condign punishment, Quash-qua-me renounced hostilities against the Americans, was released, and, with slight exception, remained thereafter their faithful friend. His followers, who were imprisoned, finally confessed the plot in its every detail, and when released, as they immediately were, maintained a lasting penitence.

In this episode Black Hawk was at a convenient distance in the bushes, leaving all the danger and obloquy to fall upon Quash-qua-me.

CHAPTER VI.

Black Hawk Enlists With the British in the War of 1812–Deserts–Foster Son Story–Keokuk Made Chief.

It was not enough that British intrigue had maintained a reign of terror upon the frontier where the sturdy pioneer was slowly and painfully conquering a few roods of timberland to provide a home for his family. It was not enough that his life, the only protection of that family, should be daily menaced with ambush. British arrogance now menaced the nascent Republic by extending its infamous tactics to the high seas, bullying our infant commerce by exacting the right of search from feebly manned vessels and cruelly impressing into British service American seamen to fight their friends and relatives in case of war. On June 18, 1812, the declaration of war followed; then the fall of Mackinaw, July 17; the Fort Dearborn massacre, August 15, and, finally, the mortifying and distressing surrender of Hull on August 16th.

These disasters opened wide the gates for British influence to promote war upon the feeble frontiersmen, with such allies as Black Hawk, and to him they were buds of mighty promise. The first act of the English trader, Robert Dickson, who had headquarters at Prairie du Chien, was to send La Gouthrie, the trader, by boat to Black Hawk’s village on Rock River with presents, money and ammunition for this Indian and his band of mercenaries who did his bidding. The Fort Madison affair followed, after which Black Hawk and 200 of his followers immediately went to Green Bay, Wisconsin, and joined the British expedition fitted out there, and where the commander made him a speech, dubbed him “General Black Hawk” and assigned him the responsible and distinguished position of Aid to the great Tecumseh.[^[20]]

In spite of these calamities, the pioneer hardened his heart, consigned his family to the nearest fort, then, molding his bullets, he shouldered his trusty rifle and marched with his brother settler to defend his country, as he had defended his fireside so often before.

To have been assigned to the staff of Tecumseh should have exalted Black Hawk to deeds worthy his renowned superior, but his peevish nature and lack of capacity prevented a comprehension of his just duties. Colonel Dickson admonished him to honest warfare, which was so distasteful to Black Hawk that he wrote: “I told him (Col. Dickson) that I was very much disappointed, as I wanted to descend the Mississippi and make war upon the settlements.” This sentiment was, according to his own statement, promptly rebuked by Dickson, as Black Hawk himself recited: “He said he had been ordered to lay the country waste around St. Louis; that he had been a trader on the Mississippi many years; had always been kindly treated and could not consent to send brave men to murder women and children. That there were no soldiers there to fight, but where he was going to send us there were a number of soldiers, and if we defeated them the Mississippi country should be ours!” Here Black Hawk displays his besetting weakness–incapacity to comprehend the ethics of a cause or situation.

Leaving Green Bay immediately, the troops marched past Chicago and without event joined the British forces at Detroit. His first experience in an open fight with the Americans caused surprise, as he stated: “The Americans fought well and drove us with considerable loss. I was surprised at this, as I had been told that the Americans could not fight.” He followed the British army until the conclusion of the Battle of the Thames, October 5th, 1813, with its disastrous consequences, when, in the face of defeat to his friends, he, with twenty of his braves, deserted in the night time for home, assigning for his reason: “I was now tired of being with them, our success being bad and having got no plunder.”[^[21]] Not a patriotic declaration, to be sure! He arrived home in the spring of 1814, and instead of settling down to peaceful pursuits, endeavoring to make slight amends for his unjustifiable warfare against the Americans, whose country he then occupied, he began a long and bloody series of diabolical raids, inciting others to do the same, until the remotest settlement mourned its dead.

In after years, when conquered, instead of expressing any contrition for his acts, he invented for his autobiography a sympathetic sort of story, but neither fact nor tradition comes to the rescue when it is analyzed. Black Hawk claimed that he had one friend bound closer to him than was usual, and in consideration of this unusual affinity he adopted the friend’s only son. When departing to join the British, Black Hawk urged the father to send the son to the war. To this proposition the father protested his declining years, the favor with which the whites had always treated him, the need of the boy’s assistance at home, and refused to allow him to leave.

Returning from the war, Black Hawk said, as he was approaching his village he saw a column of smoke curling over a hilltop near by, which so excited his curiosity that he visited the spot alone (fortunate intuition). There he found his old friend sitting in sorrow upon the ground. Being revived by some water, the old man related to Black Hawk the story of the murder of his son near Fort Madison, whither they had gone to pass the winter and hunt under permission of the commandant. The story continues that the young man started one day, as usual, for a day’s hunting. At nightfall he had not returned and the father passed a sleepless night. The following morning the boy had not come back and the father sent the mother to rouse the neighborhood. (Why was she not then present to minister to him?) Footsteps upon the snow soon brought the party to the spot where the boy was found to have shot and skinned a deer and hung it upon a branch. Here tracks indicated the presence of white men who had come upon and taken him prisoner. Following their trail, the body of the boy was soon found, the face shot, the body pierced with dagger thrusts and the scalp removed, while his arms had been pinioned at his sides. As the old man related this story, a great storm rose which lasted for a long time, as though the heavens were angered at the offense and threatening revenge. The old man died, and as the storm subsided Black Hawk wrapped his blanket around the body, and, kindling a fire, sat by it during the night. Were this story true, the act were too dastard to find any explanation, but, as already stated, neither contemporaneous history nor tradition from the many who love to tell such tales confirms this weird invention. On the contrary, Fort Madison had been finally besieged by Indians during the preceding year (1813), the garrison starved to shadows, and only by stratagem were the officers and men enabled to escape, which was accomplished by digging a trench to the river, when, after firing the buildings, they descended the river in boats.[^[22]] Therefore, if the winter just passed, which is the only inference deducible from Black Hawk’s account, was the winter referred to, the father and son got no permission from the commandant, because there was no fort remaining and no commandant, and, in view of the hostility of the Indians, no settlers remained about the locality, unprotected as they would have been. If by any juggling of dates the winter referred to had been the one of ’12-’13, the peaceful Indians had by their own request been removed far to the southwest, the garrison had just gone through the first long siege before mentioned and only escaped butchery by the plot which the Indian maiden had exposed.

None but hostile Indians were about the fort, and if the young man was unknown and killed as related, he was certainly considered an enemy. If known as the adopted son of Black Hawk, then openly fighting the Americans, it was a fair presumption that he got no permission to hunt and was considered as taken red-handed. The community inside Fort Madison was in a serious mood those days and in no condition to receive Indians with rifles on advantageous terms. Black Hawk arrived at his village filled with indignation, as he has said. He was met by the chiefs and braves and conducted to the lodge prepared for him. After eating, he gave an account of himself and his travels, crediting the Americans with some valor and marksmanship. In turn, the village chief replied that with the absence of Black Hawk and his following, they would have been unable to defend themselves had the Americans attacked them. Not only had they been unmolested, but when Quash-qua-me, the Lance and other chiefs, with their old men, women and children, descended the Mississippi to St. Louis for protection, the Americans received them with every evidence of friendship, sent them up the Missouri River and there abundantly provided for them.

Black Hawk found on his return that Keokuk, during his absence, had been made principal war chief of the Sac nation, which so enraged him that I am forced to believe his attack upon that chief, which followed, was unwarranted, though he magnanimously concluded his philippic with the statement that he was satisfied.

Keokuk, chief of the Sacs, who was above Black Hawk in civil affairs, had, from reasons of polity or preference, maintained close and constant relations of friendship with the Americans and had prospered in the estimation of the latter. His rising fortune created friction from the first, then envy and finally implacable hatred on the part of Black Hawk, who found himself unable to combat the influence of Keokuk, either overtly or covertly, by reason of his incapacity. Instead of meeting Keokuk on terms as nearly equal as his intellect would permit, he invariably grew angry, allowed his baser nature to master him, and left the scene vowing vengeance on the victor. Had he been able to throw off his anger after a brief season, as many impulsive men can do, he might yet have accomplished much, but a yellow streak in his nature forbade it, and, I honestly believe, impelled the man onward to ruinous decisions in spite of himself. His melancholy made him churlish and revengeful, and consequently dissatisfied, unless punishing some real or imaginary wrong.

British agents could not influence Keokuk, whose temper was naturally amiable and gentle, and, if one wishes to adopt Black Hawk’s sarcasm, politic, too. He favored peace always. In a sense he was luxurious for an Indian, fond of pomp, and those attributes might in a measure have superinduced his love of peace; but peaceful he was after the fire of youth had somewhat succumbed to the influence of the whites, and so he continued unto his dying day. His oratory was so perfect, his logic so convincing, his person so magnetic and his pleas so engaging, that poor Black Hawk made a sorry figure against him, and, after a few attempts, dared never again appeal to the reason of his people against the invincible Keokuk.[^[23]] As an orator, Keokuk had no equal among the red men, and the influence it acquired for him so rankled in the heart of Black Hawk that the latter could never overcome his hatred of Keokuk. Even down to the very last speech he ever made, at Fort Madison, he could not repress an unfortunate fling at his rival; and too bad it was that he allowed his passion to sway him from a plain and simple talk upon past or present events. The words and sentiments of that little talk were truly beautiful and had reflected much credit had he resisted the temptation to speak ill of Keokuk. His life was then ebbing away, and had that offensive portion of his talk been omitted, very many of his evil acts could have been pardoned and forgotten. His melancholy and his temper were his undoing.

CHAPTER VII.

Expedition of Governor Clark to Prairie du Chien–Lieutenant Campbell’s Battle.

During the absence of Black Hawk, in 1812 and 1813, Fort Madison fell and considerable trouble was encountered from Indians, but, whether Sacs or others,[^[24]] the Sacs were never molested by the Americans. That the Sacs were unprepared to stand an attack was freely told him on his arrival, and Wash-e-own, who paid him a visit, was warm in his praises of American kindness, upon which Black Hawk scornfully commented: “I made no reply to these remarks, as the speaker was old and talked like a child.”

Such perverse assertions as this one, constantly recurring throughout his autobiography, are irritating to one who desires candor, and in the face of them it is difficult to deal justly in the premises without appearing almost savage. He constantly asserts that he never fought the Americans without being first attacked, yet who can say that the Americans had attacked or disturbed him up to this point? And how had the Americans disturbed him after his arrival home in 1814? His village had never been molested, though on his account it might have been with good cause. He was still enjoying the use and occupation of it, but, notwithstanding that fact, he was no sooner back to it but he began an organized campaign of bloodshed on the frontier. Like the torch applied to the dried grass of the prairie, the Sacs and Winnebagoes, under him, spread their ravages in 1814. British agents again had material to work on, and their machinations produced results, as the journals of the day recite.

Black Hawk stated that he, with thirty braves, immediately on his return in 1814, out of revenge for the murder of his supposed adopted son, descended the Mississippi, and that the battle of the “sink hole” followed. This would need to be early in 1814, whereas the fact is that the battle of the “sink hole” was fought nearly a year and a quarter after that time, and, what is more, after peace had been declared between the United States and Great Britain. Now if we cannot believe Black Hawk’s assertion in that important matter, which is refuted by the record, then when can he be believed?

Indian depredations made necessary the rehabilitation of the fort at Prairie du Chien[^[25]], long since allowed to fall into a state of decay by the British, and, by reason of the need of troops further to the east, Dickson had removed the garrison to Green Bay. For the purpose of capturing and repairing it, Governor Clark of St. Louis prepared an expedition to ascend the river, which was duly chronicled in the prints of the day:

“A military expedition, of about 200 men in five barges, under the command of Gov. Clark, left St. Louis on the 1st of May, for Prairie du Chien, supposedly with a view of building a fort there and making a station to keep in check the Sioux, Winnebagoes and Falsavoine, lately stirred up to hostility by the infamous British agent, Dickson. There have been several murders by them.”[^[26]]

Another dispatch showing the success of the venture is as follows:

“St. Louis, June 18.–On Monday evening last a barge arrived here from Prairie du Chien, with Gov. Clark and a few gentlemen who accompanied him on his expedition to that place. We are very happy in being able to announce the fortunate result of that hazardous enterprise.

“Nothing worthy of remark attended the flotilla from the time they left St. Louis until they reached Rock River. Such of the disaffected Sacs and Foxes as appeared on the approach of the boats were fired on; some canoes were taken with the arms of the affrighted savages, who sued for peace on any terms. Peace was granted them on condition they would join against the enemies of the United States and immediately commence hostilities against the Winnebagoes. The Foxes, who lived above Rock River at Deboque’s mines, were willing to come into the same arrangement.

“Twenty days before the arrival of the Governor at Prairie du Chien, Dickson left that place for Mackinaw with 85 Winnebagoes, 120 Falsavoine, and 100 Sioux, recruits for the British army on the lakes. He had information of the approach of Gov. Clark, and had charged Captain Deace, commanding a body of Mackinaw fencibles, with the defense of the place; but Deace and his party ran off, the Sioux and Renards having refused to oppose the Americans. As soon as the troops landed at the town, notice was sent to the inhabitants (who had fled into the country) to return. All came back, but a few scoundrels who knew they deserved a halter.

“Every attention was then directed to the erection of a temporary place calculated for defense. Sixty rank and file of Major Taylor’s company of the Seventh Regiment, under command of Lieutenant Perkins, took possession of the house formerly occupied by the old Mackinaw company, and a new fort was progressing on a most commanding spot, when the Governor left the Prairie.

“Two of the largest armed boats were left, under the command of Aid-de-Camp Kennedy and Captains Sullivan and Yeizer, whose united force amounted to 125 dauntless young fellows from this county. The regulars, under the command of Lieutenant Perkins, are stationed on shore, and are assisted by the volunteers in the erection of the new fort. * * *”[^[27]]

During this celebrated voyage Black Hawk and his British Sacs were busy to undo, at the first favorable moment, all the good work done by Governor Clark, as may be seen by an article which appeared in the Missouri Republican:

“St. Louis, July 16.–Platoff, the Hetman Cossack in the service of Russia, offered 100,000 ducats and his daughter to any person who would assassinate Bonaparte. Alexander discountenanced the affair as infamous and dishonorable. How will the English Government and their agent, Robert Dickson[^[28]] (a native of Scotland), appear to the world when it is announced that he suborned a Sac warrior to assassinate Governor Clark while in council at Prairie du Chien? The affair rests on the testimony of the Indians; the fellow left Rock Island for the diabolical purpose, was admitted to the council, but found the Americans armed at every point and all possibility of escape cut off; he therefore prudently declined the attempt. A gentleman who was at the Prairie and in the council informs us that this Indian rose and occupied the attention of the assembly with a harangue of trifling import; that his eyes were fixed on the Governor as if riveted to the object. At that moment the Governor shifted his sword from an unhandy position to one across his knees, when the savage retired to his seat. * * *”[^[29]]

It may be of interest, though not connected with Black Hawk, to note here that one very strong reason for the subsequent surrender of the fort was the decimation of its garrison:

“St. Louis, July 2.–On Sunday last, an armed boat arrived from Prairie du Chien, under the command of Capt. John Sullivan, with his company of militia and 32 men from the gunboat Governor Clark, their time of service (60 days) having expired. Captain Yeizer, who commands on board the Governor Clark, off Prairie du Chien, reports that his vessel is completely manned, that the fort is finished, christened Fort Selby, and occupied by the regulars. * * *”[^[30]]

But Fort Selby could not spare the withdrawal of the militia mentioned, and on July 21, 1814, the fort surrendered to Colonel McKay after a four days’ siege.

Weakened as the garrison was by the withdrawal of the militia, General Howard, on his return from Kentucky, advised that immediate steps be taken to reinforce it. He quickly perceived the danger from an attack and the inability of the small force to defend the post, and he as quickly brought into the field a relief expedition.

Following is the best account extant upon the subject, repeated verbatim:

From the Missouri Gazette, July 30, 1814.

Disaster.

“As soon as Gov. Clark returned from his successful expedition to Prairie du Chien, it was thought proper by Brigadier-General Howard, commanding in this district (who had in the interim returned to this place from Kentucky), to send a force to relieve the volunteers, and preserve the acquisition so important to the welfare of our country. For this purpose, Lieut. John Campbell of the first regulars, acting as brigade major, was entrusted with the command of 42 regulars and 65 rangers, in three keel boats, the contractor’s and sutler’s boats in company. The whole party, including boatmen and women, amounting to about 133, reached Rock River, within 180 or 200 miles of the Prairie, without any accident. As soon as they entered the rapids they were visited by hundreds of Sacs and Foxes, some of the latter bearing letters from the garrison above to St. Louis. The officers, being unacquainted with Indian manners, imagined the savages to be friendly; to this fatal security may be attributed the catastrophe which followed. It appears that the contractor’s and sutler’s boat had arrived near the head of the rapids and proceeded on, having on board the ammunition, with a sergeant’s guard; the rangers, in two barges, followed, and had proceeded two miles in advance of the commander’s barge; the latter inclined to the east side in search of the main channel, and being now on a lee shore, proceeded with much difficulty, and as the gale increased were drifted into shoal water within a few yards of a high bank covered with grass, waist high; a few steps from the bow and stern an umbrage of willows set out from shore.

“In this position the commanding officer thought proper to remain until the wind abated; sentries were placed at proper intervals, and the men were occupied in cooking, when the report of several guns announced an attack. At the first fire all the sentries were killed, and before those on shore could reach the barge, 10 or 15 out of 30 were killed and wounded. At this time the force and intentions of the Indians were fully developed. On each shore the savages were observed in quick motion; some in canoes crossing to the battleground; others were observed running from above and below to the scene of attack; in a few minutes from five to seven hundred were assembled on the bank and among the willows within a few yards of the bow and stern of the barge; the Indians gave the whoop, and commenced a tremendous fire; the brave men in the barge cheered, and returned the fire from a swivel and small arms. At this critical juncture, Lieuts. Riggs and Rector of the rangers, who commanded the two barges ahead, did not hear the guns, but saw the smoke, and, concluding an attack was made, dropped down. Riggs’ boat stranded about 100 yards below Campbell’s, and Rector, to avoid a like misfortune and preserve himself from a raking fire, anchored above; both barges opened a brisk fire on the Indians, but as the enemy fired from coverts, it is thought little execution was done.

“About one hour was spent in this unequal contest, when Campbell’s barge was discovered on fire, to relieve which Rector cut his cable and fell to windward of him, and took out the survivors. Finding he could not assist Riggs, having a number of wounded on board, and in danger of running on a lee shore, he made the best of his way to this place, where he arrived on Sunday evening last.

Killed and Wounded.

“There were 3 regulars killed and 14 wounded; 2 died on their passage to this place; 1 ranger killed and 4 wounded on board Lieut. Rector’s barge. Brig.-Maj. Campbell and Dr. Stewart are severely wounded. Two women and a child were severely wounded–one of the women and the child are since dead. Just as we had finished detailing the above unfortunate affair, we received the glad tidings of the arrival of Lieut. Riggs at Cap au Gray; he lost 3 men killed and 4 wounded. Would to Heaven we could account for the remaining 2 barges.

Consolatory.

“As we were preparing the foregoing for press, gunboat Gov. Clark, commanded by Capt. Yeizer, arrived here, in nine days from Prairie du Chien, with the contractor’s and sutler’s barges, which were fortunately relieved at the moment the Indians were about to board them. From the officers of the Gov. Clark we have received the following very important news from the Prairie: On the 17th inst. the long-expected British force appeared in view. Marching from the Ouisconsing toward the village, the line of the regular troops, militia and Indians extended about 2 miles, with 24 flags flying. A British officer arrived at the fort, demanding its surrender. Lieut. Perkins returned for an answer that he was able and prepared to defend the post entrusted to his charge. Before the return of the flag, the British commenced a fire upon the Gov. Clark from a small battery of 1 or 2 three-pounders, which was immediately answered from a six-pounder from the boat. Soon after firing commenced, a large body of Indians and white troops crossed to the island which fronts the village, and enabled them to fire on the boat at pistol-shot distance, and screen themselves behind trees from the grape which incessantly poured from the boat. In this manner the contest continued for two hours, until the gunboat received several shot between wind and water, when it was concluded to move down the river; by this movement down the narrow channel they had to run the gauntlet through a line of musketry nearly nine miles. On approaching the rapids, Capt. Yeizer sent his skiff with nine men down to reconnoiter, who discovered Riggs’ boat engaged with the Indians and Campbell’s barge on fire. These appearances induced the boat’s crew to return, and the Indians to call to them to come on shore, raising to their view the English flag, believing them to be Mackinaw voyageurs. Before dispatching the reconnoitering boat, the Gov. Clark joined the contractor’s and sutler’s boats. Those on board were ignorant of the fate of the boats below, and would, within half an hour, have been in the power of the savages, if they had not thus been providentially snatched from destruction.

“Seven were wounded on board the Gov. Clark, namely, Lieut. Henderson and Ensign St. Pierre, severely. Five privates were wounded; one died on the way down the day after his leg was amputated.

“Every account of the attack on Campbell’s detachment reflects highest encomium on the skill and undaunted bravery of Lieuts. Rector and Riggs of the rangers. The former, after a contest of two hours and twenty minutes, withdrew to a favorable position, which enabled him to save the few regular troops as well from the flames which surrounded them as the fury of the savages. The high wind which then prevailed, and the loss of his anchors, prevented his rendering a like assistance to Lieut. Riggs. The latter, though stranded and in a hopeless situation, kept up an incessant fire on the Indians, and by a rusé de guerre afforded his party an opportunity of making the savages feel some of the consequences of their perfidy. He ordered his men to cease firing for about ten minutes, and at the same time ordered howitzers to be well loaded with grape, and the small arms to be in readiness. The Indians, believing the rangers to be all killed, or that they had surrendered, rushed down the bank to extinguish the fire on board Lieut. Campbell’s barge and to board Riggs’. Our hero then opened upon them a well-directed fire, which drove them in all directions, leaving several of their dead behind.”

When Campbell reached Rock River he called upon Black Hawk with a handful of men as an escort–so ridiculously small that Black Hawk repeatedly stated he could have captured and put them all to death with little or no effort. Campbell made the Indians presents, and in return received from Black Hawk a solemn promise that no effort to assist the British or disturb him in his ascent would be made by the Indians, but during the night some powder arrived from the British, who had in the meantime driven the Americans from Fort Selby, and sent it to Black Hawk with instructions to use the same in case any Americans attempted to pass his village to succor the garrison at Prairie du Chien.

Black Hawk had a very facetious way of putting that request into his biography. He stated on page 56 that Campbell and his aids, after holding a council with him, remained all day, and then after receiving word during the night (along with the powder), that Prairie du Chien had fallen, and that the British wished him to join them again: “I immediately started with my party by land in pursuit, thinking that some of their boats might get aground, or that the Great Spirit would put them in our power if he wished them taken and their people killed.”

It is astonishing to note how frequently he confused the behests of the British with those supposed to emanate from the Great Spirit!

While the men were helplessly floundering in the mud to extricate their boat, which had run aground, Black Hawk was pouring a murderous fire into their exposed ranks, and that, too, after promising the day previous to be friendly. To reduce the hapless wretches still more, fire was thrown by arrows into the sails, and the boat, likely to be consumed, was abandoned; then the Indians plunged into the water and drew it ashore. At this stage Black Hawk virtuously knocked in the heads of all the kegs of whisky which he found in the hold, yet when he retired down the river to the Fox village, opposite the mouth of Rock River, he hoisted the British flag and when, immediately after, the British came along with a keg of rum, Black Hawk and his band had a great feast and dance,[^[31]] ending the scene in a protracted and hilarious spree. A refinement of the ethics of liquor-drinking quite abstruse–this difference between whisky and rum!

Those British brought the Indians a gun which was used on the defenseless Americans under Zachary Taylor a little later as Black Hawk stated: “We were pleased to see that almost every shot took effect.”

CHAPTER VIII.

Major Taylor’s Battle–Battle of the Sink Hole–Various Murders–British Agents Withdrawn from Rock River Country.

Disturbances by the Sacs now followed so frequently that Major Zachary Taylor, with a detachment of troops, was sent against that one disturbing and bandit element of Indian population located near the mouth of Rock River, Black Hawk’s village.

Black Hawk attacked and repulsed Major Taylor in a manner which made the pulse of every settler throb with fear for the safety of his family. He had, without the least provocation, been constantly and successfully engaged in warfare the most stubborn and unrelenting, and backed by his British friends, the safety of the country, after Taylor’s defeat, hung in the balance. Major Taylor’s report, a temperate and dignified document, is as follows:

“Sir:–In obedience to your orders, I left Fort Independence on the 2d ult. and reached Rock River, our place of destination, on the evening of the 4th inst., without meeting a single Indian or any occurrence worthy of relation.

“On my arrival at the mouth of Rock River, the Indians began to make their appearance in considerable numbers; running up the Mississippi to the upper village and crossing the river below us. After passing Rock River, which is very small at the mouth, from an attentive and careful examination, as I proceeded up the Mississippi, I was confident it was impossible for us to enter its mouth with our large boats. Immediately opposite its mouth a large island commences, which, together with the western shore of the Mississippi, was covered with a considerable number of horses, which were doubtless placed in those situations in order to draw small detachments on shore; but in this they were disappointed, and I determined to alter the plan which you had suggested, which was to pass the different villages as if the object of the expedition was Prairie du Chien, for several reasons. First, that I might have an opportunity of viewing the situation of the ground to enable me to select such a landing as would bring our artillery to bear on the villages with the greatest advantage. I was likewise in hopes a party would approach us with a flag, from which I expected to learn the situation of affairs at the Prairie, and ascertain in some measure their numbers and perhaps bring them to a council, when I should have been able to have retaliated on them for their repeated acts of treachery; or, if they were determined to attack us, I was in hopes to draw them some distance from their towns towards the rapids, run down in the night and destroy them before they could return to their defense. But in this I was disappointed. The wind, which had been in our favor, began to shift about at the time we passed the mouth of Rock River, and by the time we reached the head of the island, which is about a mile and a half long, it blew a perfect hurricane, quarterly down the river, and it was with great difficulty we made land at a small island, containing six or eight acres, covered with willows, near the middle of the river, and about sixty yards from the upper end of the island. In this situation I determined to remain during the night if the storm continued, as I knew the anchors of several of the boats in that event would not hold them, and there was a great probability of their being drifted on sandbars, of which the river is full in this place, which would have exposed the men very much in getting them off, even if they could have prevented their filling with water.

“It was about 4 o’clock in the evening when we were compelled to land, and large parties of Indians were on each side of the river, as well as crossing in different directions in canoes; but not a gun was fired from either side. The wind continued to blow the whole night with violence, accompanied with some rain, which induced me to order the sentinels to be brought in and placed in the bow of each boat. About daylight, Capt. Whiteside’s boat was fired on at the distance of about fifteen paces, and a corporal, who was on the outside of the boat, was mortally wounded. My orders were, if a boat was fired on, to return it; but not a man to leave the boat without positive orders from myself. So soon as it got perfectly light, as the enemy continued about the boat, I determined to drive them from the island, let their numbers be what they might, provided we were able to do so. I then assigned each boat a proper guard, formed the troops for action and pushed through the willows to the opposite shore; but those fellows who had the boldness to fire on the boats cleared themselves as soon as the troops were formed by wading from the island we were encamped on to the one just below us. Capt. Whiteside, who was on the left, was able to give them a warm fire as they reached the island they had retreated to. They returned the fire for a few moments, when they retreated. In this affair we had two men badly wounded. When Capt. Whiteside commenced the fire, I ordered Capt. Rector to drop down with his boat to ground and to rake the island below with artillery, and to fire on every canoe he should discover passing from one shore to the other which should come within reach. In this situation he remained about one hour, and no Indians making their appearance, he determined to drop down the island about sixty yards and destroy several canoes that were laying to shore. This he effected, and just on setting his men on board, the British commenced a fire on our boats with a six, a four and two swivels, from behind a knoll that completely covered them. The boats were entirely exposed to the artillery, which was distant three hundred and fifty paces from us. So soon as the first gun fired, I ordered a six-pounder to be brought out and placed, but, on recollecting a moment, I found the boat would be sunk before any impression could be made on them by our cannon, as they were completely under cover; and had already brought their guns to bear on our boats, for the round shot from their six passed through Lieut. Hempstead’s boat and shattered her considerably. I then ordered the boats to drop down, which was done in order, and conducted with the greatest coolness by every officer, although exposed to a constant fire from their artillery for more than half a mile.

“So soon as they commenced firing from their artillery, the Indians raised a yell and commenced firing on us from every direction, whether they were able to do us any damage or not. From each side of the river, Capt. Rector, who was laying to the shore of the island, was attacked the instant the first gun was fired, by a very large party, and in a close and well contested action of about fifteen minutes, they drove them, after giving three rounds of grape from his three-pounder.

“Capt. Whiteside, who was nearest to Capt. Rector, dropped down and anchored nigh him, and gave the enemy several fires with his swivel; but the wind was so hard down stream as to drift his anchor. Capt. Rector at that moment got his boat off, and we were then exposed to the fire of the Indians for two miles, which we returned with interest from our small arms and small pieces of artillery whenever we could get them to bear. I was compelled to drop down about three miles before a proper place presented itself for landing, as but few of the boats had anchors sufficient to stop them in the river. Here I halted for the purpose of having the wounded attended and some of the boats repaired, as some of them had been injured by the enemy’s artillery. They followed us in their boats until we halted on a small prairie and prepared for action, when they returned in as great a hurry as they followed us.

“I then collected the officers together and put the following question to them: ‘Are we able, 334 effective men, officers, non-commissioned officers and privates, to fight the enemy with any prospect of success and effect, which is to destroy their villages and corn?’ They were of opinion the enemy was at least three men to one, and that it was not practicable to effect either object. I then determined to drop down the river to the Lemoine without delay, as some of the ranging officers informed me their men were short of provisions, and execute the principal object of the expedition, in erecting a fort to command the river. This shall be effected as soon as practicable with the means in my power, and should the enemy attempt to descend the river in force before the fort can be completed, every foot of the way from the fort to the settlements shall be contested.

“In the affair at Rock River, I had eleven men badly wounded, three mortally, of whom one has since died. I am much indebted to the officers for their prompt obedience to orders, nor do I believe a braver set of men could have been collected than those who compose this detachment. But, sir, I conceive it would have been madness in me, as well as a direct violation of my orders, to have risked the detachment without a prospect of success. I believe I should have been fully able to have accomplished your views if the enemy had not been supplied with artillery and so advantageously posted as to render it impossible for us to have dislodged him without imminent danger of the loss of the whole detachment.

“I am, sir, yours, etc.,

“Za. Taylor, Brev. Maj.,

“Com. Detachment.”[^[32]]

MAJ. ZACHARY TAYLOR.

GEN. ANDREW JACKSON.

GOV. NINIAN EDWARDS.

GEN. (OR GOV.) WILLIAM CLARK.

Emboldened by his successes, Black Hawk continued his warfare, and in the murder of inoffensive settlers there was no abatement. Through the year 1814 they continued, and notwithstanding the treaty made between the two nations, we find the English agents and Black Hawk still pursuing their depredations in the spring of 1815.

“Traitors.–The undernamed gentry were residents within this and the neighboring territories previous to the war, and always claimed the rights of citizens of the United States; but as soon as war was declared they, to a man, took part against us, and were active agents in the British interest in different parts of the Indian country:

“Robert Dickson, James Aird, Duncan Graham, Francois Boutillier, Edward La Gouthrie, Brishois, of the Prairie du Chien, Jacob Franks, the brothers Grigneaus of Green Bay, Joseph La Croix and Lassaillier of Milwaukee, Joseph Bailly and his cousin Barrott of St. Josephs, Mitchell La Croix, Louis Buisson, Louis Benett, formerly of Peoria.

“It is ascertained that in the unsuccessful attack made by the unfortunate Lieut. M’Nair, four men were killed. M’Nair was wounded and taken prisoner and conveyed two days on his march to Rock River; but, being unable to travel, was tomahawked. A man taken up from the river at Carondelet a few days ago was recognized to be one of the four missing of the name of Best.

“By late news from Rock River, we learn that the Kickapoos have abandoned the British and demanded peace, agreeably to the treaty. It is further said that the Sacs, Winnebagoes and Fallsavoine are determined to prosecute the war.”[^[33]]

Here, long after the treaty of Ghent, signed December 24th, 1814, Black Hawk formulated and made his dastard attack on Fort Howard, known as the “sink hole affair.” Note how puerile, yea, preposterous, his adopted son fiction appears in the light of contemporaneous reports and his continued war upon the Americans! This affair, unprovoked and mean, occurred in May, 1815, and I take the liberty to copy the account of it as published immediately after its occurrence.

“St. Louis, May 20 (1815).–Every day affords a new proof that the Rock River Sacks intend to continue the war. They have been notified of the pacification by the military commander of this district, as well as by Governors Clark and Edwards; yet they still continue their war parties on the frontiers of St. Charles, and murder all those who are so unfortunate as to come within their reach.

“On Wednesday, the 10th inst., at Cap aux Gre, a party of rangers were detached to procure wood. Whilst proceeding on this duty, a man by the name of Bernard, who was in advance of the squad, was fired on and mortally wounded. Lieut. Massey, with a reinforcement from the fort, attacked the Indians, and, after a rapid exchange of several shot, the savages precipitately retreated.

“On the Friday following, a young man, an inhabitant of Portage des Sioux, was pursued by four Indians. He was returning from the village of St. Charles on horseback, and had reached the Portage fields, when he discovered the Indians in full speed after him. Being well mounted, he escaped.

“An express arrived here on Wednesday last from Capt. Musick of the rangers stationed near Cuivre, informing him that a number of the rangers’ horses are stolen by the Indians, who are becoming very troublesome. The extraordinary rise of the waters of the Mississippi, overflowing its banks in many places, and filling up the lakes and rivulets in the neighborhood, enables the Indians to attack and to baffle pursuit.”

Extract of a letter from Lieut Drakeford, of the United States Rangers, to Col. Russell, dated Fort Howard, May 25, 1815.

“Sir:–Yesterday, about 12 o’clock, five of our men went to some cabins on the bluff, about one-quarter of a mile below the fort, to bring a grindstone. The backwater of the Mississippi rendered it so that they went in a canoe. On their return they were attacked by a party of Indians, supposed to be about fifty in number. They killed and tomahawked three and wounded one mortally. While about this mischief, we gave them as good a fire from a little below the fort as the breadth of the breakwater would permit of. Captain Craig and myself, with about forty men, waded across the water and pursued them. In going about half a mile we came on them and commenced a fire, which continued about one hour, part of which time at a distance of about forty steps, and no part of the time further than one hundred and fifty steps. Shortly after the commencement of the battle, we were reinforced by Capt. Musick and twenty of his men. The enemy now ran; some made their escape, and others made to a sinkhole that is in the battleground, and from there they returned a most rapid fire. It being very dangerous to approach nearer than fifty steps of the sink, we at length erected a breastwork on the two wheels of a wagon, and resolved on moving it up to the edge of the sink to fire from behind, down into the sink, and preserve us from theirs.

“We got the moving battery finished about sunset and moved it up with a sufficient number of men behind it, whilst all other posts round were sufficiently guarded in case they should be put to the rout.

“We had not moved to within less than ten steps of the sink before they commenced a fire from the sink, which we returned at every opportunity and all possible advantages. Night came on and we were obliged to leave the ground and decline the expectation of taking them out without risking man for man, which we thought not a good exchange on our side. During the time of the battle, another party of Indians commenced a brisk fire on the fort. Captain Craig[^[34]] was killed in the commencement of the battle; Lieutenant Edward Spears at the moving of the breastwork to the sink. The morning of the 25th we returned to the ground and found five Indians killed and the sign of a great many wounded that had been taken off in the night. The aggregate number of killed on our part is one captain, one third lieutenant; five privates killed, three wounded, one missing; one citizen killed and two wounded mortally.”[^[35]]

Concerning the same affair, Captain David Musick, of the St. Louis county rangers, in a letter or report to Col. William Russell, commander of that district, dated Lower Cuivre Ferry, May 25, 1815, had this to say:

“About 11 o’clock yesterday we were alarmed by the firing of guns in the direction of Fort Howard, and immediately mounted such horses as were within reach and proceeded in full speed to the assistance of Captain Craig, whom we found closely engaged with the Indians and pretty equally matched with respect to number.

“Having arrived in good season, just on the rear of the Indians, who immediately broke and ran, a part of them retreated into a sinkhole and baffled every art to get them out, as they had a better chance to kill than be killed.”[^[36]]

To which battle a Mr. Archambeau added the finishing touches:

“St. Louis, Missouri, June 3.–The Indians must have suffered considerably in their late attack on the rangers near Fort Howard. Two more dead Indians have been discovered some distance from the battleground, and a vast quantity of blood marked their retreat to their canoes. Indeed, I think the rangers behaved extremely well in this affair; only their ardor to get at the enemy exposed them too much, which was the cause of our loss. Craig and Spears would have done better in combat with regular troops; they evinced such a contempt of danger and death that they despised the devious mode of Indian warfare. I am informed Lieutenant Spear’s family are by no means opulent. His widow should receive his pay without delay. I am informed from good authority that the Indians of Rock River have declared they are willing to bury the tomahawk if their friends, the English, will only say the word. The last war parties sent to our frontiers were mustered by the British and sent to murder our women and children since they received an official account of the ratification of the late treaty. The bulk of the Kickapoo nation have separated from the hostile bands, and I am at a loss to imagine how the redoubtable Duncan Graham can subsist so many of his Majesty’s allies at this time. The village at Rock River and the straggling camps on this side, above and below the Lemoine, must amount to 1,200 or 1,500 warriors–Sacks, Foxes, Ioways, Winnebagoes and Fallsavoins.”[^[37]]

The most atrocious of his murders may be found in the following:

“The house of Mr. Robert Ramsay of St. Charles County, Missouri Territory, about 50 miles from St. Louis, was recently attacked by the British allies. Three of his children were horribly butchered, his wife so mangled as to leave no hope of her recovery, and he himself dangerously wounded. Hard the necessity that may compel the extermination of these miserable beings excited to murder by the nation that has been impudently called the ‘bulwark of religion.’ We trust decisive measures will be taken to give security to our frontiers. It is probable that, as in 1794, many Englishmen are among the savages, exciting them to these horrid deeds. If any such are found, they ought to be capitally punished on the spot without mercy.”[^[38]]

In a later communication, this same revolting crime is more particularly related:

“A letter received at St. Louis, Missouri, has the paragraphs below. Why does British influence lead the deluded savages to extermination? In the South as well as the West, it appears that the war in which the Indians were involved on British account is not yet closed. Is the alliance to be dissolved only by the destruction of one of the parties? What murders has the ‘bulwark of religion’ to account for! Merciless Englishmen, let the wretched Indians have peace!

“You have no doubt heard of the butchery of Robert Ramsey and his family by the savages.

“Mrs. Ramsey was attending the milking of her cow and their pretty little children were amusing themselves feeding the poultry and assisting their mother. Mr. Ramsey, who, you know, has but one leg, was near his wife at the moment the first shot was fired. He saw his wife fall and proceeded to lead her into the house; but as he reached the door he received a wound which prevented him going to the relief of his children, who were caught by the Indians and cut to pieces in the yard. Mr. and Mrs. Ramsey are dead; both were shot through the abdomen. Mrs. R. was far advanced in pregnancy.”[^[39]]

Matters in the West had assumed such a tragic phase that heroic measures were projected at the seat of government, and Gen. Jackson was given command of the military district which embraced the seat of hostilities. He at once assigned Brig.-Gen. Smith to command the post at Prairie du Chien and Gen. Scott to the command of military districts 8 and 9, being Tennessee, Kentucky, Illinois and Missouri, while Jackson himself was placed under orders to conduct a western campaign. Col. Miller with 500 men was encamped at Portage des Sioux and the regiment of riflemen under Lieut.-Col. Hamilton was directed by Jackson to immediately organize and march to Prairie du Chien. The fact that Jackson was to settle with Black Hawk and his braves at once stimulated the people with new hope, as will be seen by the following:

“It is determined to scourge the allies of our late enemy in the Missouri Territory, etc., into a respect for the lives and property of our frontier fellow citizens. Their depredations are constant and distressing. The commissioners to settle a peace with them have effected nothing. The deputations from most of the tribes were ‘insufficient,’ and from those most desirable to have met there were no representatives at all. The detail of proceedings is interesting and shall be preserved; but at present the flood of news from France bears down everything. It appears that General Jackson will open a new negotiation with them upon the ‘last resort of reason.’ We understand he will soon proceed from Nashville to St. Louis, where a handsome body of regulars will be collected, and that he will be accompanied by a militia force from Kentucky and Tennessee. In obedience to his request, Governor Clark of the Missouri Territory has, in general orders, directed the militia of that state to hold itself in readiness to march at a moment’s notice; and we have every prospect that British influence among the northern will receive the same reward that befell it among the southern Indians. It must be eradicated.”[^[40]]

Doubtless British influence recollected a little adventure with Jackson the preceding 8th of January, for immediately the expedition by him was to become a reality, overtures for peace were made and commissioners to make a treaty were substituted for the person of Jackson, as will be seen by the following from the Missouri Gazette of June 17th, 1815.

The following letters were received by Governor Clark on Wednesday last:

“It appears that Messrs. Turcot and Lagoterie (who were employed by the commissioners to proceed to Rock River and announce to the Indians the object of the treaty to be held at Portage des Sioux) were fortunate in reaching Little Mascoutille, some distance below their place of destination, without any accident. At this place they met with a party of Fox Indians, bearing letters from the British commandant of Prairie du Chien to Governor Clark, who informed them of the departure of Captain Duncan Graham, deputy scalping master general, from Rock River, after bestowing on his worthy comrades, the Sacks, 10 barrels of gunpowder and 20 fuses as a reward for their services in butchering the helpless women and children on the frontiers.

“As usual, the Sacks received the news of peace with ‘unbounded joy,’ and even sent a British flag to protect our messengers on their return. They acknowledged they had 200 warriors on the frontiers, but could not tell the number of their killed and wounded. They said they would attend the treaty and bury the tomahawk.”[^[41]]

A treaty of peace was finally in sight–the treaty of Portage des Sioux! And now up to this time, it must be owned by the impartial mind that rather than receiving any wrong from the Americans, Black Hawk, without any provocation and contrary to his promises, had waged a merciless war on the feeble settlements simply because he hated the Americans–the enemy of his friends, the British. Drake, to condone those atrocities, has stated on page 90 of his “Life of Black Hawk:” “Some palliation for these outrages may be found in the fact that the British on the northwest frontier, long after they were officially notified of the peace, continued to excite the Indians to acts of violence against the United States, and, indeed, participated in them likewise.” This statement, from a man snugly ensconced in an upholstered chair, must be regarded as magnanimous! We have found here Black Hawk the cold-blooded aggressor and murderer, and when he subsequently stated that the treaty signed by him in 1816 was not made known to him, can he be believed? Armstrong, another apologist for the “poor Indian,” stated that Black Hawk was a truthful Indian, though he “withheld facts that were material.”[^[42]] The frightful plight of the settlers can never be realized by the present generation; neither can the actions of the British be justly comprehended in the face of present amity. Plotting destruction, Black Hawk was invariably found to the front, and while successful, he found no fault with the defense of the Americans. That remained for the time when he felt the heel of the conqueror, resenting his years of blood-shedding. Where one man is invariably the offender, it is safe to pronounce him an incorrigible quarreler. Black Hawk was this and more–he was a British mercenary.

CHAPTER IX.

Treaty of Portage des Sioux, 1815–Treaty of St. Louis, 1816.

At the close of hostilities with England, a quietus to the horrors of Black Hawk’s raids was demanded. The treaty with that power provided for it. As shown in the preceding pages, all efforts had failed to get the Indians together for that purpose until it was learned that Jackson was on their trail. Then Duncan Graham fled from Rock River and the Indians generally became suddenly impatient at the delay of the few days necessary for notifications to meet the commissioners, William Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, at Portage des Sioux, the place designated for treaty negotiations. Promptly on the day, all the principal Sacs and Foxes met and participated in this council save Black Hawk and a few of his immediate followers. This Indian, dissatisfied, sullen, malignant, declined to participate, and, lurking in the woods near by, where he might spy upon his neighbors, sulked, claiming to be an English citizen and subject, and notwithstanding the peremptory nature of the provision in the treaty of Ghent for just such a council as the present, he neither appeared in council nor signed the treaty which followed.

Separate treaties were made, one with the Sacs and another with the Foxes. That with the Sacs was signed on the 13th day of September, 1815, and that with the Foxes the following day, and to forever silence all objection and cavil to the treaty of 1804, an article was inserted in each emphasizing and expressly ratifying it.

That with the Sacs was as follows:

“A Treaty of Peace and Friendship, made and concluded between William Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, Commissioners Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, on the part and behalf of the said States, of the one part; and the undersigned Chiefs and Warriors of that portion of the Sac Nation of Indians now residing on the Missouri River, of the other part:

“Whereas, The undersigned, chiefs and warriors, as well as that portion of the nation which they represent, have at all times been desirous of fulfilling their treaty with the United States, with perfect faith; and for that purpose found themselves compelled, since the commencement of the late war, to separate themselves from the rest of their nation, and remove to the Missouri River, where they have continued to give proofs of their friendship and fidelity; and,

“Whereas, The United States, justly appreciating the conduct of said Indians, are disposed to do them the most ample justice that is practicable; the said parties have agreed to the following articles:

“Article 1. The undersigned chiefs and warriors, for themselves and that portion of the Sacs which they represent, do hereby assent to the treaty between the United States of America and the united tribes of Sacs and Foxes, which was concluded at St. Louis, on the third day of November, one thousand eight hundred and four; and they, moreover, promise to do all in their power to re-establish and enforce the same.

“Art. 2. The said chiefs and warriors, for themselves and those they represent, do further promise to remain distinct and separate from the Sacs of Rock River, giving them no aid or assistance whatever, until peace shall also be concluded between the United States and the said Sacs of Rock River.

“Art. 3. The United States, on their part, promise to allow the said Sacs of the Missouri River all the rights and privileges secured to them by the treaty of St. Louis, before mentioned, and, also, as soon as practicable, to furnish them with a just proportion of the annuities stipulated to be paid by that treaty; provided they shall continue to comply with this and their former treaty.

“In witness whereof, the said William Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, Commissioners, as aforesaid, and the aforesaid Chiefs and Warriors, have hereunto subscribed their names and affixed their seals, this thirteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and of the Independence of the United States the fortieth.

Wm. Clark.

Ninian Edwards.

Auguste Chouteau.

Shamaga, the lance.

Weesaka, the Devil.

Catchemackeseo, the big eagle.

Chekaqua, he that stands by the tree.

Kataka, or sturgeon.

Mecaitch, the eagle.

Neshota, the twin.

Quashquammee, the jumping fish.

Chagosort, the blues’ son.

Pocama, the plumb.

Namachewana Chaha, the Sioux.

Nanochaatasa, the brave by hazard.

“Done at Portage des Sioux, in the presence of R. Wash, Secretary of the Commission; Thomas Levers, Lieut-Col., commanding 1st reg’t. I.T.; P. Chouteau, agent; T. Paul, C.C.T.; Jas. B. Moore, capt.; Samuel Whiteside, capt.; John W. Johnson, U.S. factor and Indian agent; Maurice Blondeaux, Samuel Solomon. Noel Mograine, Interpreters; Daniel Converse, 3d lieut. To the Indian names are subjoined a mark and seal.”[^[43]]

This treaty was ratified December 26th, 1815.

The treaty with the Foxes, made on the following day by the same commissioners, and ratified December 16, 1815, while not affecting Black Hawk in particular, was so intimately connected with him that it may be well to repeat it here. After the caption and the recital of a desire to re-establish peace it ran as follows:

“Article 1. Every injury or act of hostility by one or either of the contracting parties against the other shall be mutually forgiven and forgot.

“Art. 2. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the citizens of the United States of America and all the individuals composing the said Fox tribe or nation.

“Art. 3. The contracting parties do hereby agree, promise, and oblige themselves reciprocally, to deliver up all the prisoners now in their hands (by what means soever the same may have come into their possession), to the officer commanding at Fort Clark, on the Illinois River, to be by him restored to their respective nations as soon as it may be practicable.

“Art. 4. The said Fox tribe or nation do hereby assent to, recognize, re-establish and confirm the treaty of St. Louis, which was concluded on the third day of November, one thousand eight hundred and four, to the full extent of their interest in the same, as well as all other contracts and agreements between the parties; and the United States promise to fulfill all the stipulations contained in the said treaty in favor of the said Fox tribe or nation.”[^[44]]

This document, with its trifling exactions, was signed by twenty-two Fox chiefs and warriors without protest or comment, forcibly demonstrating the anxiety of all for peace when removed from ulterior influences. Everyone who participated therein appeared gratified that hostilities were ended; but an insecurity was still sensible which nothing but the signature of Black Hawk could quiet. In the face of the many murders so lately committed by Black Hawk’s band and the English, the statement by Black Hawk that he was still an English subject and his refusal to treat brought an issue squarely between the United States and him, and the authorities at Washington were in no humor to allow that dissembler to dictate the policy of the Indians and continue his crusade of crime against helpless settlers. He was urged to sign and when pressed, preferring plunder to peace, declined and stalked to his canoe in dudgeon. Was he to be peacefully subdued?

While the United States authorities were actively planning to bring him to terms, the leading men from the other Sac tribes and from the Foxes continued their persuasions, and on meeting constant refusal, finally, with some of his personal followers, unitedly demanded that he sign a treaty, and then, fearing the possible loss of his influence, he reluctantly consented. Another convention was at once called to meet at St. Louis May 13, 1816, which Black Hawk attended and there “touched the goose quill,” as he has stated. This treaty, more important than the other two, because it bound the leader of all the insurgent Indians, was signed on the 13th day of May and ratified December 30 of the same year and is as follows:

“A TREATY OF PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP, made and concluded between William Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, commissioners plenipotentiary of the United States of America, on the part and behalf of the said states, of the one part, and the undersigned chiefs and warriors of the Sacs of Rock River and the adjacent country, of the other part.

“Whereas, By the ninth article of the treaty of peace, which was concluded on the twenty-fourth day of December, eighteen hundred and fourteen, between the United States and Great Britain, at Ghent, and which was ratified by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the seventeenth day of February, eighteen hundred and fifteen, it was stipulated that the said parties should severally put an end to all hostilities with the Indian tribes, with whom they might be at war, at the time of the ratification of said treaty, and to place the said tribes inhabiting their respective territories, on the same footing upon which they stood before the war; provided, they should agree to desist from all hostilities against the said parties, their citizens or subjects respectively, upon the ratification of the said treaty being notified to them, and should so desist accordingly; and,

“Whereas, The said United States being determined to execute every article of treaty with perfect good faith, and wishing to be particularly exact in the execution of the article above alluded to, relating to the Indian tribes: The President, in consequence thereof, for that purpose, on the eleventh day of March, eighteen hundred and fifteen, appointed the undersigned William Clark, governor of Missouri territory, Ninian Edwards, governor of Illinois territory, and Auguste Chouteau, Esq., of the Missouri territory, commissioners, with full power to conclude a treaty of peace and amity with all those tribes of Indians, conformably to the stipulations contained in the said article, on the part of the United States, in relation to such tribes; and,

“Whereas, The commissioners, in conformity with their instructions in the early part of last year, notified the Sacs of Rock River, and the adjacent country, of the time of the ratification of said treaty; of the stipulations it contained in relation to them; of the disposition of the American government to fill those stipulations, by entering into a treaty with them, conformably thereto; and invited the Sacs of Rock River, and the adjacent country, to send forward a deputation of their chiefs to meet the said commissioners at Portage des Sioux, for the purpose of concluding such a treaty as aforesaid, between the United States and the said Indians, and the said Sacs of Rock River, and the adjacent country, having not only declined that friendly overture, but having continued their hostilities, and committed many depredations thereafter, which would have justified the infliction of the severest chastisement upon them; but having earnestly repented of their conduct, now imploring mercy, and being anxious to return to the habits of peace and friendship with the United States; and the latter being always disposed to pursue the most liberal and humane policy towards the Indian tribes within their territory, preferring their reclamation by peaceful measures, to their punishment by the application of the military force of the nation; now,

“Therefore, The said William Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, commissioners, as aforesaid, and the undersigned, chiefs and warriors, as aforesaid, for the purpose of restoring peace and friendship between the parties, do agree to the following articles:

“Article 1. The Sacs of Rock River, and the adjacent country, do hereby unconditionally assent to recognize, re-establish, and confirm the treaty between the United States of America, and the united tribes of Sacs and Foxes, which was concluded at St. Louis, on the third day of November, one thousand eight hundred and four; as well as all other contracts and agreements heretofore made between the Sac tribe or nation and the United States.

“Art. 2. The United States agree to place the aforesaid Sacs of Rock River on the same footing upon which they stood before the war; provided, they shall, on or before the first day of July next, deliver up to the officer commanding at cantonment Davis, on the Mississippi, all the property they or any part of their tribe, have plundered or stolen from the citizens of the United States, since they were notified, as aforesaid, of the time of the ratification of the late treaty between the United States and Great Britain.

“Art. 3. If the said tribe shall fail or neglect to deliver up the property aforesaid, or any part thereof, on or before the first day of July aforesaid, they shall forfeit to the United States all right and title to their proportion of the annuities which, by the treaty of St. Louis, were covenanted to be paid to the Sac tribe; and the United States shall forever afterwards be exonerated from the payment of so much of said annuities as, upon a fair distribution, would fall to the share of that portion of the Sacs who are represented by the undersigned chiefs and warriors.

“Art. 4. This treaty shall take effect and be obligatory on the contracting parties, unless the same shall be disapproved by the President and Senate of the United States, or by the President only; and in the meantime all hostilities shall cease from this date.

“In testimony whereof, the said William Clark, Ninian Edwards, and Auguste Chouteau, commissioners as aforesaid, and the undersigned chiefs and warriors as aforesaid, have hereunto set their hands and affixed their seals this thirteenth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and sixteen.”

“Wm. Clark,

“Ninian Edwards,

“Auguste Chouteau.”

“Anowart, or, the one who speaks,

“Namawenane, Sturgeon Man,

“Nasawarku, the Fork,

“Namatchesa, the Jumping Sturgeon,

“Matchequawa, the Bad Axe,

“Mashco, Young Eagle,

“Aquaosa, a Lion coming out of the water,

“Mucketamachekaka, Black Sparrow Hawk,

“Sakeetoo, the Thunder that frightens,

“Warpaloka, the rumbling Thunder,

“Kemealosha, the Swan that flies in the rain,

“Pashekomack, the Swan that flies low,

“Keotasheka, the Running Partridge,

“Wapalamo, the White Wolf,

“Caskupwa, the Swan whose wings crack when he flies,

“Poinaketa, the Cloud that don’t stop,

“Mealeseta, Bad Weather,

“Anawashqueth, the Bad Root,

“Wassekenequa, Sharp-faced Bear,

“Napetaka, he who has a Swan’s throat around his neck,

“Mashashe, the Fox,

“Wapamukqua, the White Bear.”

“St. Louis, May 13th, 1816. Done in the presence of R. Wash, Secretary to the Commission; R. Paul, C.T. of the C.J. Bt. Caron, Samuel Solomon, Interpreters; Joshua Norvell, Judge Adv. M.M.; Joseph Perkins, Joseph Charless, B.G. Tavar, Charles Wm. Hunter, Cerré, M. La Croix, Guyol de Guirano, Boon Ingels, Moses Scott, James Sawyer.”

“To the Indian names are subjoined a mark and a seal.”[^[45]]

After all the trouble given the Americans by Black Hawk, it is not to be presumed that this treaty was lightly considered, or that the Americans neglected to explain every line of it fully, thereby allowing opportunity for future contention from one only too apt to contend; yet Black Hawk later had the audacity to claim that he did not know his village passed by that treaty when it became time for him to enjoy another war with his ancient enemy, the Americans. Line upon line and section upon section the treaty was carefully read and interpreted by men whose names were above reproach, that no future claim of misunderstanding could be alleged, and to that solemn treaty Black Hawk placed his mark and declared and promised thereby that he would no longer torment the whites with his aggressions. The preamble of the document should forever have estopped Black Hawk from alleging ignorance of its provisions; with respect to all the others who signed that treaty, the facts recited in it were so truthfuly stated, and they were so well satisfied with its provisions, that not one of them was ever heard to complain.

CHAPTER X.

Fort Armstrong Built–Black Hawk as a Fault-Finder–Annihilation of the Iowas.

Black Hawk’s intermittent promises of good behavior and declarations of future tranquility were justly distrusted by the War Department, and rather than remain open to future disadvantage, it resolved to erect near his haunts a fort. Accordingly, on the 10th day of May, 1816, Gen. Thomas A. Smith and Brev. Lieut. Col. W. Lawrence, with a detachment of men, landed on Rock Island and soon thereafter, under the direction of the latter, began the construction of Fort Armstrong[^[46]]–so called in honor of Gen. John Armstrong, then late Secretary of War.

Black Hawk witnessed these movements with dissatisfaction. The Indians had a superstitious veneration for the island, claiming, as will be seen from Black Hawk’s words:[^[47]] “A good spirit had care of it, who lived in a cave in the rocks immediately under the place where the fort now stands, and has often been seen by our people. He was white, with large wings like a swan’s, but ten times larger. We were particular not to make much noise in that part of the island which he inhabited, for fear of disturbing him. But the noise of the fort has since driven him away, and no doubt a bad spirit has taken his place.” And in further contemplation of the beauties of the place and pleasures of this island to the Indians, Black Hawk was made to utter many fine sentiments, of a character to command our stanchest support and evoke a sympathy from one cover of this history to the other, had they been ingenuous and free from the suspicion that Col. Patterson may have allowed his generous nature to tint them a color not to be found in that Indian’s nature.

FORT ARMSTRONG.

Though hampered by various annoyances, the troops eventually completed Fort Armstrong and occupied it; their presence serving a healthy object lesson to quiet those British Sacs who were too fierce to be pacified while life lasted, and to stimulate a healthy and satisfactory trade between the remote points of the north and northwest and those to the south. It frequently has been alleged that Black Hawk and his people never received their annuities. This is untrue as the record of the time has disclosed.[^[48]]

In November, 1820, we find the Sacs were drawing their annuities and had been on the 3d of each November; in fact, those annuities had been made permanent, and while bickerings about a fair division at times had been noticeable, the tribes and head men were satisfied.[^[49]]

It may be well to add here, that when Rev. Jedediah Morse made the report just cited, he was a commissioner appointed by the President for the purpose of ascertaining the actual state of the Indian tribes of the northwest, and having visited Fort Armstrong in the summer of 1820, he found British flags still floating and English medals still worn almost exclusively in Black Hawk’s village. An exchange of these for American flags and medals had been recommended in a letter written to him November 20, 1820, from that post, and he adopted the suggestion in his report;[^[50]] but the flags and medals continued in evidence, notwithstanding Morse’s report.

Following those manifestations, hostility to American rule was also expressed in mutterings and quiet threats in 1823, when Beltrami stopped there, and which he expressed in his books as follows: “For, both from instinct and from feelings transmitted from father to son, they cordially despise and hate them”[^[51]] (the Americans), which certainly did not indicate that the treaty of 1804 was responsible for their hatred; it indicated also that the treaty of 1816 rested very lightly upon their shoulders and that the erection of Fort Armstrong was a wise precaution. If it may be thought that the treaty of 1804 made Black Hawk a fault-finder with the Americans, it may be well to introduce a specimen of his chronic affliction, found in the papers of Capt. T.G. Anderson, British Indian Agent, in Vol. 10, Wis. Hist. Coll’s., pp. 145, 146.

“Speeches of Black Hawk and Na-i-o-gui-man, at Drummond’s Island, July 12, 1821.

“Present, Lieut.-Col. Wm. McKay, British Indian Superintendent; Capt. Thos. G. Anderson, Clerk; Maj. James Winnett, and other officers of the Sixty-eighth British Regiment, together with Lieut. L. Johnston.

“The Black Hawk, Speaker:

“‘Father, I am not very able to speak–probably I may say something improper. I may have something to reproach my father with. I could not get any of my chiefs to come with me.[^[52]] One of the Reynard or Fox chiefs accompanied me, and some of the Menominees who reside among us. My mind has been entirely taken up since I left home with the idea that every stroke of my paddle carried me nearer to my Great Father’s fire, where his soldiers, the red coats, would be charitable to me and cover my naked skin; and that in consequence of my not having been able for three years to step across the barriers, which separate us from them, I would receive a double proportion of my Great Father’s bounty.

“‘The Americans, my father, surround us, but we are ever ready to meet them. Now, my father, as we see you but seldom, I hope you will open your stores and give us more presents than you do to other Indians who visit you annually. Now I speak to you, my father, in hopes you will be charitable to us, and give us something to take to our wives and children. They are expecting to be warmed by the clothing of their Great Father.’

“Taking some strings of wampum, he added: ‘Father, I got this from the White Elk (Capt. McKee), to open a smoother path from our country to all your fires. I spoke to the Pottawattomies with it, and they were happy to accede to our proposals of friendship. Now, my father, we have always obeyed your voice and will ever listen to your counsels. With regard to the Indians, we have a good road from our country to your fires; but there are whites who appear strong, and tell us they will not allow us to see you any more. Should that be the case, we will be miserable. But if the road continues good, as Capt. McKee told us it would, we will see you every day’ (year). Delivered the wampum.

“Answer of the Superintendent:

“‘Children, I have listened to your discourse. Every word has entered into my ears. When you came here three days (years) ago, I gave you of your Great Father’s bounty a much greater proportion than I did to other Indians, and told you your presents would in future be given you at Amherstburg. You were displeased. You went away dissatisfied. I have again this year treated you well. You appear dissatisfied still, and want more. I now tell you that your presents are at Amherstburg, and that in future you must go there if you wish to receive your Great Father’s bounty. I have done everything in my power to please you and render you happy; but my efforts appear to have been thrown away upon you. Go home, and I do not wish to see dissatisfied children about me again. With respect to the road being stopped up as you say, that is news to me. I do not know that any steps have been taken to effect that; and, indeed, if you behave yourselves, as I have always recommended you to do, I do not believe you will be hindered from seeing your Great Father’s fires.’”[^[53]]

It will be seen from that meeting with his friends that Black Hawk was a hard man to get along with, even with his friends. He returned home; but instead of behaving himself he joined Pash-e-pa-ho in a war which robbed the Iowas of their lands and exterminated their tribes, so that thereafter their nation became a tradition. If Black Hawk should be heard to complain of the loss of his lands to the Americans for a trifling price, how much more should others whom he had wantonly robbed and whose kin he had murdered be heard? Old men, young men, old women, young women and children in swaddling clothes were murdered in the most brutal manner; their homes were confiscated and their tribal name effaced from history, to be no more known of men. Aye, upon that bloody battlefield it was decreed that Black Hawk should be buried and from it a ghoulish hand should steal his body; a fitting retribution, one might justly say!

On the first day of May, 1823, the Iowas were celebrating their return from a successful hunt by feasts, games and horse-racing. The mellow sun had just arisen to witness their mock jousts and races. Intent upon the harmless tournament, none had noticed the gradual gathering in the neighboring grass and woods of the vicious Sacs during the night. The women and children had been left at the village, while the men, discarding their arms, gathered some distance away to enjoy their frolic, unarmed and unsuspecting. A race had been appointed for the most famous, and thus, while all were eagerly preparing for its issue, the murderous Sacs pounced upon them.

All that day the unequal struggle waged; the unarmed Iowas against their armed and powerful foes. Man after man went down before the fury of the victors. Home after home was made desolate from the blow of the tomahawk, the thrust of the spear and the ugly gash of the knife in the hands of the hideous, howling Sacs; very devils incarnate. Parties of twenty-five armed Sacs sought out a similar number of unarmed Iowas whose strength had been well nigh spent and slaughtered them. Fresh bands of the same number from the reserves did the like with other tired and spent defenders until evening approached, when, unsupported by the arms which had been left back at the village, and fighting against hopeless odds, the Iowas could no longer sustain an honest cause; then, and then only, as the mantle of evening fell upon that gory battlefield, with a few scattered exceptions, the last of the Iowas was sent to the hunting grounds of his dreams. The victorious Sacs fell upon the women, children, invalids and cripples and murdered all save a pitiful handful, which Black Hawk piously offered afterward to adopt into his tribe.

No one can estimate the number of dead. Pashepaho and Black Hawk have attempted the task, but when it is known that the ordinary wild Indian cannot comprehend numbers, we must leave all calculation open to conjecture. Suffice it to say, the Iowa nation was annihilated, its lands confiscated, and a scene of desolation was upon the land for many years thereafter.

Following the account of Fulton, we find on page 120 et seq. the following:

“When Mr. Jordan first saw the battleground in 1828, the graves of the slain still appeared fresh, as if they had not been made more than a year or two before. Black Hawk had often detailed to him the plan of the attack and the incidents of the engagement. Contrary to the usual Indian custom, this battle was brought on in the daytime. The battlefield is a level river bottom prairie, about four miles in length and two miles wide near the middle, narrowing to points at either end. The main area of the bottom rises about twenty feet above the river, with a narrow strip of lower land skirting the margin of the stream, covered with trees. The river bank was fringed with a dense growth of willows. Near the lower end of the prairie, and extending up to the bank of the river, was situated the Iowa village. Two miles above the town, near the middle of the prairie, was situated a small natural mound which was then covered with a growth of small trees and shrubs. In the rear of this mound lay a belt of wet prairie which was covered with a rank grass. Bordering this on the north, the land rises abruptly into broken bluffs covered with a heavy forest many miles in extent. It was through this forest that the Sac and Fox war party approached in the night before the attack, and secreted themselves in the tall grass mentioned, intending to remain in ambush through the day, and make observations to aid them in the attack which they contemplated making on the following night. From this position their spies could take a full survey of the situation of the village and watch the movements of the Iowas.

“Near the mound mentioned, the Iowas had their racecourse, where they were frequently wont to resort to engage in the amusement of horse-racing. Unfortunately for them, this day they had selected for their sports. Unconscious of the proximity of a lurking foe, they repaired to the racing ground, leaving most of their arms in the village with the old men, women and children, unprotected. The Sacs and Foxes, under the leadership of their wily old chief, Pash-e-pa-ho, perceived their advantage. He directed his subordinate in command, Black Hawk, with a band of young warriors to file off through the tall grass and avail themselves of the cover of the timber along the river bank, to reach the village with the utmost speed and there commence the battle. This movement was successfully executed, while Pash-e-pa-ho with his division made a simultaneous assault from their ambush upon the unarmed Iowas, who were engaged in their amusements at the racecourse. Black Hawk, with his warriors at the village, poured a furious volley upon the defenseless inhabitants, completing the slaughter with tomahawk and scalping knife. The unarmed Iowas at the racecourse attempted to reach the village, two miles distant, but most of them were slain in their flight by Pash-e-pa-ho’s warriors. The survivors reached their village only to find it in flames and to behold their slaughtered friends in the midst of the devouring element. So great was the advantage of their assailants that the Iowas could make but a feeble resistance. Their enemies, however, accorded to them the credit of making a brave but hopeless resistance and of yielding only because of the advantage their enemies had taken. The Iowas asked a parley and submitted their fate to the will of their conquerors. For a time they lived in the country as an integral part of the Sac and Fox nation. This condition of a conquered people they felt to be a galling one, and they complained of the tyranny of the Sacs and Foxes.”

CHAPTER XI.

Treaties of 1822-24-25–Winnebago Outbreak–Attack on the Boats–Arrest and Discharge.

The Sacs and Foxes were also trespassers upon Illinois soil, dispossessing by conquest, after the manner just related, the Santeaux, who claimed the soil from which they were driven.[^[54]] Black Hawk was always strenuously insistent for the principle that land could not be alienated, therefore his nation could not, by treaty, legally have alienated their lands. If lands were inalienable by grant, how, then, could they have been alienated by conquest? The difference was in instance and not principle with Black Hawk, and he no doubt argued that the case was different with Santeaux and Iowas, because his was a party in interest. And so with the treaty of 1804; it was good if it helped Black Hawk and very bad if it contained anything good for the Americans.

That the Americans were intent on doing the best for the Indians which then could be done under all circumstances is everywhere apparent in the several treaties with the Sacs and Foxes. On September 3d, 1822,[^[55]] another treaty was negotiated with them, which also recognized the 1804 compact, and doubtless Black Hawk thought this all right, because it gave to them an additional $1,000.00 for the privilege of being relieved from the obligation of building a factory as that treaty had provided. This 1822 affair bears the signature of Black Hawk.

Again on August 4th, 1824, a treaty was made between the Sacs and Foxes recognizing the former treaties.[^[56]]

On August 19th, 1825, another treaty for the purpose of suspending the constant internecine wars of the Indians was made at Prairie du Chien, wherein all former treaties were recognized.[^[57]] With all these various ratifications one would naturally infer that the treaty of 1804 was pretty thoroughly understood by the Indians, and particularly by Black Hawk, yet in the face of them all he continued his hostility to the Americans whenever the possibility of making them trouble arose, and if it did not arise from the efforts of others, he was ever alert to set it in motion on his own account. The Winnebago outbreak, coming along in 1827, afforded him the next opportunity to display his genius for war, and he was quick to place himself against his ancient foe, the Americans. The unfriendly attitude of certain unruly Sioux, sometimes called or classed as the Dakotas in the prints of those days, was quickly brought to his attention, and without delay he was on the road north to find trouble in which to participate.

In those days there were good and bad Dakotas, as with the Sacs, and the malcontent element of the former was generally finding itself in trouble. Upon two notable occasions parties of Dakotas wantonly murdered unoffending Chippewas, the latest offense being under the very walls of Fort Snelling and at a time when the Chippewas were dispensing a liberal hospitality to them–a most atrocious crime![^[58]]

These deeds were so revolting that Col. Josiah Snelling, the commandant, very properly applied the custom prevalent among the Indians by turning the four captured culprits over to the injured Chippewas for punishment. Each Dakota was given thirty paces law, and a chance to run for his life; but Chippewa bullets were swifter, and four vicious Dakotas were speedily forwarded to their fathers. Revenge toward the whites for the part they played in that affair rankled within the breasts of the friends of the dead Dakotas and they diplomatically set about settling the grudge in a most civilized and sensible manner, at the expense of their friends, the Winnebagoes. Red Bird, a Winnebago chief of note, contemporaneously, or soon thereafter,[^[59]] led a losing enterprise against the Chippewas, returning to his camp crestfallen and sullen. It was at this fecund moment that emissaries from the Dakotas fell upon him with all manner of adroit badinage for his fallen estate, impressing upon his mind, with much innuendo, to what belittled influence his parts had been reduced in the estimation of his people and to what distressing ridicule he was being subjected by the laughter of the Americans. While in the receptive mood to which these tactics had driven his mind, he was in the same perverted manner made to believe that the four guilty Dakotas turned over to the Chippewas and killed were Winnebagoes. Thus was the foundation laid for the “Winnebago war” of 1827! The murder of one Methode, with his wife and five children, was discovered. Following this, on the 26th of June, 1827, Red Bird, with We-kau and Chic-hon-sic, called at various places in Prairie du Chien (the garrison and its stores having been removed just previously to Fort Snelling), obtained from a trader ammunition and, as some have said, whisky, and left for the cabin of one Registre Gagnier, who resided with his wife, young son, baby daughter and an old discharged American soldier named Solomon Lipcap some two miles from the village. The three entered, begged and received food, and, taking advantage of their entertainers’ unguarded condition, shot down and instantly killed Gagnier and Lipcap. Madam Gagnier, in the frenzy of her excitement, seized the gun of her dead husband, and while protecting her son finally drove the savages into the yard, where they scattered. She then ran to the village with her boy, forgetting the infant daughter, which had been lying upon the bed when the Indians entered. The posse which immediately returned found Gagnier and Lipcap scalped, but the girl baby, alive, was discovered under the bed, though scalped and savagely cut in the neck. Stranger yet, she recovered and grew to woman’s estate.

Thomas L. McKenney, who gained the woman’s story from her own lips, has narrated it in a manner worthy so illustrious a writer, disclosing a heroism sufficient to warrant the erection to her memory of a monument more than a little pretentious. In the order of mundane things, however, heroines fare very badly when burly heroes can be found or manufactured to consume the contributions of a hero-loving public, and probably Madam Gagnier will get no monument.

Next evening a keel-boat, its sides literally filled with leaden balls, arrived from Fort Snelling, bearing the dead bodies of two of its crew and four wounded members, two mortally and two slightly; also the body of a dead Indian, the result of a conflict of unusual fierceness and inequality with Sac and Winnebago Indians at the mouth of the Bad Axe about sunset of the 26th. This boat, the Oliver H. Perry, with its consort, had gone up to Fort Snelling, under the command of Captain Allen Lindsay, some time before, and meeting on the route[^[60]] with many exactions and exasperating and suspicious ovations from the Dakotas whose villages were along the river, asked and received at Fort Snelling thirty-two muskets and a quantity of powder and ball.

Arriving on the downward passage[^[61]] at the the last of their villages, Wa-ba-sha, now Winona, Minnesota, the Dakotas were found dancing a war dance and making threats, but, offering no resistance (the Winnebagoes and Sacs present having assumed that dangerous function), Captain Lindsay very naturally considered all danger over and allowed the boats, which had been lashed together for protection, to separate. That which sat deeper in the water, having the advantage of the river’s undercurrents, gained several miles’ advantage. This boat, commanded by a Sac half-breed named Beauchamp, was manned by a crew of sixteen, officers and men. The Frenchmen of the party, growing suspicious of the actions of new bands of Indians gathering as the boat approached the Bad Axe, urged the crew to caution, but the usual contempt for Indian prowess and the thought that all danger had been passed caused a foolhardy disregard of the Frenchmen’s warning. Naturally a supine security followed.

The wind had sprung into unusual strength from the east and, in the face of continued admonition, some of the crew were for tying up for the night then and there, river crews in those days being much used to the enjoyment of their own wishes.

A large body of Indians had collected on an island to the west of the channel near to which the boat must pass, and as it reached this point was rapidly drifting toward the bar on the island’s edge. Suddenly the trees and rocks reverberated with blood-curdling war-whoops and a volley of bullets rained upon the deck, wounding a negro named Peter so desperately that he afterward died. The crew instantly sought shelter by lying flat below the water line, because the bullets penetrated the bulwarks. The second volley resulted in the instant death of an American named Stewart, who had risen to return the first fire through a loophole. The exposure causing a target to be made of his head, he fell back dead, his finger still upon the trigger of his undischarged gun. No further attempt was made to return the Indians’ second volley, and they, encouraged by this non-resistance, rushed to their canoes with intent to board. The men who had remained flat recovered in a measure from their panic and the boarders were received with a disastrous fire and repulsed. One canoe in particular was severely received, two of its crew being killed, and in the death struggle overturned, compelling the others to swim for their lives.

Presently a voice in the Sac tongue hailed the boat, demanding to know if the crew were English. Beauchamp, who was a half-breed Sac, answered in the affirmative.

“Then,” replied the querist, “come on shore and we will do you no harm, for we are your brethren, the Sacs.”

“Dog,” retorted Beauchamp, “no Sac would attack us thus cowardly. If you want us on shore, you must come and fetch us.”

Confident that it was impossible to storm the boat with success, the plan was abandoned by all save two daring Indians, who leaped aboard. One seized the steering oar and strove to run the boat aground, while the other discharged some guns found abandoned on the deck, wounding one white. After this exploit, he hastened to the bow of the boat and, lying upon the deck, endeavored to assist his companion in stranding the boat. Succeeding in this, he dropped the pole, and with supreme contempt for danger began loading and firing, passing unscathed through the return volley. In the general fusillade Beauchamp succeeded in shooting the Indian at the steering oar, who dropped dead upon the deck and was carried into Prairie du Chien, but in retaliation the savage in the bow, with his third fire, shot Beauchamp and he fell upon the deck mortally wounded. At this critical loss of the commander, some of the crew were for an immediate surrender, but the suggestion was quickly vetoed by Beauchamp, who cried: “No, friends, you will not save your lives so. Fight to the last, for they will show no mercy. If they get the better of you, for God’s sake throw me overboard. Do not let them get my hair.” In the meantime Jack Mandeville, a powerful member of the crew, with the heart of a lion, jumped into the breach, and as Beauchamp was cheering him with cries of “fight on,” Mandeville shot the Indian through the head and he, with his gun, fell overboard. Bullets from the shore continued to pour into the boat, and one party of the crew favored attempting an escape in the skiff, but Mandeville, who now assumed command, threatened death to the first man who suggested anything but fight.

He routed out the timid and skulkers. Darkness was approaching, which boded evil for the crew. The bullets were falling with painful precision, and if the boat was allowed to remain aground it was clear that every man must die by the most refined torture.

With the judgment and determination of a brave man, Mandeville jumped overboard and began the use of his herculean strength to dislodge the boat from the bar.

The savages rushed upon him, but with an armored club he beat them back. Only warily and at intervals could the whites fire in their efforts to protect Mandeville. Seeing the futility of this style of warfare, four of the crew resolutely jumped upon the bar to their leader’s assistance, and in a space too brief for the relation the boat was put afloat and the crew quickly and safely working her down stream, the gathering gloom assisting their escape from the bullets which followed.

The battle had raged for three hours with a fierceness which no Indian but Black Hawk could precipitate, and there he was, directing a cause which was none of his own, he and his British band, notwithstanding his pledges and protestations, fighting the Americans with the ferocity of a wild beast. The casualties were two of the crew killed outright and four wounded, two mortally and two slightly, while the loss of the Indians was variously estimated at from seven to twelve killed and many wounded.

The other boat, which had aboard William J. Snelling, son of Colonel Snelling, followed, but the darkness saved it from any damage, the volley which was fired passing harmlessly overhead.

It has been said the Indian force numbered thirty-seven, but these figures appear ridiculous when parties at Prairie du Chien, present when the boat landed, reported over five hundred bullet holes in the craft, and Mr. Snelling reported 693, which would allow eighteen bullets to the Indian and leave no reckoning for the many which missed the boat entirely. As this conflict occurred on the same day which saw the Gagnier family murdered by Red Bird and his companions, it is not conceivable how Red Bird could have been present. In fact, he was not, as Black Hawk admitted after his acquittal. He was the leader and he said so.[^[62]]

It should be noted in this place that the miserable rumor mentioned by Reynolds in his “My Own Times” and by other writers, of the action of the crew upstream in debauching certain Winnebago squaws, had no foundation whatever.

Black Hawk was subsequently arrested for this attack, but the lack of evidence allowed him to escape an indictment. When discharged he made no secret of his participation in the affair, but prior thereto he was the most discreet Indian the imagination can portray. The only reference to the court proceedings made by the newspapers at the time is to be found in the Miner’s Journal of Galena for Saturday, September 13, 1828, and is as follows:

“A gentleman who was present at the time of the arraignment and trial of these Indians at Prairie du Chien has given us the following particulars:

“A special term of the United States Circuit Court for the county of Crawford, sitting as a court of oyer and terminer for the trial of seven Indian prisoners (Winnebagoes), confined at Prairie du Chien, was held at that village on the 25th ult., by the Hon. James D. Doty, additional U.S. Judge for Michigan. Wan-i-ga, or ‘the Sun,’ and Chick-hong-sic, or ‘the Petit Boeuff,’ were tried severally on two indictments, one for the murder of Registre Gagnier, as accomplices of Red Bird, deceased. On the second indictment, Chick-hong-sic was tried for the murder of Solomon Lipcap, and Wan-i-ga was also tried on the same as his accomplice. On the third indictment, Wan-i-ga was tried for scalping Louisa Gagnier, with intent to kill. On first indictment, defendants were found guilty. On second, Chick-hong-sic guilty, Wan-i-ga acquitted. On third, Wan-i-ga found guilty; the others acquitted. In the case of the United States vs. Wau-koo-kah and Mah-na-at-ap-e-kah, for the murder of Methode and family, a nolle prosequi was entered and the prisoners discharged.

“There being no bills found against Kanon-e-kah, or ‘The youngest of the Thunders,’ and Kara-zhon-sept-kah, or ‘The Black Hawk,’ imprisoned for attacking and firing on the keel boat last year, nor against the son of Red Bird, they were discharged.

“Counsel for the prosecution, John Scott, Esq., of Ste. Genevieve, Mo.; for the defense, assigned by the Court, Charles S. Hempstead, Esq., of St. Louis.

“Wan-i-ga and Chick-hong-sic were sentenced to be executed on the 26th of December.”

FORT SNELLING.

COL. JOSIAH SNELLING.

MILITARY TRACT OF ILLINOIS.

CHAPTER XII.

The Military Tract–Perils of Frontier Life–Gathering Settlements About Black Hawk’s Village–Friction–Attempted Compromise–Correspondence–Gaines at Fort Armstrong.

It may be possible that this fresh outbreak was superinduced by the gradual appearance of the hated American further and further northward toward Black Hawk’s village, but, if true, the act was indefensible as it was meddlesome. He deliberately assisted in precipitating the trouble between Red Bird (who was a remarkably decent Indian) and the Americans, without the slightest provocation.

By acts of Congress[^[63]] bounty land warrants were voted to the soldiers of the war of “’twelve,” and for their especial benefit the so-called “Military Tract” was erected in the State of Illinois, comprising the territory between the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, 169 miles north to a line drawn from the great bend of the river above Peru to the Mississippi, containing 5,360,000 acres.[^[64]] Into this, two classes of settlers poured–as Catlin aptly put it, “the overwhelming torrent of emigration to the ‘Far West.’”

From the conclusion of the first peace with Great Britain, the native white population increased at a ratio astonishing to the observer and writer of those days, particularly James Hall, and with the advent of the “twenties” the overflow was moving into this “Military Tract.” One class comprised the soldier, who was the beneficiary, with his family, while the other was composed of families from Kentucky and Tennessee, the purchasers of those warrants, which had been gradually working northward from the beginning of the century, and which up to this time largely predominated in the population of Illinois. In both of these classes were the Indian fighters; men whose homes had been desolated or whose fathers and mothers had been murdered by blood-thirsty savages; men whose bodies carried lead placed there by Indian muskets, and who, from sad experience, were not likely to receive with composure the raids of bandit Sacs. These men were tired of tilling the soil with rifles lashed to the plowbeam and of being constantly called away from the field to awful scenes of carnage, where perhaps neighbor or wife or child had just been burned at the stake. Gen. A.C. Dodge, who was a pioneer by birth, a man whose honesty of purpose and soundness of judgment on Indian questions have never yet been questioned, forcibly illustrated those conditions in a speech at the semi-centennial of Burlington, Iowa: “In the settlement of Kentucky five of my father’s uncles fell under the Indian hatchet. Among the incidents of his very earliest recollection was to have seen the dead and bleeding body of one of those uncles borne in the arms of another on horseback to the stockade fort in which they lived. My own brother, Henry LaFayette Dodge, * * * was captured and burned to death at the stake.”

James Hall, the friend and defender of the Indian, has pictured the vicissitudes of the pioneers who blazed the way for later generations to follow. Among other things, we find, on page 152, Vol. 2, “Sketches of the West,” the following:

“They left behind them all the comforts of life. They brought but little furniture, but few farming implements, and no store of provisions. Until their lands were cleared and brought into culture, and their domestic animals became productive, they depended for subsistence chiefly upon the game of the forest. They ate their fresh meat without salt, without vegetables, and in many instances without bread; and they slept in cabins hastily erected, of green logs, and in which they were exposed to much of the inclemency of the weather. To their other sufferings that of sickness was often added; and they found themselves assailed, in situations where medical assistance could not be procured, by diseases of sudden development and fatal character.

“While thus overburthened by toil and assailed by disaster, the settler found employment for all the energy of his character and all the inventive powers of his mind. The savage was watching, with malignant vigilance, to grasp every opportunity to harass the intruder into the hunting grounds of his fathers. Sometimes he contented himself with seizing the horses or driving away the cattle of the emigrant, depriving the wretched family of the means of support, and reserving the consummation of his vengeance to a future occasion; sometimes, with a subtle refinement of cruelty, the Indian warrior crept into a settlement by stealth, and created universal dismay by stealing away a child, or robbing a family of the wife and mother; sometimes a father was the victim, and the widow and orphans were thrown upon the protection of the friends who, on such occasions, were never deaf to the claims of the unfortunate, while as often the yelling band surrounded the peaceful cabin at the midnight hour, applied the firebrand to the slight fabric, and murdered the whole of its defenseless inmates.”

Exhausted by such scenes, these men had come to Illinois with their children, whose tender memories had gathered material never to be effaced, to enjoy peaceful pursuits and erect homes for their families. When, therefore, Black Hawk sought to renew such tactics, he trod the mine which exploded and tore his power to shreds. The final conflict was inevitable, and though during the first portion of the campaign, for want of discipline, those spirited, independent and unrestrained young fellows brought no great honor to their arms, when the iron hand of Gen. James D. Henry brought them to reason, they marched with a grim determination to avenge the murders of their ancestors by hurling Black Hawk forever from the power to molest them more, and they did it in a manner sufficiently decisive.

In 1829[^[65]] these settlers, observing the fertility of the lands at the mouth of Rock River, the protecting influence of a Government fort, pushed over to that point and squatted upon the lands there. Settlements multiplying by the reputation of the land, the President was persuaded that the time had come to survey and open them up for sale, and he issued his proclamation accordingly. This survey included the village occupied by Black Hawk.

It has been urged by some that there was no necessity for opening up this tract for settlement, because the nearest settlements were far away, leaving an extensive belt between, which should first have been occupied. Who is to judge of man’s choice in the public domain but the man himself? The fort and public buildings made a respectable settlement by themselves. Add to these the traders and a garrison with all the hangers-on, and the neighborhood became an inviting one for settlers. The mines to the north were booming; the river boats were carrying great numbers of passengers, who always stopped at this point, and one must repeat, why should it not be attractive?

When requested, Keokuk and the other chiefs issued proclamations, and, with most of their people, removed to the west side of the river.[^[66]] Wapello, the head chief of the Foxes, and Pash-e-pa-ho of the Sacs, making the decision almost unanimous, also went over, but Black Hawk, finding it possible to annoy the Americans, refused, claiming that when he signed the treaty of 1816 he had been deceived and never knew that his village had been included in its terms. His offenses had been condoned so many times by the indulgent Americans that he had grown to consider himself above danger from them, and doggedly remained, in defiance of the wish of the President and the proclamations of Keokuk and Wapello. The promotion of Keokuk to be chief of the Sacs had its influence, for any proclamation Keokuk might make would certainly be defied by Black Hawk. Keokuk urged him to avoid friction by peaceably removing with the others, but this appeal only strengthened his determination to remain, and he sat back upon his haunches like the bull before the locomotive, and, to carry the simile to a logical conclusion, was very naturally annihilated.

The disposition to quarrel may be seen from the following extract from a letter written to Governor Clark by Agent Forsythe:

Rocky Island, 17th May, 1829.

Sir:–Some time early in the spring, a number of settlers came to the Sac village on Rock river and enclosed nearly all the Sac Indians’ corn fields. The Indians, on their arrival, were surprised at this, as also the destruction committed by the settlers by tearing down many of their lodges. The settlers who reside at the Sac village have called on me frequently, wishing me to drive the Indians away; that they must go, ought to go, pointing out the necessity of sending them away, etc., etc.

I yesterday had a meeting with a number of Indians, and had a very long talk with them on the subject of all the Indians moving onto their own lands.

Quash-qua-me denying that he ever sold any land above Rock river, etc., the Black Hawk also saying that the white people were in the habit of saying one thing to the Indians and putting another on paper; and both those Indians made use of every argument they were masters of to convince me that they never had sold the land above Rock river, etc.

I acquainted all the Indians with the provisions of the treaty of 1804, where Quash-qua-me’s name is, as one of the chiefs who sold the land in question (the other chiefs being dead). I also reminded the Black Hawk of the treaty of 1816, when the commissioners refused to smoke with him and the other Sac chiefs (who accompanied him down to St. Louis), to make peace, until they signed the treaty, etc.

The Black Hawk denied that any mention was made to him about land in making the treaty of 1816; but that the commissioners must have inserted in the treaty what was not expressly explained to him and friends.

The Indians and myself had a great deal of talk at this meeting, the most of which was quite unnecessary, at the winding up of which I told the Indians I would not listen to any complaints that might come in future from any Indians who would remain at Rocky river.

The chief Keokuk inquired of me in private if he and some of his friends could remain at Rocky river to raise the corn they had planted,[^[67]] saying at the same time that most of the principal chiefs and braves had gone to reside at a place a few miles within the mouth of Ioway river, and that more than one-half of those now at Rocky river would also go shortly to the same place.

I told Keokuk that he had heard what I had said to the Indians in council, and that it was out of my power to give any Indians such permission as he asked for.

It is my opinion that but few Indians will remain at Rocky river this summer, but yet I am fearful that some difficulties will take place among them and the settlers during the ensuing summer. All the Fox Indians formerly residing in this vicinity have gone and made a new village at the Grand Mascatin.

As has been stated, Black Hawk was not a chief, and was never recognized as such. He was simply a brave who had gathered around him a party of disaffected spirits, eager to foment strife; being no Pontiac or Tecumseh, and having no call upon him by his nation or his tribe to rectify any wrongs, his controversies in 1830 had degenerated into petty quarrels with the incoming settlers.

He refused to cross the Mississippi because he was meanly jealous of Keokuk and his influence and because of his hatred of the Americans, and not because of fealty to any principle. He considered every argument of his friends to mean that his removal meant his absorption as an attraction. Removal west, with Keokuk above him, meant desuetude and dry rot for his schemes. He preferred being a small quarreler to being none at all, and he remained.

The Indian inclosures were made with stakes driven into the ground, to which poles were transversely laid and tied with strips of bark. When the crop of 1830 had been planted within these enclosures, or otherwise, the Indians left for a summer hunt. Returning when the corn was in the milk, it was gathered and their horses were turned into the fields. The aftermath of those meagerly cropped fields was uninviting while the ripening grain of the whites was near at hand, and, without any ceremony, the slight fences were trampled down and the grain of the white man more or less consumed or destroyed. A casual glance at this state of things would disclose no premeditation on the part of the Indians to molest the whites, but the whites complained and seem to have proven beyond all doubt that the Indians, finding they could harass the whites by these tactics, carried them a little further, until they secretly drove horses into the fields and upon various occasions killed the live stock of the whites. The correspondence entire upon the subject, as found in public document No. 2 of the proceedings of the Twenty-second Congress, first session, is scattered along through this chapter. These depredations continued until autumn, when Black Hawk and his band departed on their winter’s hunt.

By way of experiment, a compromise for the year 1830 was attempted whereby the whites and Indians were to try to live together in peace, but the antagonistic natures of both made success impossible and the attempt was abandoned, with the determination by the whites that if Black Hawk annoyed them in their future efforts to develop their farms his actions would be met with resistance and his removal by force demanded of the authorities. In the spring of 1831 the Indians returned to find the whites prepared to resist them. Black Hawk’s wick-a-up was occupied. This act brought his contention to a climax, as might have been expected, by openly attempting the destruction of property. This he did without molesting the owner, adroitly provoking the Americans to menace and possibly force him to assume an attitude of defense of Indian rights and the “graves of his fathers.” On April 30, 1831, the following letter was sent to Governor Reynolds, setting forth grievances, and signed by a numerical force which should command attention from any executive:

“April 30, 1831.

“His Excellency, the Governor of the State of Illinois:

“We, the undersigned, being citizens of Rock River and its vicinity, beg leave to state to your honor the grievances which we labor under, and pray your protection against the Sac and Fox tribe of Indians, who have again taken possession of our lands near the mouth of Rock River and its vicinity. They have, and now are, burning our fences, destroying our crops of wheat now growing, by turning in all their horses. They also threaten our lives if we attempt to plant corn, and say they will cut it up; that we have stolen their lands from them, and they are determined to exterminate us, provided we don’t leave the country. Your honor, no doubt, is aware of the outrages that were committed by said Indians heretofore. Particularly last fall, they almost destroyed all our crops, and made several attempts on the owners’ lives when they attempted to prevent their depredations, and actually wounded one man by stabbing him in several places. This spring they act in a much more outrageous and menacing manner, so that we consider ourselves compelled to beg protection of you, which the agent and garrison on Rock Island refuse to give, inasmuch as they say they have no orders from government; therefore, should we not receive adequate aid from your honor, we shall be compelled to abandon our settlement, and the lands which we have purchased of government. Therefore, we have no doubt but your honor will better anticipate our condition than it is represented, and grant us immediate relief in the manner that to you may seem most likely to produce the desired effect. The number of Indians now among us is about six or seven hundred. They say there are more coming, and that the Pottawattomies and some of the Winnebagoes will help them, in case of an irruption with the whites. The warriors now here are the Black Hawk’s party, with other chiefs, the names of whom we are not acquainted with. Therefore, looking up to you for protection, we beg leave to remain yours, etc.”[^[68]]

Receiving no reply to that request, the citizens waited until the 19th of May, when they fancied they would have to send a personal embassy to Reynolds, which they did, in as much haste as possible, as they were expecting momentary trouble from those Indians. They accordingly drew up the following petition and sent it by one of the most respectable of their citizens, who in person laid it before the Governor:

“Farnhamburg, May 19th, 1831.

“To his Excellency, the Governor of the State of Illinois:

“We, the undersigned, citizens of Rock River and its vicinity, having previously sent a petition to your honor, praying your protection against these Sac Indians, who were at that time doing every kind of mischief, as was set forth and represented to your honor; but feeling ourselves more aggrieved, and our situation more precarious, we have been compelled to make our distress known to you by sending one of our neighbors, who is well acquainted with our situation. If we do not get relief speedily, we must leave our habitations to these savages, and seek safety for our families by taking them down into the lower counties and suffer our houses and fences to be destroyed, as one of the principal war chiefs has threatened, if we do not abandon our settlement, his warriors should burn our houses over our heads. They were, at the time we sent our other petition, destroying our crops of wheat, and are still pasturing their horses in our fields, burning our fences, and have thrown the roof off one house. They shot arrows at our cattle, killed our hogs, and every mischief.

“We have tried every argument to the agent for relief, but he tells us they are a lawless band, and he has nothing to do with them until further orders, leaving us still in suspense, as the Indians say, if we plant we shall not reap, a proof of which we had last fall; they almost entirely destroyed all our crops of corn, potatoes, etc. Believing we shall receive protection from your excellency, we shall go on with our farms until the return of the bearer; and ever remain your humble supplicants, etc.,”

Which petition was signed by nearly the same citizens as the first. Benjamin F. Pike, the bearer of the above petition, and also Hiram Sanders and Ammyson Chapman, made oath to the truth of the allegations contained in it, as follows:

“State of Illinois, St. Clair County.

“Present, Benjamin F. Pike, before me, a Justice of the Peace in and for the said county, and made oath and deposed, that he has resided in the vicinity of Rock River, in the State of Illinois, for almost three years last past; that he is well acquainted with the band of the Sac Indians whose chief is the Black Hawk, and who have resided and do now reside near the mouth of Rock River, in this State; that he understands so much of the said Indian language, as to converse with the said Indians intelligibly; that he is well satisfied that said Indians, to the amount of about three hundred warriors, are extremely unfriendly to the white people; that said Indians are determined, if not prevented by force, to drive off the white people, who have some of them purchased land of the United States, near said Indians, and said Indians to remain the sole occupiers of the said country.

“That said Indians do not only make threats to this effect, but have, in various instances, done much damage to said white inhabitants, by throwing down their fences, destroying the fall grain, pulling off the roofs of houses, and positively asserting that if the whites do not go away, they would kill them; that there are about forty inhabitants and heads of families in the vicinity of said Indians, who are immediately affected by said band of Indians; that said Pike is certain that said forty heads of families, if not protected, will be compelled to leave their habitations and homes from the actual injury that said Indians will commit on said inhabitants. That said band of Indians consists, as above stated, of about three hundred warriors, and that the whole band is actuated by the same hostile feelings towards the white inhabitants; and that, if not prevented by an armed force of men, will commit murders on said white inhabitants. That said Indians have said, that they would fight for their country where they reside, and would not permit the white people to occupy it at all. That said white inhabitants are desirous to be protected, and that immediately, so that they may raise crops this spring and summer.

“Benjamin F. Pike.

“Sworn and subscribed before me, this 26th May, 1831.

“John H. Dennis, J.P.”

“The deposition of Hiram Sanders and Ammyson Chapman, taken before Stephen Dewey, Esq., a Justice of the Peace for Fulton County.

“State of Illinois, Fulton County.

“Personally appeared before me, Stephen Dewey, an acting Justice of the Peace in and for said county of Fulton, and State of Illinois, Hiram Sanders, and Ammyson Chapman, of the aforesaid county and State, and made oath that some time in the month of April last, they went to the old Indian Sac town, about thirty miles up Rock River, for the purpose of farming and establishing a ferry across said river, and the Indians ordered us to move away, and not to come there again and we remained there a few hours.

“They then sent for their chief, and he informed us that we might depart peaceably, and if we did not that he would make us go.

“He therefore ordered the Indians to throw our furniture out of the house; they accordingly did so, and threatened to kill us if we did not depart. We therefore discovered that our lives were in danger, and consequently moved back again to the above county.

“We supposed them to be principally Winnebagoes.

“H. Sanders,

“A. Chapman.

“Sworn and subscribed this 11th. day of May, 1831.

“Stephen Dewey, J.P.”

There were several other petitions sent to the Governor from Henderson River and elsewhere; likewise a number of depositions were taken, the substance of which will be found in General Gaines’ report to the Secretary of War.

For almost twenty-seven years, much over an average Indian’s lifetime, the Government had faithfully observed its compact of 1804 to allow the Sacs and Foxes the privilege of remaining on the ceded lands until surveyed and thrown upon the market. With each new treaty acknowledging that one, additional annuities had been granted them, until the annual distribution amounted to $27,000.00: “The Sacs and Foxes are already drawing an annuity of twenty-seven thousand dollars for thirty years to come, in cash, and by the present treaty that amount will be enlarged to thirty-seven thousand dollars per annum.”[^[69]] The last named treaty, mentioned by Catlin, brought these Indians seventy-five cents per acre for their lands. Yet Black Hawk, regardless of the obligation of his lawful superiors and his own, under those repeated treaties and payments, lingered and quibbled and quarreled, thinking, no doubt, by this time that he could not or would not be removed at all.

The little band of whites, unable to contend successfully against the overwhelming numbers of Indians and their exasperating thefts and annoyances, applied to the agent and got no relief and, as it seemed to the settlers, almost no thought. The United States authorities, particularly Governor Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis, were the ones to furnish protection, vi et armis or otherwise. Governor Reynolds was very unwilling at first to send the militia to the scene without invitation from those army officers; therefore, when he received the first petition, instead of replying at once to it, he applied to the Indian agents at Rock Island and to General Gaines. Failing of receiving any consideration, the second message from the citizens, who thought he had ignored them, compelled the “Old Ranger,” as the Governor was called, to take the initiative by calling out the militia to the number of 700, which he did on May 26th, with instructions to rendezvous at Beardstown June 10, 1831.[^[70]] On the day of issuing that call, he wrote Governor Clark a letter, calculated to leave no room for doubt as to the course he should pursue and the manner of his treatment of the Indians if they did not move.

“Belleville, 26th May, 1831.

“Sir:–In order to protect the citizens of this State, who reside near Rock River, from Indian invasion and depredations, I have considered it necessary to call out a force of militia of this State of about seven hundred strong, to remove a band of the Sac Indians who are now about Rock Island. The object of the government of the State is to protect those citizens, by removing said Indians, peaceably, if they can, but forcibly if they must. Those Indians are now, and so I have considered them, in a state of actual invasion of the State.

“As you act as the public agent of the United States in relation to those Indians, I considered it my duty to inform you of the above call on the militia, and that in or about fifteen days a sufficient force will appear before said Indians to remove them, dead or alive, over to the west side of the Mississippi; but to save all this disagreeable business, perhaps a request from you to them, for them to remove to the west side of the river, would effect the object of procuring peace to the citizens of the State. There is no disposition on the part of the people of this State to injure those unfortunate and deluded savages if they will let us alone; but a government that does not protect its citizens deserves not the name of a government. Please correspond with me to this place on this subject.

“Your obedient servant,

“John Reynolds.

“Gen. Clark, Supt., etc.”

Reynolds’ letter hastened the following reply, which clearly indicated that much had really been done by Governor Clark to remove the Indians:

“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,

“St. Louis, May 28, 1831.

“Sir:–I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 26th inst., informing me of your having considered it necessary to call out a force of militia of about seven hundred for the protection of the citizens of Illinois who reside near Rock Island from Indian invasion and for the purpose of removing a band of Sac Indians who are now about Rock Island, etc.

“You intimate that to prevent the necessity of employing this force, perhaps a request from me to those Indians to remove to the west side of the Mississippi would effect the object of procuring peace to the citizens of your State. In answer to which, I would beg leave to observe, that every effort on my part has been made to effect the removal of all those tribes who had ceded their lands. For the purpose of affording you a view (in part) of what has been done in this matter, I enclose you herewith extracts from the reports of the agents for the Sacs and Foxes, by which it will be seen that every means, short of actual force, has been employed to effect their removal.

“I have communicated the contents of your letter to Gen. Gaines, who commands the western division of the army, and who has full power to act and execute any military movement deemed necessary for the protection of the frontier. I shall also furnish him with such information regarding the Sacs and Foxes as I am possessed of, and would beg leave to refer you to him for any further proceedings in relation to this subject. I have the honor to be, with great respect,

“Your obedient servant,

“Wm. Clark.

“His Excellency, John Reynolds, Governor of Illinois.”

The fact that Governor Reynolds did not immediately hear from General Gaines or the Indian agents led him into the mistaken belief that they were entirely inactive and unsympathetic as to the fate of the settlers. The contrary is the truth, as the following letters, mentioned in the foregoing, from Agent St. Vrain, a most courteous and conscientious man, will disclose. This same good man was subsequently butchered in a most shocking manner by the Indians:[^[71]]

“Rock Island, May 15, 1831.

“Respected Sir:–I have again to mention to you that the Black Hawk (a Sac chief) and his party are now at their old village on Rock River. They have commenced planting corn and say they will keep possession. I have been informed that they have pulled down a house and some fences, which they have burned. They have also turned their horses in wheat fields and say they will destroy the wheat, so that the white people shall not remain among them.

“This is what I expected from their manner of acting last fall, and which I mentioned to you in my letter of the 8th October last. I would not be at a loss were it not for the 7th article of the treaty with the Sacs and Foxes of 3d November, 1804.

”I respectfully ask, would it not be better to hold a treaty with those Indians and get them to remove peaceably, than to call on the military to force them off? None of this band has as yet called on me for information. A few have been at my agency to have work done at the smith’s shops. I have the honor to be,

“Your obedient servant,

“Felix St. Vrain, Indian Agent.

“Gen. William Clark, Supt. Ind. of St. Louis.”

“St. Louis, May 28, 1831.

“Respected Sir:–Since my last of the 15th inst. on the subject of the band of Sac Indians, etc., the Indian village on Rock River near Rock Island, I have heard from the Indians and some of the whites, that a house had been unroofed instead of pulled down and burned and that the fence had caught fire by accident. As regards the destroying of the wheat, etc., the Indians say that a white man hauled some timber through a field and left the fence down, by which means their horses got into the field. This, however, has been contradicted by the white inhabitants of that place. They say that the Indians are constantly troubling them by letting their horses into their fields and killing their hogs, etc., etc. This, however, I am confident is occasioned in a great measure by whisky being given to the Indians in exchange for their guns, traps, etc.

“I had a talk with the principal chief and braves of that band of Indians. I spoke to the Black Thunder, who is the principal of that band. The Black Hawk is only a brave, but has considerable influence with them. I told them that they had sold those lands to the government of the United States, and that they ought to remove to their own lands. They then said that they had only sold the lands south of the river. I then produced the treaties and explained to them that they had relinquished their right as far as the Ouisconsin. Quash-quam-me (the jumping fish) then said that he had only consented to the limits being Rock River; but that a Fox chief agreed (as he understands, afterwards) for the Ouisconsin; that he (Quash-quam-me) had been deceived, and that he did not intend it to be so. I had considerable talk with them on this subject, and could discover nothing hostile in their disposition, unless their decided conviction of their right to the place could be construed as such. I have been informed that a white man and his family had gone to an Indian village on the borders of Rock River, about forty miles from Rock Island, for the purpose of establishing a ferry, and that the Indians at that place had driven them away, at the same time saying to them that they would not hurt them, but they should not live there. This village is occupied by a mixture of Winnebago, Sac and Fox bands and headed by the Prophet, a chief. I have the honor to be

“Your obedient servant,

“Felix St. Vrain, Indian Agent.

“Gen. William Clark, Supt. Indian Affairs, St. Louis.”

That General Clark was more active than credited by Reynolds will also be learned from the ensuing letter, which he at once dispatched to General Gaines:

“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,

“St. Louis, May 28, 1831.

“Sir:–I have the honor to inclose to you a copy of a letter of 26th inst. just received from the Governor of Illinois, by which you will perceive he has thought it necessary to call out a force of about 700 militia for the protection of the citizens of that State, who reside near Rock River, and for the purpose of removing a band of Sacs which he states are now about Rock Island.

“As the commanding General of this division of the army, I have thought it my duty to communicate to you the above information; and for the purpose of putting you in possession of the views of the Government in relation to this subject, as well as to inform, you of the means which have been heretofore employed for the removal of the Sacs now complained of, I enclose to you herewith copies of my correspondence with the War Department and with the agent for those tribes, also extracts from such of their reports as had immediate relation to the subject.[^[72]]

“The Sacs and Foxes have been counseled with on the subject of their removal from the lands which they had ceded to the United States. The prospect of collisions with the white settlers who were then purchasing those lands, and the interminable difficulties in which they would be involved thereby were pointed out, and had the effect of convincing a large majority of both tribes of the impropriety of remaining at their old villages. They, therefore, acquiesced in the justice of the claim of the United States and expressed their willingness to comply with my request to remove to their new village on Ioway river, west of the Mississippi, all but parts of two bands headed by two inconsiderable chiefs, who, after abandoning their old village, have, it appears, returned again, in defiance of all consequences.

“Those bands are distinguished and known by the name of ‘The British Party,’ having been for many years in the habit of making annual visits at Malden in Upper Canada for the purpose of receiving their presents, and it is believed to be owing in a great measure to the counsels they have there received, that so little influence has been acquired over them by the United States agents.

“In justice to Keokuk, Wapello, The Stabbing Chief, and, indeed, all the other real chiefs and principal men of both tribes, it should be observed that they have constantly and zealously co-operated with the Government agents in furtherance of its views, and in their endeavors to effect the removal of all their property from the ceded lands.

“Any information in my possession which you may deem necessary in relation to this subject will be promptly afforded. With high respect, I have the Honor to be

“Your most obedient servant,

“William Clark.

“Major-Gen. Edmund P. Gaines, Commanding Western Department, U.S.A”

“P.S. The agent for the Sacs and Foxes (Mr. St. Vrain) has received his instructions and will perform any service you may require of him with the Sacs and Foxes.”

Reynolds must have received General Clark’s letter on the date of writing, since he concurrently addressed General Gaines as follows:

“Belleville, May 28, 1831.

“General Gaines.

“Sir:–I have received undoubted information that the section of this State near Rock Island is actually invaded by a hostile band of the Sac Indians, headed by Black Hawk; and in order to repel said invasion, and to protect the citizens of the State I have, under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States and the laws of this State, called on the militia, to the number of seven hundred men, who will be mounted and ready for service in a very short time. I consider it my duty to lay before you the above information, so as you, commanding the military forces of the United States in this part of the Union, may adopt such measures in regard to said Indians as you deem right.

“The above-mentioned mounted volunteers (because such they will be) will be in readiness immediately to move against said Indians, and, as Executive of the State of Illinois, I respectfully solicit your co-operation in this business. Please honor me with an answer to this letter.

“With sincere respect for your character,

“I am, your obedient servant,

“John Reynolds.”

To which rather tart epistle General Gaines replied instanter:

“H.Q. Western Department, May 29, 1831.

“His Excellency, Governor Reynolds.

“Sir:–I do myself the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday’s date, advising me of your having received undoubted information that the section of the frontier of your State near Rock Island is invaded by a hostile band of Sac Indians, headed by a chief called Black Hawk. That in order to repel said invasion, and to protect the citizens of the State, you have called on the militia to the number of seven hundred militiamen, to be in readiness immediately to move against the Indians, and you solicit my co-operation.

“In reply, it is my duty to state to you, that I have ordered six companies of the regular troops stationed at Jefferson Barracks to embark to-morrow morning and repair forthwith to the spot occupied by the hostile Sacs. To this detachment I shall, if necessary, add four companies. With this force I am satisfied that I shall be able to repel the invasion and give security to the frontier inhabitants of the State. But should the hostile band be sustained by the residue of the Sac, Fox and other Indians, to an extent requiring an augmentation of my force, I will, in that event, communicate with your Excellency by express, and avail myself of the co-operation which you propose. But, under existing circumstances, and the present aspect of our Indian relations on the Rock Island section of the frontier, I do not deem it necessary or proper to require militia, or any other description of force, other than that of the regular army at this place and Prairie du Chien.

“I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

“Your obedient servant,

“Edmund P. Gaines,

“Major-Gen. by Brevet, Commanding.”

Dignifying Black Hawk’s return with the term invasion was a misnomer, at least an exaggeration, on the part of Reynolds, but Gaines promptly set out for Fort Armstrong, where he quickly absorbed the situation and communicated it to Reynolds.

“Headquarters, Rock Island, June 5, 1831.

“John Reynolds, Governor of Illinois.

“Sir:–I do myself the honor to report to your Excellency the result of my conference with the chiefs and braves of the band of Sac Indians settled within the limits of your State near this place.

“I called their attention to the facts reported to me of their disorderly conduct towards the white inhabitants near them. They disavow any intention of hostility, but at the same time adhere with stubborn pertinacity to their purpose of remaining on the Rock River land in question.

“I notified them of my determination to move them peaceably if possible, but at all events to move them to their own side of the Mississippi River, pointing out to them the apparent impossibility of their living on lands purchased by the whites without constant disturbance. They contended that this part of their country had never been sold by them. I explained to them the different treaties of 1804, ’16 and ’25, and concluded with a positive assurance that they must move off, and that I must as soon as they are ready assist them with boats.

“I have this morning learned that they have invited the Prophet’s band of Winnebagoes on Rock River, with some Pottawattomies and Kickapoos, to join them. If I find this to be true, I shall gladly avail myself of my present visit to see them well punished; and, therefore, I deem it to be the only safe measure now to be taken to request of your Excellency the battalion of mounted men which you did me the honor to say would co-operate with me. They will find at this post a supply of rations for the men, with some corn for their horses, together with a supply of powder and lead.

“I have deemed it expedient under all the circumstances of the case to invite the frontier inhabitants to bring their families to this post until the difference is over.

“I have the honor to be, with great respect,

“Your obedient servant,

“Edmund P. Gaines,

“Major-Gen. by Brevet, Commanding.”

“P.S. Since writing the foregoing remarks, I have learned that the Winnebagoes and Pottawattomie Indians have actually been invited by the Sacs to join them. But the former evince no disposition to comply; and it is supposed by Colonel Gratiot, the agent, that none will join the Sacs, except, perhaps, some few of the Kickapoos.

E.P.G.”

The situation had developed such symptoms, to the mind of General Clark, that, after writing Governor Reynolds and urging Gaines forward, he made the following report to the Secretary of War:

“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,

“St. Louis, May 30, 1831.

“Sir:–On the 28th inst. I had the honor of receiving a letter from the Governor of Illinois dated the 26th, informing me of the measures which he had considered it necessary to pursue for the protection of the citizens of his State from Indian invasion and for the purpose of removing a band of Sacs then about Rock Island. A copy of his letter and my answer is herewith enclosed.

“Deeming the information received from the Governor of Illinois important, I immediately communicated it to General Gaines, who happened to be in this place at the time; and shortly after was called upon by Governor Reynolds himself, to whom I gave such information respecting the Sacs complained of as had come to my knowledge, and also furnished him with such of the reports of the agent for those tribes as had relation to the subject. To the commanding General I furnished similar information; and also for the purpose of possessing him of the views of the Government on that subject, I gave him copies of such of my correspondence with the War Department as had any relation thereto.

“I also enclose to you copies of two reports of the agent for the Sacs and Foxes of the 15th and 28th inst. By the first it will be seen that the band complained of is determined to keep possession of their old village;[^[73]] and it is probable from a knowledge of the disposition evinced in the matter by the Sacs and for the purpose of dispossessing them, that the commanding General has thought proper to make a display in that quarter of a part of the force under his command, six companies of which are now leaving this place for Rock River. The expedition (be the result what it may) cannot fail of producing good effects, even should the Indians be disposed to move peaceably to their own lands; and if not, their opposition should, in my opinion, be put down at once.

“I have the honor to be, with high respect,

“Your most obedient servant,

“William Clark.

“The Hon. John H. Eaton, Secretary of War.”

“Rock Island, June 12, 1831.

“Sir:–I have the honor to report to you that, agreeably to my intimation to you, I visited the village of Sac Indians near this place yesterday for the purpose of persuading off the Winnebago Prophet and some young men of his band whom I knew had previously been there, and, I believe, with an intention to support the Sac Indians. I found that the Prophet had just left there for his village, which is within my agency upon Rock River, and although he had previously promised that he would return home and remain there, I have reason to believe that his object is to get as many of his band and of the other bands of the Winnebagoes (who reside at Rock River, within my agency) as he can, for the purpose of joining the Sacs and of supporting them in their present pretensions.

“I have recently been at some of the principal villages of Winnebagoes within my agency, and have ascertained from unquestionable authority that, although they had been invited to join the Sacs, they had refused to do so. I think it will be prudent for me to follow the Prophet, to prevent him from influencing any of the Indians up the river to join him. Should I, however, find that any of the warriors have left before my arrival amongst them, I will (if you think it best) return immediately to this place, bringing with me three or four influential chiefs who can be relied on and who will, with my assistance, I think, be able to control them.

“In my opinion there are at least 400 warriors at the Sac village which I visited yesterday, apparently determined to defend themselves in their present position. On the receipt of your letter of the 4th instant, I immediately hastened to this place with a view to give you the most satisfactory information upon the subject of it and tender my services in any way you may think useful.

“I am, respectfully yours,

“Henry Gratiot, Sub-Agent, etc.

“Maj.-Gen. Gaines.”

CHAPTER XIII.

Council–Militia Organized–March to Black Hawk’s Village–Flight–Village Burned–Treaty of 1831.

Once awakened, General Gaines lost no time in bringing about a convention with the Indians, to avoid, if possible the trouble of a demonstration, but Black Hawk was fired with hatred and unprepared to accept any terms whatsoever. A council or talk was had in the council chamber at Fort Armstrong, which Black Hawk and his British sympathizers attended in numbers, and all fully armed. General Gaines opened the council by stating that the great father at Washington desired only what was right, and closed by insisting that the Indians should remove peaceably. Black Hawk replied that the Sacs had never sold their lands and were determined not to give up their village. General Gaines then asked: “Who is Black Hawk? Is he a chief? By what right does he appear in council?” To these questions Black Hawk that day made no reply, but on the following morning he was again in his seat. When the council opened he arose and, addressing General Gaines, said: “My father, you inquired yesterday, ‘Who is Black Hawk? Why does he sit among the chiefs?’ I will tell you who I am. I am a Sac; I am a warrior, and so was my father. Ask those young men who have followed me to battle, and they will tell you who Black Hawk is; provoke our people to war and you will learn who Black Hawk is.”[^[74]] It is further recorded of this meeting that in the heat of passion Black Hawk called General Gaines a liar and made demonstrations to kill him, which were only averted by the coolness of Gaines in parrying his threats by words of calmness. In this delicate affair Antoine LeClaire, the interpreter, was a powerful factor in smothering the threatened disturbance. The situation has been briefly set out in fortieth of Niles Register, page 310, as follows:

“Encampment, Rock Island, June 8th.

“We yesterday had a talk with the Indians, and from their determination not to leave the white settlements, and from their numbers, we shall have pretty serious work; that is, we shall have no play. They came into the council house yesterday with their spears, hatchets and bows strung. I have no doubt, from the extreme agitation of the interpreter, that there was more danger than most were aware of, as our troops were near a quarter of a mile off and they were about ten for one of us.”

GEN. EDMUND P. GAINES.

GOV. JOHN REYNOLDS.

MR. FRANCIS ARENZ.

COL. SAMUEL C. CHRISTY.

If any proof of hostility had been theretofore wanting, that demonstration supplied it and determined General Gaines to act heartily in conjunction with Governor Reynolds, and hastily as well.

Men left their plows, and, with little or no preparation, hastened to Beardstown, where twice the number of volunteers asked assembled. In bringing this expedition about, with as little hardship as possible, Governor Reynolds summoned none south of St. Clair or east of Sangamon counties.

None brought provisions and many failed to bring firearms, as requested in the call, but through the unusual resourcefulness of Colonels Enoch C. March and Samuel C. Christy, who were appointed quartermasters, supplies were quickly and abundantly provided, and by the good fortune of finding with Mr. Francis Arenz, a merchant of Beardstown, a consignment of brass guns, designed for the South American trade, but not so used, arms for all were provided. Governor Reynolds seemed determined not to conform to the punctilio of bureau fighting.

To organize the army, Governor Reynolds appointed as his aids James D. Henry and Milton K. Alexander. The task was difficult, but it was done satisfactorily. It must be remembered that the men were unaccustomed to subordination; many aspiring politicians whose appeals could not be ignored clamored for recognition; many more troops than were needed appeared, and to turn any number back might have jeopardized the success of the expedition, yet all conditions were met and harmoniously adjusted.

Joseph Duncan of the state militia, afterward Governor, was appointed Brigadier General, to assume immediate command of the brigade,[^[75]] and William Thomas was appointed Brigade Quartermaster; William G. Brown, Paymaster General, and A. Atkins, Isom M. Gillham and Enoch B. Wethers, aids to General Duncan. E.D. Taylor was his Adjutant and J.J. Hardin Inspector General on his staff.

The brigade was divided into two regiments, a minor odd battalion and a spy battalion. The First Regiment was composed of seven companies, commanded by Captains Adam Smith, William F. Elkin, Achilles Morris, Thomas Carlin,[^[76]] John Lorton, Samuel C. Pierce or Pearce and Samuel Smith, the staff officers being James D. Henry,[^[77]] Colonel; Jacob Fry, Lieutenant-Colonel; John T. Stuart, Major; Thomas Collins, Adjutant; Edward Jones, Quartermaster; Thomas M. Neale, Paymaster.

The Second Regiment was composed of seven companies, commanded by Captains H. Mathews, John Haines, George Bristow, William Gillham, Hiram Kincaid, Alexander Wells and William Weatherford; the staff officers, so far as known, being: Daniel Lieb, Colonel; Nathaniel Butler, Major, and W. Jordan, Quartermaster.

The odd battalion was composed of three companies, commanded by Captains William Moore, John Loraine and Solomon Miller, with the staff made up of Nathaniel Buckmaster, Major; James Semple, Adjutant; David Wright, Quartermaster; Joseph Gillespie, Paymaster; Charles Higbee, Surgeon, and John Krupp, Armorer. Richard Roman was Surgeon’s Mate; John H. Blackwell, Quartermaster Sergeant.

The spy battalion, first mentioned, was composed of four companies, commanded by Captains Erastus Wheeler, William B. Whiteside, William Miller and Solomon Preuitt, with the staff officers as follows: Samuel Whiteside, Major; Samuel F. Kendle, Adjutant; John S. Greathouse, Quartermaster, and P.H. Winchester, Paymaster;[^[78]] John F. Gillham, Armorer.[^[79]]

Thus organized, the little army left camp near Rushville for Fort Armstrong, June 15,[^[80]] 1831, about 1,600 strong, reaching a point on the Mississippi about eight miles south of Black Hawk’s village, called Rockport, after a pleasant and prosperous march of four days. E.C. Berry, Adjutant-General of the State, accompanied the army, which was met at Rockport by General Gaines, who had brought on a steamboat loaded with provisions, secured by the General Quartermasters March and Christy, and here Major John Bliss, First U.S. Infantry, mustered it into the United States service.

At that point the army encamped for one night, where a plan of operation was concerted. The following morning the army moved forward with an old regular soldier for a guide, the steamboat at the same time starting, with General Gaines, up the river[^[81]] for Vandruff’s Island, where it was expected the Indians would concentrate, opposite their village, to pick off the soldiers as they approached. It was planned that the volunteers should cross the slough to this island, rout the enemy and ford the main river to the village, where the regular troops were to meet them from Fort Armstrong. The island was covered with bushes and vines, so thick as to render them impenetrable to the sight at a distance of twenty feet. General Gaines ran his steamboat up to the south point of the island and fired several rounds of grape and canister into the bushes to test the presence of the enemy. The spy battalion formed in line of battle and swept the island until it was ascertained that the ground rose so high and so suddenly that General Gaines’ shot could have taken no effect one hundred yards from shore. The main body of volunteers, in three columns, came following, but before they could reach the northern border of the island the troops became so indiscriminately mixed, officers and men together, that no man was able to distinguish his own company or regiment. Gaines had ordered the artillery of the regulars to be stationed on a high bluff which looked down on the contemplated battlefield half a mile distant, from which, had the expected battle ensued, more friends than foes had been killed, many times over.

BRIG. GEN. JOSEPH DUNCAN.

GOV. THOMAS FORD.

GOV. THOMAS CARLIN.

MAJ. JOHN T. STUART.

CAPT. W.F. ELKIN.

COL. WILLIAM THOMAS.

COL. J.J. HARDIN.

COL. JACOB FRY.

When the army finally reached the main body of the stream it was found bold and deep, fordable at no place nearer than half a mile and with no means of transportation convenient to carry the troops across. There, within sight of the enemy’s village, they were compelled to waste much time in idleness until scows could be brought to ferry them over.

After unusual effort the volunteers reached the village, only to find it abandoned, the Indians having quietly withdrawn to the west side of the Mississippi that morning. A most abortive and humiliating campaign!

Whilst in camp down the river the previous evening a canoe filled with friendly Indians, bearing a white flag, called upon General Gaines to inform him of their neutrality, and ascertain a place of safety to which they might remove from the dangers of the anticipated battle of the morrow. Had Gaines desired to pursue a tactful course and punish the Indians, he might have learned definitely the position of the enemy and planned a successful campaign, but he gruffly told them to be gone, and that night they returned to the village, where preparations were immediately made to abandon it, as they did the following morning.

Governor Ford, who was a private of Whiteside’s battalion in this expedition, has been especially severe with Gaines in his narration of the lack of preparation and the frightful confusion which ensued, together with the peril in which the troops found themselves by Gaines’ disposition of the cannon on the heights above. It always is easy to plan an enterprise after it has been concluded and all its details fathomed by experience; much easier than before, with its uncertainties and possible failure. The Indians left; no blood was shed; no accidents happened to man or beast, and so long as the wish became a fact, though somewhat ingloriously done, there should be no cause for such acrimonious comments as Ford saw fit to record.

The enemy having escaped, the volunteers were determined to leave behind them a record of their displeasure. The rain descended in torrents, and though shelter might have been found for many in the frail houses, the Indian village was put to the torch and soon consumed with flames.

The volunteers then marched for Fort Armstrong the following morning and encamped several days on the left bank of the Mississippi, where the city of Rock Island now stands. The island, Rock Island, was then a most romantic bit of nature. To this landscape Governor Ford in his narrative did ample justice: “It was then in a complete state of nature–a romantic wilderness. Fort Armstrong was built upon a rocky cliff on the lower part of an Island near the center of the river. * * The shores on each side, formed of gentle slopes of prairie, extending back to bluffs of considerable height, made it one of the most picturesque scenes in the western country. The river here is a beautiful sheet of clear, swift-running water, about three-quarters of a mile wide; its banks on both sides were uninhabited, except by the Indians, from the lower rapids to the fort, and the voyagers upstream, after several days’ solitary progress through a wilderness country on its borders, came suddenly in sight of the white-washed walls and towers of the fort, perched upon a rock, surrounded by the grandeur and beauty of nature, which, at a distance, gave it the appearance of one of those enchanted castles in an uninhabited desert, so well described in the Arabian Nights Entertainment.”[^[82]] Reynolds, in his “My Own Times,” page 338, mentions a supposition that Gaines purposely retained the troops in camp at Rockport over night to allow the Indians to escape, and that he and Duncan knew of their flight when the brigade moved upon the village. If he did, then his arrangement of the contemplated battle was justified. But whether he knew of the departure or not, his measures for pursuit were prompt, vigorous and effective, and Black Hawk realized the fact. When demanded to return for a “peace talk,” some of the Indians appeared at the fort without Black Hawk. Immediately Gaines sent word down to the camp, twelve miles below, that unless the remaining warriors came in at once and sued for peace he would chastise them. Very soon these recalcitrants, five or six hundred in number, appeared upon the river, picturesquely dotting it with their canoes for the whole distance.

Z.H. VERNOR.

JAMES SEMPLE.

JOSEPH GILLESPIE.

SURGEON RICHARD ROMAN.

CAPT. ERASTUS WHEELER.

CAPT. SOLOMON PREUITT.

MAJ. JOHN BLISS.

MAJ. NATHANIEL BUCKMASTER.

On the 30th of June, 1831, in full council, Black Hawk and twenty-seven chiefs and warriors signed a treaty with Governor Reynolds and General Gaines, which was faithfully interpreted, word by word, by Antoine LeClaire, and is as follows:

“ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT AND CAPITULATION made and concluded this thirtieth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-one, between E.P. Gaines, Major-General of the United States Army, on the part of the United States; John Reynolds, Governor of Illinois, on the part of the State of Illinois; and the chiefs and braves of the band of Sac Indians, usually called the ‘British Band of Rock River,’ with their old allies of the Pottawatomie, Winnebago and Kickapoo nations:

“WITNESSETH: That, Whereas, the said British Band of Sac Indians have, in violation of the several treaties entered into between the United States and the Sac and Fox nations in the years 1804, 1816 and 1825, continued to remain upon and to cultivate the lands on Rock River, ceded to the United States by the said treaties, after the said lands had been sold by the United States to individual citizens of Illinois, and other states. And, Whereas, the said British Band of Sac Indians, in order to sustain their pretensions to continue upon the said Rock River lands, have assumed the attitude of actual hostility towards the United States, and have had the audacity to drive citizens of the State of Illinois from their homes, to destroy their corn, and to invite many of their old friends of the Pottawatomies, Winnebagoes and Kickapoos to unite with them (the said British Band of Sacs) in war, to prevent their removal from said lands: And, Whereas, many of the most disorderly of these several tribes of Indians did actually join the said British Band of Sac Indians, prepared for war against the United States, and more particularly against the State of Illinois, from which purpose they confess that nothing could have restrained them but the appearance of force far exceeding the combined strength of the said British Band of Sac Indians, with such of their aforesaid allies as had actually joined them; but being now convinced that such a war would tend speedily to annihilate them, they have voluntarily abandoned their hostile attitude and sued for peace.

“First–Peace is therefore given to them upon the following conditions, to which the said British Band of Sac Indians, with their aforesaid allies, do agree; and for the faithful execution of which the undersigned chiefs and braves of the said band, and their allies, mutually bind themselves, their heirs and assigns forever.

“Second–The British Band of Sac Indians are required peaceably to submit to the authority of the friendly chiefs and braves of the United Sac and Fox nations, and at all times hereafter to reside and hunt with them upon their own lands west of the Mississippi River, and to be obedient to their laws and treaties; and no one or more of the said band shall ever be permitted to recross this river to the place of their usual residence, nor to any part of their old hunting grounds east of the Mississippi, without the express permission of the President of the United States or the Governor of the State of Illinois.

“Third–The United States will guarantee to the united Sac and Fox nations, including the said British Band of Sac Indians, the integrity of all the lands claimed by them westward of the Mississippi River pursuant to the treaties of the years 1825 and 1830.

“Fourth–The United States require the united Sac and Fox nation, including the aforesaid British Band, to abandon all communication, and cease to hold any intercourse with any British post, garrison, or town; and never again to admit among them any agent or trader who shall not have derived his authority to hold commercial or other intercourse with them by license, from the President of the United States or his authorized agent.

“Fifth–The United States demand an acknowledgment of their right to establish military posts and roads within the limits of the said country guaranteed by the third article of this agreement and capitulation, for the protection of the frontier inhabitants.

“Sixth–It is further agreed by the United States, that the principal friendly chiefs and head-men of the Sacs and Foxes bind themselves to enforce, as far as may be in their power, the strict observance of each and every article of this agreement and capitulation; and at any time they may find themselves unable to restrain their allies, the Pottawatomies, Kickapoos, or Winnebagoes, to give immediate information thereof to the nearest military post.

“Seventh–And it is finally agreed by the contracting parties, that henceforth permanent peace and friendship be established between the United States and the aforesaid band of Indians.

“In Witness Whereof, we have set our hands, the date above mentioned.

“Edmund P. Gaines,

“Major-General by Brevet, Commanding.

“John Reynolds,

“Governor of the State of Illinois.”

Witnesses.

Joseph M. Street, U.S. Indian Agent at Prairie du Chien.

W. Morgan, Colonel 1st Infantry.

J. Bliss, Brevet Major 1st Infantry.

Geo. A. M’Call, aid-de-camp to Maj.-Gen. Gaines.

Sam’l Whiteside.

Felix St. Vrain, Indian Agent.

John S. Greathouse.

M.K. Alexander.

A.S. West.

Antoine LeClaire, Interpreter.

Jos. Danforth.

Dan S. Witter.

Benj. F. Pike.[^[83]]

During the progress of this treaty the women and children remained encamped on the west bank of the river, reduced by the improvidence of the men to the extremity of starvation. In many cases they had nothing to cover their nakedness, presenting a spectacle so appealing to Gaines and Reynolds that the former took from the general store of provisions and delivered to Black Hawk and his band a quantity sufficient to tide them over until another crop should have been gathered. Black Hawk accepted them and went his way with many protestations of satisfaction.

Black Hawk in his book has stated that at this time he was perfectly willing to remove to the west bank of the river for a cash consideration of $10,000 to himself, and thus abandon his village and the graves of his fathers. Rather a sordid ultimatum for a patriot!

The regular troops reached Jefferson Barracks on their return, July 6th, and the volunteers, in riding to their various counties, required a little more time. The latter, who had hoped to end the controversies with Black Hawk in an open fight, were loud in their protests when they discovered that instead of bullets the Indians were to receive provisions, calling the expedition a corn war and other names of ridicule, but the sober judge of all the circumstances will render his opinion in favor of the justness of Gaines’ and Reynolds’ actions.

CHAPTER XIV.

Unrest–Messengers and War Parties Sent Out–Attack on the Sioux–They Retaliate–Attack on the Menominees–A Council.

The Sioux and Sacs and Foxes had been enemies for generations. Predatory excursions by each nation into the other’s country had decimated the ranks of both, until the Government found it necessary to interfere and demand a treaty of peace between them. Accordingly, on the 19 of August, 1825, William Clark and Lewis Cass, as commissioners on behalf of the United States, met representatives from the Chippewas, Sacs and Foxes, Sioux, Menominees, Winnebagoes, Iowas and portions of the Ottawas and Pottowattomies at Prairie du Chien, where the first step toward a general peace was taken by making a treaty wherein it was finally agreed (Article 2) that the United States should run a boundary line between the Sioux on the north and the Sacs and Foxes on the south, as follows: Commencing at the mouth of Upper Iowa River, on the west bank of the Mississippi, and ascending said Iowa River to its left fork; thence up the fork to its source; thence crossing the fork of Red Cedar River in a direct line to the second or upper fork of the Des Moines River; thence in a direct line to the lower fork of the Calumet (Big Sioux) River, and down that river to its junction with the Missouri River.[^[84]]

Article 1 provided for a perpetual peace between the Sioux and Chippewas and confederated tribes of Sacs and Foxes and between the Iowas and Sioux.

Article 7 determined the boundaries of the Winnebago country in Illinois and Wisconsin, most of which, including the lead mines, the Sacs and Foxes had claimed and ceded by the treaty of 1804, and which fact, when considered, brings the consideration for the lands actually acquired within reason.

Article 9 defined the boundaries of the territory of the Ottawas, Chippewas and Pottowattomies, none of which the Sacs and Foxes ever owned, though they conveyed it by the treaty of 1804.

GEN. JOSEPH M. STREET.

GEN. LEWIS CASS.

JEFFERSON BARRACKS.

This treaty of 1825, recognizing the right of the United States to sundry other lands theretofore ceded by the Sacs and Foxes, over which they had some shadow of authority, drew the line immediately north of the Black Hawk village,[^[85]] and this fact may have caused the impression by some of the Indians, designedly or otherwise, that the treaty of 1804 contained the same stipulation.

By Article 10 “all the tribes aforesaid acknowledge the general controlling power of the United States, and disclaim all dependence upon and connection with any other power.”

Evidently the pact relating to peace between the Sioux and Sacs and Foxes had been avoided or disputed by one or both the subscribing parties, for on July 15th, 1830, at Prairie du Chien, it became necessary to call another council and make another treaty whereby the Sacs and Foxes ceded to the United States a strip of country twenty miles in width, lying south of the line established by the treaty of August 19, 1825, and extending along on the south side of said line from the Mississippi to the Des Moines. In the same treaty the Sioux ceded to the United States a like strip twenty miles wide, extending along the north side of said line from the Mississippi to the Des Moines. This forty-mile strip was known as the “Neutral Ground,” into which the tribes on either side of the line were allowed to enter and hunt and fish unmolested.

Unmindful of these treaties, however, we find a war party of Sacs and Foxes, in 1831, near the headwaters of Blue Earth River, pouncing upon some unoffending Sioux and murdering two of them in cold blood,[^[86]] as will be seen by the following:

“Indian Agency, St. Peters,

“August 8, 1831.

“General:–What I have always feared and what has been predicted by me, in the most decided form, has recently taken place. The Sac or Fox Indians, about forty, invaded the Sioux territory on or about the 25th of last month (July). These were mounted men, who penetrated the country as far as Cintajah, or the Grey Tail, near the headwaters of the Terre Blue River, which is a tributary of the St. Peter’s, and contiguous to this post. There is no mistake; the Sac Indians have killed two of the most respectable men of the Wahpakoota Sioux, at the time and place above stated, and this, too, at least sixty miles from the ceded territory, as concluded upon at the treaty of July, 1830, at Prairie du Chien. The Wahpakootas ask for immediate redress, and I beg leave to assure you that the sooner their just expectations in this important matter be met, the better for me and for this country. I mean after what was promised by the Government, through the commissioners, at the treaty of 1830, in presence of the assembled tribes. The Sacs lost one man in their attack upon the Sioux, who were in sight of their encampment at the time.

“I have written to Col. Morgan, or officer commanding the troops at Prairie du Chien, a copy of which letter is herewith enclosed. I have not gone much into detail, as the matter in question does not admit of delay. The traders must lose $20,000 worth of credits already given for the country in possession of the Wahpakootas, if the present difficulty be not very speedily adjusted. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant,

“Law. Taliaferro,

“Indian Agent, St. Peters.

“General William Clark,

“Superintendent of Indian Affairs.”

“Indian Agency, St. Peters, August 12, 1831.

“General:–I declined sending off my express on the 8th inst., understanding that one of the Wahpakoota chiefs would be here in a day or two. Tah-sau-gah-now, the principal chief, reached this place last night, and confirms the statement made to you on the 8th as to the attack of the Sac Indians upon his people. He desires me to say to you, that in a few days you may expect to hear of a number more of his people losing their scalps, as there was considerable firing heard in the direction of the camp of the second chief, from whom he had separated but the day previous. The Sacs scalped the two Sioux, after which their bodies, together with the Sac killed in the conflict, were buried by the Wahpakootas. The chief wishes me to state further to you, that it is his intention, at my earnest request, to remain quiet until the first of October, when, if the Government settles the difficulty as declared at the treaty of Prairie du Chien, his people will be satisfied; otherwise, they will, with all their force, carry the war into the Sac country to protect themselves. He also states that he has a heart, and it is hard for him to see his people shot down like the buffalo on the lands acknowledged by all nations to belong to them. I have the honor to be, with high respect, sir, your obedient servant,

“Law. Taliaferro,

“Indian Agent, St. Peters.

“General William Clark,

“Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis.”

Notwithstanding the promise to wait, this unprovoked attack aroused other bands of the Sioux, who lost no time avenging the act in the following manner: A band of the Foxes living near the Dubuque mines had made an engagement to meet the agent at Prairie du Chien. Learning of this contemplated visit, one John Marsh informed the Sioux of the time and place thereof. Between midnight and the morning of the day fixed for the approach of the Foxes, a band of Sioux, which had been joined by a few young Menominees, passed down the river some twelve or fifteen miles below Prairie du Chien, where a thick growth of bushes afforded ample opportunity for an ambush. The channel there was narrow, with less current than a broader, and was the one always selected by Indians for voyaging upon the river. Kettle, the Fox chief, was leading his party up the channel in person, when, passing the point of bushes there, the Sioux and Menominees opened fire, killing Kettle and several of his followers. The frightened Foxes fled to their Dubuque village, while the Sioux and Menominees returned home to dance over the event.

No action was taken against them by the authorities, for the reason, perhaps, that the act was retaliatory, lex talionis being the law of the Indian, treaty or no treaty.[^[87]]

Black Hawk, after his fiasco of 1831, had retired to the west side of the Mississippi. He had agreed to remain tranquil; his people had been provided with enough to maintain a provident band through the ensuing winter, but no sooner had the soldiers dispersed than he began fomenting trouble, and trying, as he had tried in 1831, to form a confederacy to fight the whites. War parties of various sizes were soon on foot to stir up trouble with those Indians then known to be on good terms with the whites, as will be set forth in the correspondence which I have seen fit to copy in full rather than make extracts.

“Cantonment Leavenworth, July 29, 1831.

“Sir:–Last night two young men of the Ioway tribe arrived at this post on express for the purpose of informing me that about 120 Sacs from the Mississippi, in three different war parties, were on the way up the Mississippi in search of the Ottoes, Omahas or Sioux. I immediately sent off a runner to apprise all the Indians above this, and put them on their guard. One of these parties passed the Ioway village, proceeded on, and crossed the Missouri at the Black Snake Hills, and are now on this side somewhere above this place. Four men of this last party turned back from the Ioway village and bore off with them two horses belonging to one of our citizens in Clay county. I understand the whites have pursued them.

“On the 21st instant, 32 Sacs from Rock River passed this point on their way to the Osage towns. They were accompanied by two Osages, one of whom called himself the son of Clament. I think it highly probable that these Rock River Sacs will give us much trouble in this quarter. I have the honor, etc.,

“John Dougherty,

“Indian Agent.

“To Gen. Wm. Clark,

Supt. Indian Affairs.”

On July 30th, 1831, a band of Menominees, having business with the agent at Prairie du Chien, was assembled on an island almost under the guns of the fort. Menominees loved whisky, and these Indians drank themselves socially full, carrying their revels far into the night, when further drinking put them entirely hors de combat. About two hours before daylight of the 31st a war party of Sacs and Foxes, which had been watching the debauch, fell upon the helpless Menominees, killed twenty-five of them outright and wounded others. A few, less confused by liquor, roused themselves and pursued the Sacs and Foxes a short distance without doing more damage than wounding a few. The women, fearing possible harm to each other, had hidden all the firearms to be found, thus leaving the Menominees doubly insecure.

The Sacs and Foxes fled direct to Black Hawk’s camp, and about that individual secreted themselves beyond discovery.

Those Menominees, while lovers of whisky, were pronounced by Hon. James H. Lockwood, who was present at Prairie du Chien at the time, and who was intimately acquainted with Menominee character, to be, with surprisingly few exceptions, a quiet, peaceable race, Tomah, the then acting chief, occupying in Menominee annals a high character for ability and exemplary enterprises.

“United States Indian Agency,

At Prairie du Chien, August 1, 1831.

“Sir:–One year had scarcely elapsed after the sealing of the treaty of 1830 at this place, before one of the parties has broken its solemn engagements, and dyed the scene of the ratification in the blood of those Indians whom they took by the hand in the presence of their great father’s commissioners.

“Two or three hours before day, on the morning of the 31st July, a party consisting of 80 or 100 Sacs and Foxes surprised a Menominee camp, three or four hundred paces above old Fort Crawford, on the east side of the Mississippi, and killed twenty-five of the latter, and wounded many who may probably recover. There were about thirty or forty Menominees, men, women and children, in the camp, most of whom were drunk, and the women had hidden their guns and knives, to prevent their hurting each other. The Sacs and Foxes, though so greatly superior in numbers, and attacking by surprise a drunken and unarmed encampment, lost several men who were seen to fall in the onset, and retreated in less than ten minutes, with only a few scalps, pursued by four or five Menominees, who fired on them until they were half a mile below the village. I received information, and was on the ground in an hour and a half after the murders were committed. The butchery was horrid, and the view can only be imagined by those acquainted with savage warfare.

“At seven o’clock a.m., I addressed the letter marked ‘A’ to the officer commanding at Fort Crawford, giving him the first intimation of the massacre, and received in answer his letter of this date, marked ‘B’. Lieut. Lamotte, stationed on the west bank of the Mississippi, two miles below Prairie du Chien, saw the Indians pass up about 9 o’clock p.m. the night the murders were committed and again saw them descend with great rapidity at daylight the next morning.

An express was dispatched by the commanding officer here to Rock Island at two o’clock on the day of the murders; but no other steps to arrest these daring violators of the provisions of the treaty of July, 1830, have, as I believe, been taken.

“To-day, the remaining Menominees asked to speak to me, and I met them accordingly. They complain of the violation of the treaty, and say they have fallen victims to their confidence in the security that was promised them under the sanctions of a treaty made in the presence of their fathers, Gen. Clark and Col. Morgan. That Col. Morgan promised them a free and secure path to this place, and that if they were struck, he would march an army of his warriors into the country of those who struck them with their warriors, and take man for man of their enemies. They say they have lost many of their bravest men. ‘One of our chiefs has lost all his family; his wife and his children and his brother were all murdered, and he is left alone. He is not here; he is in his lodge mourning.’ They added, ‘Take pity on our women and our orphan children, and give us something to console us, and we will wait a while to see if our great father, whom you tell us is strong, will help us to punish those Sacs and Foxes, who shake hands and smoke the pipe of peace to-day, and to-morrow break it and kill those they smoked with.’ Under existing circumstances, I deemed it prudent and humane to give them a few things and to provide some necessaries for their destitute children, the amount of which I will forward by mail. I also promised to lay the affair before their great father, the President, and ask him to have justice done for them agreeably to their treaty, if they would go into their country and remain quiet. They have promised to do so a short time, yet I learn from other sources that runners have been dispatched to Green Bay and among the Sioux.

“The Menominees also complain that they were promised that if they would be quiet, their great father would see justice done between them and the Chippeways. That nothing is done, nor are their dead covered. They remarked, ‘Shall we remain quiet on the faith of our great father until we are all killed? When will our great father answer us?’

“They inform me that a white man (a discharged soldier from St. Peters) had killed a Menominee a few days past. On inquiry I learned that the white man had a fight with two Indians, and in the fight he struck the Indian on the head with a stick and fractured his skull, and he died the day after. There is no white person who can testify anything about it, and the white man has gone off, I know not where.

“I have received no answer to my letters respecting the murder of the Menominees by the Chippeways, and am unable to satisfy them on that subject. I now hope that on the present representation of facts, the Government will feel the necessity of a prompt interference, to save this fort from a general rupture.

“The pacification of July, 1830, has been violated under the guns of Fort Crawford, and if some immediate course is not taken to chastise those violators of that solemn arrangement, the influence of the officers of the United States will be destroyed and the power of the Government disregarded by the Indians.

“Respectfully, etc., etc.,

“Jos. M. Street, Indian Agent.

“Gen. William Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis.”

“U.S. Indian Agency at Prairie du Chien,

July 31, 1831, 7 o’clock A.M.

“Sir:–After a personal inspection of the scene of massacre, I hasten to inform you that last night the Sacs and Foxes struck the Menominees, encamped on the east side of the Mississippi, about three or four hundred paces above old Fort Crawford, and killed twenty-four[^[88]] of the latter, butchering them in a most shocking manner.

“The Sacs and Foxes came up and left their canoes just above the old fort and completely surprised the Menominees, who, under the sanction of the peace of 1830 at this place, and their vicinity to the fort, were unsuspicious of danger.

“The attack was made about two hours before daylight, and the assailants were gone before light.

“So daring a violation of the treaty of July, 1830, made at this village, and within cannon shot of the fort, evinces a spirit little in accordance with its humane and pacific object.

“I am also this moment informed that runners will be immediately dispatched by the Menominees to Green Bay and to the Sioux.

“I shall be at Judge Lockwood’s during the day.

“Respectfully yours, etc.,

“Joseph M. Street, U.S. Indian Agent.

“To Capt. G. Loomis; Commanding Fort Crawford.”

“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,

“St. Louis, Sept. 12, 1831.

“Sir:–I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 26th ult. on the subject of the late violation of the treaty of Prairie du Chien by the Fox Indians; and have, in accordance with your instructions, given the necessary directions to the agent at Rock Island to convene the chiefs of the Fox tribes, etc., at that place, to meet, if possible, on the 26th inst. Col. Morgan will, agreeably to the directions of Gen. Atkinson, be present at the council and will make the necessary demand of a surrender of the principal men connected with the outrage complained of; and I have reason to believe that if the requirements of the act of intercourse of 1802, as well as the stipulations of the treaty of 1825, shall be strictly complied with, it will be owing to the prompt and decisive measures pursued by the department. The result of this council shall be promptly communicated.

“I take the liberty of enclosing to you herewith two letters from Major Taliaferro, of the 8th and 12th August, and one from Gen. Street, received by the last mail, charging the Sacs with another violation of the treaty of 1825. The facts, however, in relation to this last affair have been differently stated by the Sacs, who were the first (it appears) to commence them. They say that the affair took place on their own land, on the waters of the Ioway River; that a party of the Sioux, in a buffalo chase, fired upon some of their people and killed a Sac, and that the rest of their people coming up, pursued the Sioux, and killed two of them.[^[89]] I have the honor to be, with high respect, Your most obedient servant,

“Wm. Clark.

“The Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of War.”

“Rock Island Indian Agency,

“September 10, 1831. \

“Respected Sir:–I have been informed, and it is currently reported, that two Sioux and three Sac Indians met in a prairie, within the limits of the Sac and Fox lands; that one of the Sacs went up towards the Sioux with the intention of shaking hands with them; but the Sioux refused and threw off their blankets and breech cloths, evidently showing an unfriendly disposition towards the Sacs; the Sac still continued approaching them until they shot him dead. The other two Sacs, who had been concealed from the view of the Sioux, pursued them until they killed both the Sioux. This is the report of the Sac Indians.[^[90]]

“I, in concert with Major Bliss, called a council of the principal chiefs of the Sac and Fox Indians for the purpose of demanding the leaders of the band which were concerned in the massacre at Prairie du Chien. The result is as contained in the enclosed journal, which was kept for the purpose. The Indians remained at this place about four days; they got credit from their traders and departed with the intention of making an immediate move to their hunting grounds. I presume that you have heard of the death of Morgan, the Fox brave. One of his followers, after hearing of the circumstance, said that it was useless for him to live any longer, now that Morgan was no more. He took his rifle and went out and shot himself.

“Since writing the above, Captain Low told me that the Menominees were preparing to march against the Sacs and Foxes, and that they would listen to no one, but were determined to take revenge. Should I get any further information on the subject, I will immediately inform you of it. I have the honor to be

Your obedient servant,

“Felix St. Vrain, Indian Agent. \

“General William Clark,

“Superintendent Indian Affairs, St. Louis.”

“JOURNAL OF A COUNCIL HELD WITH THE CHIEFS AND WARRIORS OF THE SAC AND FOX INDIANS AT FORT ARMSTRONG ON THE FIFTH SEPTEMBER, 1831, BY MAJOR BLISS, FIRST INFANTRY, COMMANDING, AND FELIX ST. VRAIN, THE U.S. AGENT.

“At about 12 o’clock the council was opened by the commanding officer, as follows:

“‘Chiefs and Warriors of the Sacs and Foxes: By the treaty of Prairie du Chien, made at the request of the President of the United States with the Sioux, Menominees and other Indian tribes, you solemnly promised and agreed that there should be peace between you and those tribes. You also agreed that if either tribe should attack either of the other tribes, that the persons of those who should be concerned in the outrage should be delivered up to the officers of the United States. About four or five nights since a war party of Foxes and some Sacs, led on by Pash-qua-mee, attacked a peaceable party of Menominees near Fort Crawford and killed 26 men, women and children. Wrong has been done and the treaty of Prairie du Chien has been violated.

“‘It becomes our duty, therefore, as officers of the United States, to demand that you, the chiefs and warriors of the Sac and Fox Indians, deliver and surrender to us Pash-qua-mee and all the principal Indians of the Sacs and Foxes who were engaged in this late massacre of the Menominees near Fort Crawford, and we do demand them. We wait for your answer. We hope it may be such as to convince the President, the Great Council and the citizens of the United States that the Sacs and Foxes are not liars; that they always speak truth and perform as they promise.’

“After a short delay, Tiornay (the Strawberry), a Fox chief, replied: ‘My Father: I have heard you and the commanding officer. We were all at the treaty at Prairie du Chien. We have the talk in our minds. All the chiefs you see here have told the young men left behind all that was said at that time. It is because you do not know our manners that you think ill of this. When we hear of a war party going out, we do all in our power to stop it. You have heard what I say. We did not tell them to go to war.

“‘My Father and Commanding Officer: How can we stop our men, when your white men cannot stop the whites from committing crimes? Both of our cases are hard; our young men will not do what we wish, and yours act in the same way. This is all I have to say.’

“Kottekennekak, the Bald Eagle, a Fox brave, then said: ‘My Father: Though we were all at Prairie du Chien, how can we stop our young men? They go off while we are asleep and we know nothing of it. It was not by our consent that the young men struck the Menominees at Prairie du Chien. We have done all we could; but the young men will not listen to us.’

“Quash-quah-ing, the Jumping Fish, a British chief: ‘My Father and my Friends: All the chiefs are dead and the young men have told me to speak for them. You tell the truth about the treaty at Prairie du Chien, but the Menominees struck us first and we struck back. The chiefs have said, “Do not let us strike first.” What do you expect us to do? We only do what our old chiefs have told us. The chiefs that have spoken told the truth; but what can we do when our young men will not listen?’

“Keokuk, he that has been everywhere, a Sac brave:

“‘You tell the truth about the treaty at Prairie du Chien. I was there myself; but you tell a little more. After the treaty was concluded at Prairie du Chien, I and four chiefs went to General Clark and Colonel Morgan and said to them, “What will you do with those that strike first?” They told us that the principal men should be delivered. This is what I mean when I say “a little more.” It was then discovered and explained that the word “principal” had not been interpreted.

“‘My old man (pointing to Quash-quah-ing) did not understand. After the affair of last year we went to General Clark and Colonel Morgan and, notwithstanding the attack of the Menominees, they made all good and even. But now, if what they did and what we have now done was put in scales, it would balance. I expect it is because our names are Sacs and Foxes that you make a noise about it. When we do the least thing, you make a great noise about it. Last winter I went to the Missouri. There an Ioway killed an Omaha. Why was he not hung? They were at the treaty. The reason I say so much against you is because our hearts are good. Our chiefs were killed with the pipe of peace and the wampum in their hands. This is all I have to say. As for my chiefs and braves, they will do as they please. I have said all that I have to say; but why do you not let us fight? Your whites are constantly fighting. They are now fighting way east. Why do you not interfere with them? Why do you not let us be as the Great Spirit made us, and let us settle our difficulties?’”

As this speech of Keokuk’s was received by the Indians with applause for its ingenuity, the commanding officer thought it proper to add that such treaties as were made at Prairie du Chien were frequently made between the white nations at the east and enforced.

That it was not because they were Sacs that the present demand was made, but because it was not wished that the Sacs would become liars. That as it regarded the Omahas, whenever they demanded redress for the murder from the United States, it would then be time to interfere. That the affair did not concern the Sacs.

James H. Lockwood, Vol. 2, p. 170, and John H. Fonda, Vol. 5, p. 256, in writing of these events from memory for the Wisconsin Historical Collections, fixed upon the year 1830 for the murders of the Sioux and Kettle’s Foxes, Fonda including the Menominee affair in the same year. A.R. Fulton, in his “Red Men of Iowa,” inferentially used the same year for the three events; all agreed that the three followed in rapid succession. Lockwood has made so many glaring errors in other parts of his narrative that it is easy to believe that he was wrong in placing any of them in 1830. The three affairs did occur with unusual propinquity of succession, but in 1831, as the contemporaneous reports herein given have shown, and which must be believed against memory. L.C. Draper, usually accurate, fell into Lockwood’s mistake in his note to Fonda’s letter, by not taking time to investigate.

CHAPTER XV.

Ne-a-pope’s Mission–Keokuk’s Village–Council–Black Hawk Moves Down Iowa River and up the Mississippi to Rock River–Atkinson Moves up to Fort Armstrong.

With these contentious spirits, Black Hawk, restless Black Hawk, employed his genius, sending out runners to all points of the compass, some going as far as the Gulf of Mexico, to rally round him the confederacy which Tecumseh attempted, but who, with his transcendent genius for organization and war, failed, and so did Black Hawk, much more ingloriously, though assured by his runners of an irresistible force to join him the moment he rose to strike the whites. He had in 1831 sent his lieutenant, Ne-a-pope,[^[91]] to the British in Canada to solicit aid. That Indian, inauspiciously returning through the village of Wa-bo-ki-e-shiek, the cross-bred Winnebago prophet, who lived at his village on the left bank of Rock River forty miles from its mouth, told the latter vicious meddler of the object of the Canadian trip. The unscrupulous prophet, delighted at the possibility of making trouble for the whites, performed for Ne-a-pope numerous incantations, received a few visions, and made a prophecy that if Black Hawk would take up the hatchet once more against the whites he would be joined by the Great Spirit and a great army of worldlings, and in no time at all he would vanquish the whites and be restored to his ancient village. It is more than probable that this hocuspocus had great influence with Black Hawk, which, added to Ne-a-pope’s falsehoods, determined Black Hawk to open another campaign against the whites without delay. To begin with, his followers had wantonly wasted their provisions, and even before winter had set in he had inaugurated nightly raids upon the storehouses of the whites, stealing the grain and vegetables there stored with a devilish glee. These raids continued with exasperating frequency and regularity all winter and spring. He even brought himself to believe that he could easily create dissension among the followers of Keokuk and overthrow his power entirely.

Emissaries from the camp of Black Hawk had been busy in Keokuk’s village on the Iowa River,[^[92]] and, by insidious industry, murmurs began arising upon all sides. Seizing this supreme moment, while Keokuk’s reputation, influence and life, perhaps, were quivering in the balance, Black Hawk threw off the mask and defiantly marched with his entire force to Keokuk’s village to dispute the supremacy of Keokuk, steal away his warriors and wage war upon the whites.

There at the village all was bustle and confusion. The rifle was loaded and the knife and the hatchet strapped about the warriors’ loins. They had importuned Keokuk to lead them to battle, and so subtle had been the work of Black Hawk’s men that those importunities could not be ignored. The torrent of a mighty and heedless anger raged and carried conservatism, treaties, sentiment and every motive before it. Menaced now by Black Hawk, who had so recently solemnly promised to behave himself for all time, every frontier family stood in danger of the tomahawk. Had the united Sacs and Foxes levied war against the whites, the wavering tribes from Illinois north might have joined them and devastated the country and desolated every hearth.

Black Hawk harangued the Indians with all his energy, firing them to a pitch of excitement he had not expected and compelling Keokuk then and there to promise to lead them to war; but in promising he, like Antony, was permitted to make a speech–and like Antony’s it swayed the mob–against Black Hawk.

“Kill your old men and squaws and children,” cried he, “for never will you live to see them more,”[^[93]] and haste was urged in doing it. An electric wave from the skies never could have stricken those howling beasts of the moment before as did that condition precedent. “You have been imposed upon by liars,” he shouted, and when he had finished speaking, he stood, a conqueror, in a silence inspired by awe, and Black Hawk and his band moved sullenly down the river to war upon the whites once too often.

It has been said, and no doubt truly, that one Josiah Smart,[^[94]] the representative of George Davenport, was present to learn of Black Hawk’s success and was so secreted as to overhear every word of those memorable proceedings, and for their truth he has vouched.

On April 1, 1832, Gen. Henry Atkinson, then in command at Jefferson Barracks, received an order dated March 17th, announcing the determination of the Government to interfere and demand from the Sacs and Foxes at least eight or ten of the principal murderers of the Menominees. In obedience to that order, General Atkinson started on April 8th for the upper Mississippi with six companies of the Sixth Infantry (220 men) and the following officers of the expedition, in the steamboats Enterprise and Chieftain:

Brig.-Gen. Henry Atkinson, Commanding.

Brev. Maj. Bennet Riley, Commanding 6th Regiment.

Capt. Zalmon C. Palmer, 6th Regiment.

Capt. Henry Smith, 6th Regiment.

Capt. Thomas Noel, 6th Regiment.

Capt. Jason Rogers, 6th Regiment.

Capt. George C. Hutter, 6th Regiment.

First Lieut. Asa Richardson, 6th Regiment.

First Lieut. J. Van Swearengen, 6th Regiment.

Second Lieut. Albert Sidney Johnston, 6th Regiment, Asst. to Adjt. Gen.

Second Lieut. Joseph D. Searight, 6th Regiment.

Second Lieut. Nathaniel J. Eaton, 6th Regiment, Acting Commissary of Subsistence.

Brevet Second Lieut. T.L. Alexander, 6th Regiment, Adjutant of Detachment.

Brevet Second Lieut. Thomas J. Royster, 6th Regiment.

J.S. Van Derveer, 6th Regiment.

J.S. Williams, 6th Regiment.

Second Lieut. W. Wheelwright, 1st Artillery, Ordnance Officer.

Will Carr Lane, Surgeon.

Maj. Thomas Wright, Paymaster.

On April 10th the expedition arrived at the rapids of the Des Moines about 2 P.M., where General Atkinson was informed that Black Hawk on the 6th had crossed to the east bank of the Mississippi, near the mouth of the lower Iowa, with 400 or 500 horsemen, beside others to portage canoes, making a total force able to bear arms of over 500 men, the whole band, men, women and children, amounting, as then estimated, to about 2,000 souls,[^[95]] and going, as Black Hawk has told in his book, “to make corn.”

CHAPTER XVI.

Council–Atkinson’s Call for Troops–Reynolds’ Proclamation–Black Hawk Defiant–Gratiot’s Journey.

What the intentions of General Atkinson might have been, above his actual instructions, when leaving St. Louis, are entirely conjectural. The same may be said with reference to the 10th, but when he arrived at Fort Armstrong, during the night of the 12th, they are plainly evident.

On the 13th, at 10 A.M., he called a council, at which Keokuk and his head men, some seventy in number, including Wapello, attended, and there he demanded the surrender of ten of the principal men concerned in the murders. Keokuk replied that he was unable to deliver them up because some had joined the Prophet’s band at his village, toward which Black Hawk was then rapidly marching along the left bank of Rock River, and the others were with Black Hawk.

When first the demand was made the Indians retired to the plain close by to consult. On determining on the foregoing statements among other things, Keokuk returned and finished his talk as follows: “You wish us to keep at peace and have nothing to do with the Rock River Indians. We will do so. In token of our intentions, you see we have laid our spears there together. While you are gone to Prairie du Chien we will endeavor to speak to Black Hawk’s band and try to persuade them to go back. If we do not succeed, I can do no more; then we will go home and try to keep our village at peace. The one who has raised all this trouble is a Winnebago called the Prophet.” Wapello spoke to the same effect.

As it was evident that Keokuk, by reason of his continued acts of friendship, might lose much of his influence if too much were exacted of him, all demands, including hostages, which were first asked, were waived and the council adjourned to the 19th of April.

General Atkinson immediately started up the river for Fort Crawford, where he secured all the reinforcements which could be spared from that garrison; at the same time he sent messengers to Fort Winnebago and the lead mines district to admonish the settlers to place themselves in a state of defense.

GEN. HENRY ATKINSON.

CAPT. HENRY SMITH, U.S.A.

GEORGE DAVENPORT, ASSISTANT QUARTERMASTER.

LIEUT. N.J. EATON, U.S.A.

LIEUT. M.L. CLARK, U.S.A.

Lieut.-Col. Zachary Taylor, with two companies of the First Infantry, returned with Atkinson to Fort Armstrong, which was reached on the 19th. Immediately after the conclusion of the council on the 13th, General Atkinson dispatched a letter to Governor Reynolds, who had not been idle, asking the latter for the assistance again of his militia, to drive Black Hawk and his band from the State once more. Promptly on the 16th, the Governor responded with a call for an indefinite number of men, accompanied by this appeal:

“To the MILITIA OF THE NORTHWESTERN SECTION OF THE STATE.

“FELLOW CITIZENS:

“Your country requires your services. The Indians have assumed a hostile attitude and have invaded the State in violation of the treaty of last summer.

“The British band of Sacs and other hostile Indians, headed by Black Hawk, are in possession of the Rock River country, to the great terror of the frontier inhabitants. I consider the settlers on the frontiers to be in imminent danger.

“I am in possession of the above information from gentlemen of respectable standing, and also from General Atkinson, whose character stands high with all classes.

“In possession of the above facts and information, I have hesitated not as to the course I should pursue. No citizen ought to remain inactive when his country is invaded and the helpless part of the community are in danger. I have called out a strong detachment of militia to rendezvous at Beardstown on the 22d inst.

“Provisions for the men and food for the horses will be furnished in abundance.

“I hope my countrymen will realize my expectations and offer their services as heretofore, with promptitude and cheerfulness in defense of their country.”

Meantime, to protect the frontier, he on the same day called for a battalion of 200 militia under Major Isaiah Stillman of Fulton County, to patrol the country to the north and westward. On the 20th Judge Richard M. Young, Col. James M. Strode and Benjamin Mills wrote from Dixon’s Ferry to the Governor, urging haste in protecting the settlements along that part of Kellogg’s trail between Peoria and Dixon’s Ferry, and at once another battalion of 200 men, under Major David Bailey of Tazewell County, was called out for the purpose, and both battalions quickly responded.

On the 19th, General Atkinson met the friendly Sacs and Foxes, who in the meantime had brought in three young men engaged in the Menominee murders. Wapello, who delivered them up, said: “There are the young men who have taken pity on the women and children. There are three of them. These are my chiefs. These are the men who went into the braves’ lodge to give themselves up. Father, I have received these young men. I now deliver them to you.”

Keokuk spoke in the same strain, and received assurances that the young men should receive generous treatment.[^[96]]

Until the 24th, General Atkinson had sent embassies to Black Hawk to dissuade him from his enterprise, but hearing nothing from them, he dispatched two young Sacs with a mild talk. On the 26th they returned, bringing Black Hawk’s answer that “his heart was bad and that he was determined not to turn back.”

During these negotiations occurred one of the most daring and heroic incidents of the campaign. Col. Henry Gratiot, father-in-law to the late Hon. E.B. Washburne, had early established smelting works at Gratiot’s Grove, just over the line into the present county of LaFayette, Wisconsin. By his humane and honorable treatment of the Winnebagoes he had secured their unbounded confidence, and the Government had made him agent for the Winnebagoes, under the celebrated John Kinzie, then at Fort Winnebago. Upon him General Atkinson relied as the one man above all others who could gain the ear of the Winnebago “Prophet,” who was in his agency, and Black Hawk’s evil genius, and turn the deluded British band back to its Iowa reservation. From Fort Crawford General Atkinson had dispatched a[^[97]] request to undertake this perilous mission. Colonel Gratiot received the same April 16 and started, taking one white man. On the 19th he arrived at the Turtle village of the Winnebagoes, where, in order to secure a hearing, he was delayed until the 22d. There twenty-four Winnebago chiefs and head men were added to his embassy, including Broken Shoulder, Whirling Thunder, White Crow, Little Medicine Man and Little Priest among the number.[^[98]] He hurriedly rode to Dixon’s Ferry, where canoes were taken and the journey completed to the Prophet’s village on the 25th. There, despite his flag of truce, Colonel Gratiot was surrounded by hostile Sacs, who, with every demonstration of violence,[^[99]] made him prisoner, Black Hawk himself, who had hoisted the British flag in camp, supervising the incident, and evil times had certainly fallen upon the head of Colonel Gratiot had not the Prophet, seeing the danger of his agent, rushed to his rescue, crying, “Good man, good man, my friend. I take him to my wigwam. I feed him. He be good friend of my Indians.”

COL. HENRY GRATIOT.

WA-BO-KI-E-SHIEK, THE PROPHET.

HENRY EDDY.

GEN. SAMUEL WHITESIDE.

When the Prophet had him securely in the wigwam, Colonel Gratiot explained the peaceful object of his mission and the perfidy of the Indians if they refused to deal honorably with him. He further sought, with all the eloquence and logic he could master, to dissuade the Prophet and Black Hawk from their unrighteous expedition. The Prophet listened attentively, but if any impression had been made upon him it was not noticeable in word or action, and neither could he be persuaded to try to influence Black Hawk to give up his mad enterprise. However, as a friend, the Prophet was determined to save Colonel Gratiot’s life, if such a thing were possible. He kept him in the wigwam for two or three days, watching an opportunity to free them. The ferocious Sacs clamored louder each hour for scalps, and no doubt would have succeeded in taking them had not the Prophet seduced them away temporarily by promises until the desired opportunity should arrive. Returning hastily on the 27th, he said to Colonel Gratiot: “Chouteau,[^[100]] you have always been my friend and the friend of my people, and you and your party must not be harmed, but there is great trouble. My young men will never consent to give you up and so you must leave without their knowledge. Your canoes are on the shore; go to them at a moment when I shall indicate and leave instantly, and go with all speed–like wild fire–for the young men will give you chase. All will depend on the strength of your arms.”

The signal was given, and scarcely had the canoes been launched when an alarm in the village brought the Sacs and young Winnebagoes to the river, where a wild war-whoop was sounded and an exciting chase down Rock River was begun to capture and kill Colonel Gratiot. Gratiot’s men pulled for their lives, first losing and then gaining. The maddened Sacs whooped and shrieked with anger at the possible miscarriage of their plans as they lent renewed vigor to their strokes, but a sense of their overwhelming danger put courage and strength into the oars of the pursued and they finally distanced their pursuers, arriving safely at Fort Armstrong on April 27th, unnerved and exhausted, to report that nothing could be done by moral suasion to prevent the advance of Black Hawk and that nothing but force would avail.

While captive in the Prophet’s tent Black Hawk came to see him, and in response to the appeal of Gratiot to return, replied that his heart was bad; that he was going sixty miles up the river, and if molested would fight.[^[101]]

CHAPTER XVII.

The Militia Moves to Rock River.

At Beardstown the forces rapidly gathered. Colonels March and Christy were again placed in charge of the commissary department, but Christy, unable to give the service that attention which it demanded, resigned, leaving March to go alone to St. Louis for supplies, with instructions to have them at Yellow Banks (now Oquawka), on the Mississippi River, by the time the army reached that point. Col. E.C. Berry, Adjutant-General, and Col. Henry Eddy, Quartermaster-General of the State Militia, accompanied the expedition clear through. Gen. Samuel Whiteside was appointed Brigadier-General and the other field officers were elected by the troops.

Two companies of foot appeared, which were formed into a battalion under the command of Major Thomas Long, and though infantry was not asked for in the call for troops, it was deemed impolitic to decline them, and they were disposed of by the following order:

“Headquarters, Beardstown, April 29, 1832.

“Special Order.–Major Thomas Long, commanding the odd battalion of infantry.

“Sir:–You are hereby commanded to repair forthwith on the steamboat employed in the service of the United States to the mouth of Henderson’s River, and there await further orders. And you will strictly prohibit all shooting and other disorderly conduct in your command, and use all military precaution to protect the steamboat upon which you are conveyed, and use every exertion to meet the army at the point designated on the 2d of May next.

“By order of Brig.-Gen. Whiteside.

“Nathaniel Buckmaster, Brigade Major.”

On the 30th Governor Reynolds had received a message from Atkinson stating that the Indians had begun that day a movement up Rock River. Had the order to Major Long not been issued, the army might have been ordered to Peoria or Hennepin and Black Hawk could easily have been headed off at Dixon’s Ferry, saving thereby much blood and treasure, but Reynolds feared he could not overtake March and divert him to the course up the Illinois River, therefore the circuitous march to Yellow Banks was undertaken. We have fortunately preserved to us an account of that march, made by Private O.H. Browning, later United States Senator, and later Secretary of the Interior.

“Minutes of an expedition undertaken to the northern part of the State of Illinois, in the spring of 1832, against the hostile bands of Sac and Fox Indians, who, it was rumored, had invaded that portion of said State which lies contiguous to and upon both sides of Rock River.

“Sunday, April 22, 1832.

“About 12 o’clock an order from John Reynolds, Governor of the State of Illinois, reached Quincy, requiring the colonel commandant of the militia of Adams County to raise a company of fifty mounted men and march them without delay to Beardstown on the Illinois River, the place appointed for the rendezvous of the army.

“Monday, 23.

“Militia of county convened at Quincy. Second order received from Governor increasing the requisition from 50 to 100 men, all of whom volunteered. Elected William G. Flood captain of Quincy company, Ed. L. Pearson first lieutenant and Thomas Crocker second lieutenant. Philip W. Martin elected captain of Bear Creek company, Howard first and Lillard second lieutenant. Elam S. Freeman chosen to take command as major until we reached Rushville, to which place we were directed to march instead of Beardstown.

Tuesday, 24.

“Spent in making preparations to march.

“Wednesday, 25.

“Convened in Quincy and between 11 and 12 o’clock marched with 80 or 85 mounted volunteers. Three miles from Quincy heavy fall of rain. Continued our march 15 miles and encamped at Lasley’s.

“Thursday, 26.

“Marched from Lasley’s to west bank of Crooked Creek in Schuyler County and encamped 11 miles from Rushville.

“Warm, and sultry. Encampment much infested with rattlesnakes. Killed several. At 8 o’clock commenced raining and continued without intermission during the night. Had no tents. Could not sleep. Stood in mud ankle deep till day.

“Friday, 27.

“Morning cold and rainy. Decamped early. Crossed Crooked Creek in boat and marched through mud knee deep to our horses to Rushville. Stopped and took some refreshments. Got merry and continued our march three miles east of Rushville on the road to Beardstown and encamped.

“Saturday and Sunday, 28 and 29.

“Remained at the encampment, troops collecting from various places coming up from headquarters at Beardstown.

“Monday, 30.

“Whole army, consisting of 1,300 horses and some foot, removed seven miles and again encamped four miles north of Rushville. The two companies from Adams were now attached to the Greene, Montgomery and Bond troops and formed into a regiment to the command of which Col. Jacob Fry of Greene County was elected. Major Gregory commanded the battalion of Greene troops and Capt. Philip W. Martin of Adams was elected to the command of the battalion composed of the Adams, Bond and Montgomery troops. David Crow succeeded Martin in the command of the Bear Creek Company of Adams troops. E.S. Freeman of Adams was appointed adjutant to the regiment, Hiram Bennett of Montgomery quartermaster, E.L.R. Wheelock of Adams paymaster, Dr. Dulaney of Greene surgeon and Calvert Roberts of Montgomery sergeant-major. A brigade had been formed previous to the troops leaving Beardstown, to command which General Samuel Whitesides was appointed by Governor Reynolds, who accompanied the army on its march. Mr. Nathaniel Buckmaster of Madison County received the appointment of brigade major, after having been a candidate for the command of the regiment, consisting in part of the troops from his own county, and after having been rejected by them.

“Tuesday, May 1.

“Took up line of march for Yellow Banks, 70 or 75 miles distant; traveled about 25 miles and encamped in McDonough County.

“Wednesday, May 2.

“Continued our march successfully and encamped at night, by order of Mr. Buckmaster, in a large prairie, two miles from timber or water. Night cold and tempestuous–much dissatisfaction and murmuring among the troops. All cursing Buck for keeping them in the prairie.

“Thursday, May 3.

“About 12 o’clock reached Henderson River; not fordable–no boats or canoes. No pioneers had been sent forward to construct bridges. Army crossed in great disorder by felling trees into the river at different places, making thereby a show of bridges upon which the troops crossed with difficulty and swam their horses–two or three horses drowned. Continued our march to the Yellow Banks in Warren County, which we reached before night and encamped. Provision scarce. Hogs shot by the soldiers. Supplies brought up Mississippi River by steamboat William Wallace. No guard placed out at night.”

Private Browning was evidently a fair weather soldier and not at all disposed to accept camp life in a soldier-like way, like his superior, Major Buckmaster. Governor Reynolds is authority for the statement that after separating the army into two divisions the 2,000 horses, with their riders, crossed the swollen Henderson River in less than three hours, with the loss of but one horse. The boat with provisions had not yet arrived, which caused Governor Reynolds much anxiety. Neither did it appear on the fourth nor the morning of the fifth, when Reynolds in despair dispatched three pioneers, Messrs. Hewitt, Luther Tunnell and Orestus Ames, to go to Fort Armstrong, some fifty miles distant, for provisions. Before night they reached Atkinson’s headquarters, and by the morning of the sixth a boat, the William Wallace, hove to with ample supplies.[^[102]] The times were trying and should have been met as bravely and patiently as soldier life demands.

MAJ. THOMAS LONG.

O.H. BROWNING.

COL. WILLIAM ROSS.

CAPT. BENJAMIN BARNEY.

The spirit of unrest in the pioneer breast when in restraint must, of course, be considered and many extenuations allowed, but Private Browning, a lawyer, should not have been so critical. This spirit of unrest and insubordination was responsible for Stillman’s defeat and the unhappy and futile ending of this campaign. It should be noticed, too, in this connection that in the face of the Indian Creek massacre, when all were bound by every principle of humanity to avenge it, Major Buckmaster re-enlisted and fought to do it, while Private Browning did not.

From Yellow Banks Reynolds desired to move with all speed on to Dixon’s Ferry to overtake Black Hawk, if possible at that late date, but with the provisions sent by Atkinson, which arrived just at dark on the 6th, came a message that Black Hawk was returning down the river and that the volunteers were needed at the mouth of Rock River. Therefore camp was broken the following morning and the march to that point made in one day, arriving May 7th, about nightfall.[^[103]]

The report of Black Hawk’s descent proved untrue and added another important factor to the Stillman miscarriage, because Reynolds, by marching direct to Dixon’s Ferry, could have followed the hypothenuse of the triangle on solid ground and had an easy journey. As it followed, however, he was forced to pursue both sides of the triangle, over swampy ground and through almost impassable bogs and bayous, until the strength of the troops was spent and their temper turned. But, above all, time was lost. While the rains made bad marching and bad tempers, they likewise promised great returns to the husbandman, and the fact that many were forced to leave their plows contributed to imperil the good disposition of the troops. The probable loss of a crop meant much to them that year, for the reason that the two preceding years had been failures and destitution was abroad in the land.[^[104]] Men dropped their plows when the call came, without asking questions, but under delays and hardships, while they cursed Black Hawk, they murmured.

A fine illustration of the alacrity with which those men responded was written in the history of Pike County.

“On Friday, the 20th day of April, 1832, in response to Governor Reynolds’ call for volunteers to fight Black Hawk, the following order was issued: ‘Company Orders–The volunteer company of Pike County will meet at Atlas on Monday the 23d, ready to take up the march by sunrise, except such part of the company as are living on the east side of the county, which part will meet the company at the house of William Hinman, about four miles this side of Phillips’ Ferry, on the same day, all with a good horse, and rifle, powder horn, half pound of powder and one hundred balls, with three days’ provisions. The commanding officer of said company flatters himself that every man will be prompt to his duty.

“‘W. Ross,

“‘Capt. 1st Rifles, Pike Co.’”

The Captain called upon Benjamin Barney at his blacksmith shop and told him of the nature of the order he had received and asked him forthwith to mount a horse and start out to notify the settlers to assemble immediately. Benjamin Barney was engaged at his forge at the time, making a plow, but he at once laid down his hammer and tongs, untied his leathern apron, left his fire to smoulder and die, and started immediately upon his mission. The men responded, and, bidding their families good-by, went forward, leaving their work to languish. Beardstown, then Yellow Banks, and finally the mouth of Rock River were reached, and at the latter place the troops were met by the officers and men of the regular army, and here the volunteers were sworn[^[105]] into the United States service by Gen. Henry Atkinson on the 8th day of May. Lieut. I.R.B. Gardenier, then on detached service at the Dubuque lead mines, was ordered to Galena at this time by request of its citizens, to assist in its defense. There he was placed at the head of a volunteer company to drill them, and there he remained, with a brief exception, until July 14th, when he was superseded by Nicholas Dowling.

While mentioning members of this celebrated old Sixth regiment, it will be of interest to copy the roster complete from the official army register:

Colonel, Henry Atkinson, Brevet Brigadier General.

Lieutenant-Colonel, Daniel Baker.

Major, William Davenport.

Captains, Bennet Riley, I. Clark, Jr., Jacob Brown, Zalmon C. Palmer, W.N. Wickliffe, Henry Smith, Thomas Noel, Jason Rogers, George C. Hutter and Clifton Wharton.

First Lieutenants, R. Holmes, G.W. Waters, Levi M. Nute, M.W. Batman, George Andrews, Asa Richardson, John Nichols, G.H. Crossman, J. Van Swearengen and Joseph S. Worth.

Second Lieutenants, H. St. J. Linden, Gustavus Dorr, Albert S. Johnston, Joseph D. Searight, F.J. Brooke, P. St. George Cooke, Nathaniel J. Eaton, Robert Sevier, Gus S. Rousseau, Thomas F. Drayton, William Hoffman, Albert Cady, Jonathan Freeman, M.L. Clark, T.L. Alexander, J.S. Van Derveer, Thomas J. Royster, J.S. Williams and John Conrod.

Of the First Infantry and participating were Lieut.-Col. Zachary Taylor, Major John Bliss, the mustering officer of 1831.

Captains William S. Harney,[^[106]] William R. Jouett, E.A. Hitchcock, who, with the junior officers and men, went to Rock Island and then to Dixon, and Capt. R.B. Mason. First Lieut. W.M. Boyce, Second Lieut. Levin Gale and Captain Thomas Barker and First Lieut. W.L. Harris, who remained at Fort Crawford.

With the first named captains of the First were First Lieutenants Albert S. Miller, J.W. Kingsbury, J.J. Abercrombie; Second Lieutenants E.G. Mitchell, Jefferson Davis and J.K. Greenough.

Second Regiment, Col. Hugh Brady.

Fourth Regiment, Lieut.-Col. David E. Twiggs, Capt. James H. Hook, First Lieut. W.M. Graham, Second Lieut. F.D. Newcomb. Fifth Regiment, Lieut.-Col. Enos Cutler, Capt. Gideon Lowe, First Lieut. James Engle and Second Lieut. Amos Foster.

At the breaking out of hostilities in 1832 Major John Bliss, of the First Regiment, was in command of Ft. Armstrong; Lieut.-Col. Zachary Taylor, of the First, was in command of Ft. Crawford; Col. Henry Atkinson, of the Sixth, was in command of Jefferson Barracks; Major William Davenport, of the Sixth, was in command of Canton Leavenworth, and Lieut.-Col. Enos Cutler, of the Fifth, was in command of Ft. Winnebago, the five Government forts prominent in this war.

CAPT. W.S. HARNEY, U.S.A

LIEUT. JOHN S.C. HOGAN.

GEN. HUGH BRADY.

MAJ. D.E. TWIGGS.

FORT CRAWFORD.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Roster–Movement up Rock River Begun–The Prophet’s Village Burned–Forced March to Dixon’s Ferry.

Prior to that time, several officers had been granted furloughs, and when Black Hawk crossed the river were far away from their regiments, but immediately upon hearing of the hostile intention of the Indians, every officer returned to this point and rejoined his regiment. Among the number were Capt. W.S. Harney and Lieut. Jefferson Davis.

All being now in readiness to march, it may be well to repeat the names of all officers elected and appointed up to the morning of May 9th, when the last change in the personnel of the staff was made.

CYRUS EDWARDS.

JAMES T.B. STAPP.

DAVID PRICKETT.

COL. JOHN THOMAS.

MAJ. ALEXANDER BEALL.

GEORGE OREAR.

CAPT. W.G. FLOOD.

SAMUEL HORNEY.

Governor John Reynolds, the commander-in-chief of the militia, who for many reasons was desired to march with the volunteers, named as his staff:

James Turney, Paymaster General.[^[107]]

Cyrus Edwards, Quartermaster General.

Vital Jarrot, Adjutant General.

Joseph M. Chadwick, Aid-de-Camp, with rank as Colonel.

James T.B. Stapp, Aid-de-Camp, with rank as Colonel.

Reddick Horn, Chaplain.

Brigade Officers.

Samuel Whiteside, Brigade General.

Nathaniel Buckmaster, Brigade Major.

William Ross, First Aid.

James Semple, Second Aid.[^[108]]

David Prickett, Third Aid.

William E. Starr, Brigade Paymaster.

William Thomas, Brigade Quartermaster.

First Regiment.

John Thomas (then signed Junior), Colonel.

Solomon Preuitt, Lieutenant Colonel.

John Starkey, Major.

A.W. Snyder, Adjutant.

J.A. Blackwell, Quartermaster.

William G. Brown, Paymaster.

Richard Roman, Surgeon.

J.M. McTyre Cornelius, Surgeon’s Mate.

Samuel Sybold, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.

Alexander Shields, Sergeant-Major.

Second Regiment.

Jacob Fry, Colonel.

Charles Gregory, Lieutenant-Colonel.

Philip W. Martin, Major.

Elam S. Freeman, Adjutant.

Hiram C. Bennett, Quartermaster.

James Durley, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.

E.L.R. Wheelock, Paymaster.