JOUTEL’S JOURNAL OF
LA SALLE’S LAST VOYAGE.

Edition limited to five hundred copies printed from type
of which this is No.________

GUDEBROD’S STATUE OF LA SALLE
AT THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION, ST. LOUIS, 1904.

Joutel’s Journal of
La Salle’s Last Voyage
1684–7

WITH A FRONTISPIECE OF GUDEBROD’S STATUE OF LA SALLE AND THE MAP OF THE ORIGINAL FRENCH EDITION, PARIS 1713, IN FACSIMILE.

NEW EDITION WITH HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION, ANNOTATIONS AND INDEX BY HENRY REED STILES, A. M., M. D.

TO WHICH IS ADDED A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI BY APPLETON P. C. GRIFFIN, OF THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.

ALBANY, N. Y.
JOSEPH McDONOUGH
1906

Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1906
By JOSEPH McDONOUGH,
In the office of the Librarian of Congress, Washington.

TO THE MEMORY OF
JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL. D.,
THE INDEFATIGABLE HISTORIAN
OF THE
MISSIONS, LITERATURE AND HISTORY
OF THE
ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN NORTH AMERICA,
AND A
MAN OF MODEST, PIOUS AND BLAMELESS LIFE
THIS,
THE FINAL VOLUME OF A SERIES PROJECTED
BY HIMSELF, OVER FORTY YEARS AGO,
IS
SINCERELY DEDICATED
BY
THE PUBLISHER AND EDITOR.

PUBLISHER’S NOTE.

This volume is the concluding one of a series projected by the late John Gilmary Shea, LL. D., on the “Discovery and Explorations of the Mississippi Valley.” The initial volume, issued in 1852, comprises the Narratives of Marquette, Allouez, Membré, Hennepin and Anastase Douay. The second, issued in 1861, contains those of Cavelier, St. Cosme, Le Seuer, Gravier and Guignas.

The present volume, giving Joutel’s Journal of La Salle’s third and last voyage, is reprinted from the first English translation of 1714, of the original French edition of 1713.

A facsimile reprint of the above English edition was issued (privately) by the Caxton Club of Chicago, in 1896, in an edition of 203 copies, and enriched by textual notes by Prof. Melville B. Anderson, now of Menlo Park, California,—the result of his careful collation of the English with the French original. These notes, by the special permission of Mr. Anderson, have been incorporated in the present volume and indicated by his initials.

With a view, also, to render this edition as compendious a source of reference as possible for the student of this subject, we have added, by the courtesy of the author, the exceedingly full and valuable “Bibliography of the Discovery and Explorations in the Mississippi Valley,” by Mr. Appleton P. C. Griffin, formerly of the Boston Public Library, now Chief Bibliographer of the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Historical Introduction.

La Salle’s Two Previous Voyages.

The earliest French explorers of the seventeenth century, among the great lakes and rivers of the North American continent,—Champlain, Nicolet, Marquette, Hennepin, Joliet and La Salle—were men of no common mould. Whether clerics, imbued with the enthusiasm of their holy faith, or laymen, dominated by the love of adventure and the prospect of adding to the wealth and glory of their beloved France, their ideals were sublime, their labors prodigious, their sufferings heroic, their perseverance indomitable. They possessed “the courage of their convictions;” and despite the difficulties, dangers, and reverses which befell them, their successive explorations all contributed to the result finally achieved by La Salle,—the discovery of the “Father of Waters”—the Mississippi.

“Second only to Champlain, among the heroes of Canadian history,” says John Fiske,[1] “stands Robert Cavelier de la Salle—a man of iron, if ever there was one—a man austere and cold in manner, and endowed with such indomitable pluck and perseverance as have never been surpassed in the world. He did more than any other man to extend the dominion of France in the New World. As Champlain had founded the colony of Canada, and opened the way to the great lakes, so La Salle completed the discovery of the Mississippi, and added to the French possessions the vast province of Louisiana.”

René Robert Cavelier, better known as La Salle, from the name of the family’s estate, was born, in 1643, at Rouen, Normandy, France. The Caveliers, though not ennobled, were citizens of marked social and some official distinction in that ancient and wealthy city. His father, Jean, and his uncle Henri, were rich merchants, and the latter, at least, was one of the “Hundred Associates” of Cardinal Richelieu, a syndicate largely interested in trade with the territorial possessions of France, in America.[2] Being an earnest Catholic, Robert, at an early age, became connected with the Jesuits, and in their schools acquired an excellent education, especially in the higher mathematics and the exact sciences. His nature, however, was one which chafed under the restrictions of a monastic order; and he subsequently withdrew from them, though on good terms, and with a reputation as a bright scholar, and of unimpeachable morals. Free to seek a wider field for his activities than that offered by an ecclesiastical career, his attention was drawn to Canada, where an elder brother, John Cavelier, a priest of the Sulpitian order, was then residing. But, as his connection with and withdrawal from the Jesuit order had—under a recent French law—deprived him of any claim upon the estate of his recently deceased father, he lacked the means needed for the voyage thither. Finally, he obtained an allowance (probably from his family) of 300 or 400 livres, with which slender sum he sailed to seek his fortune, in the spring of 1666.

Shortly after his arrival at Montreal, he received from the Superior of the Sulpitian Seminary, which had recently become the feudal lord of that city, a large grant of land (a “seigniory”) in that vicinity.[3] This he immediately proceeded to improve, by the introduction of new settlers as tenants, the erection of buildings, and the cultivation of the soil. It is probable, however, that even before coming to Canada he had outlined to himself a much wider sphere of activity. For, with the prevision which was a feature of his character, he spent much of his time during the first two years of his life at La Chine, in mastering the Indian languages, especially those of the Iroquois and Algonquin dialects. And in this, he evidently struck upon the initial point of his future career. For, from a party of Senecas who visited with him several weeks at his seigniory, he learned of a great river (which they called the Ohio) “flowing into the sea,” and only to be reached by a journey of eight or nine months. This, he conceived, might be the river of which he had already heard as emptying into the “Vermilion Sea,” or Gulf of California, and, thinking that perchance it might possibly prove to be a northwest route to China, he projected a voyage of discovery thither.[4] With this in view he planned a visit to the Senecas, to learn all that they might know in relation to the matter. Communicating his plans to the Governor (Courcelle) and the Intendant (Talon) of Canada, he received from them the necessary authorization to make the attempt. But first, as it must be made at his own expense, and as he had already spent all his means upon the improvement of his seigniory, he was obliged to sell his lands, etc., mainly to the Seminary, from which he had obtained them. He, also, though perhaps rather unfortunately, joined his interests with those of the Sulpitians, in a voyage of discovery which that order were about to make for missionary purposes, in the same direction.

The First Voyage of Exploration, 1669–1675.

This joint expedition, under command of La Salle, started from La Chine, July 6th, 1669, with the Ohio river as its objective point. It consisted of 4 canoes, and 15 men of La Salle’s party; 3 canoes and 7 men of the Sulpitian contingent, and 2 canoes of Seneca Indians, acting as guides—9 canoes and 24 men in all. Thirty-five days travel brought them to the Seneca village (Irondequoit, on the south side of Lake Ontario), where they found a cordial welcome, but, also, difficulty in obtaining guides. While thus delayed, there arrived in camp two Frenchmen, one of whom was Louis Joliet, fur-trader and voyageur, himself an honorable figure in the annals of western discovery. Joliet, who had visited the upper lakes, whither he had been sent by Talon, the French Intendant at Montreal, to discover and report upon the copper mines of Lake Superior, showed to the priests of La Salle’s party a map which he had made of that region, and of which he gave them a copy; and he told them, moreover, of the heathenish condition of the Pottawatomies and other tribes dwelling in those parts. This so inflamed the religious zeal of the priests that they incontinently lost all their interest in the Ohio project, and determined to deflect their course toward the lake region, despite all the objections which La Salle could urge. So that, being firmly set in his own designs, he urged a recent illness as his excuse for parting with them; and the Sulpitians started northward, and got back to Montreal in June, 1670, with nothing to show (owing to sundry misfortunes and losses, especially that of their altar-service, without which they could not convert the heathen) either in the way of discovery, or of missionary results. La Salle’s movements, after this “parting of the ways,” and for two years following, are somewhat involved in obscurity. There is little doubt, however, that he was busily engaged in explorations and discoveries of some importance.[5] Certain it is, that he discovered the Ohio, since his own assertion of the fact, in a memoir addressed to Count Frontenac, in 1677, is confirmed by the testimony of his rival, Joliet, upon whose two maps of the Mississippi and the great lakes, the Ohio is depicted with an inscription stating that it had been explored by La Salle.

The evidence of his having, on this voyage, reached and descended the Mississippi is not so clear. What militates most strongly against the assumption that he did so, is the fact, that, though he kept journals and made maps of this trip, which were, as late as 1765, in possession of a niece then living in France, at an advanced age; yet, when, after La Salle’s death, this niece together with an uncle and a nephew of the explorer petitioned the King for a certain grant in consideration of the discoveries made by their distinguished relative, they made no mention of such discovery, as they would most likely have done if they had known of it.

But the discovery of the Illinois river must, undoubtedly, be credited to him.

Returning to Canada, from his long wanderings, he found great changes going on in that country. It was no longer simply a missionary field, but was fast assuming the form and character of a colony. A royal Viceroy, or Governor-General, had taken the place of the former Governor and Intendant; and the controlling interests of the Sulpitian order were now largely overshadowed by those of the Jesuits. Both Count Frontenac, the Governor, and the Intendant Talon, were men of similar character and held like views with La Salle. Like him, they entertained plans of wider scope than those of any previous Canadian officials. And when he broached his plan of finding and opening up of the Mississippi, and the rich southern country through which it ran, and of fortifying along its course, and especially at its outlet, against the incursions of the Spanish and English, he enlisted their ready sympathy. Thus, leaving to the Jesuits, with a dislike of whom they all three seemed to have been imbued, the frozen Canadian country; and to the English, that portion of the continent east of the Alleghanies, they proposed to themselves to conquer the remainder of this vast territory for the King of France.

The generally accepted French policy of that day, in regard to the acquisition of new territory in North America, was that the discovery of a great river gave to all the territory drained by such river an inchoate (or inceptive) title, which later could be completed by occupation. It was the attempt to carry out this policy which cost (and lost) France the Seven Years War, in which the politics and history of America and Europe became inextricably mixed. And of this policy, Count Frontenac, the Governor, Talon, the Intendant, and La Salle, the explorer, now became the leading exponents in Canada. They were all exceptionally strong men, full of ambitions and untiring energy, and their scheme combined not only military occupation, but the reclamation of the Indian tribes and their concentration around the proposed chain of French forts, together with colonies of French immigrants of an agricultural and industrial character, the extension of the buffalo fur-trade, etc.—in fact a most enchanting mirage of future civilization and Christianity in the vast central area of this continent. In itself, the scheme was too vast to be more than a sketch of future possibilities; and, moreover, it ignored certain needs and facts which were most important to its success. For instance, the French immigration to this country, at that time, was totally inadequate to furnish settlers enough, and with sufficient rapidity to ensure the successful colonization of the new territory. Again, the pacification among themselves, of the numerous and warring Indian tribes which occupied this western continent, and the securing of their peaceful and friendly co-operation with the whites, was a work almost impossible within the limits of a generation or more—and, until it was done, colonization would be slow, and its difficulties and dangers deterrent to such emigration. Another inherent point of weakness in the plan was the difficulty of keeping in touch with and depending upon a home government thousands of miles away, as well as the uncertain nature of such dependence in the political, commercial, and ecclesiastical conflicts which would be apt to arise, and necessarily would have to be adjusted, more or less, through the medium of Colonial officials—whose motives would not always be free from the imputation of self-interest.

The jealousy of the Jesuits, now conscious of their waning power in the affairs of the new Colonial régime, had always been felt by La Salle—and probably with good reason—to be inimical to his plans; and the future held out no hope of its being less persistent or bitter.

The personality of the explorer, also, weighed fully as much against, as for, the success of his undertaking. By nature cold, reserved, and reticent, he was not a genial man; and possessed little or none of that magnetism which wins men’s hearts. Absorbed, as he was, with the details of his great plans, and the responsibilities which they imposed upon him, he was ever self-contained and self-repressed. Even the few most faithful and trusted companions of his labors could hardly be considered as on terms of intimacy with him. And the necessity of maintaining the strictest discipline among the class of men by whose following and aid he had to carry on his work—voyageurs, courriers des bois, traders, canoeists, and Indians—who comprehended him not, but were simply compelled by the force of his will, certainly did not tend to establish that community of interest which should have existed between them. It was, in fact, this lacking quality in an otherwise magnificent character, which was ever thwarting his plans and which rendered his brief career of eight years in exploration work an almost uninterrupted record of disaster—leading—though with one momentary triumph—to a tragic end.

Omniscience is denied to Man. It belongs only to the Creator, who has given to men, in its place, the limited faculty of foresight. And, with such foresight as they had, the three promoters of the fortunes of New France—Count Frontenac, Talon, and La Salle—formulated their plans, and in the autumn of 1674 the latter sailed for France, to obtain the royal sanction and the moneyed help which were needed. Whatever the strength or the weaknesses of their project, money was their sine qua non.

La Salle’s first return to France. Bearing strong letters of recommendation from Frontenac to the French Minister of State, Colbert,[6] he met with a cordial reception at home. In response to his petitions to the King, he was, in consideration of his services as an explorer, raised to the ranks of the untitled nobility[7] and was granted the seigniory of the new post on Lake Ontario, which, in honor to his patron, was named Fort Frontenac. He was also invested with the command of the same, together with that of the settlement around it, subject to the authority of his friend the Governor-General. On his part he undertook to repay to the King the cost of the fort, to maintain it, at his own charge, with a garrison equal to that of Montreal, besides laborers; to form a French colony around it, as well as one of domesticated Indians near by; to build a church and support one or more Récollet friars.

He had but little trouble, now that he was in the sunshine of royal favor, in obtaining from his gratified family and friends the needed funds; and on his return to Canada (1675), proceeded to comply with the terms of his seigniorial grant. Within two years, the original wooden fort was replaced by a much larger one of cut stone, on the land side, and on the outer side by palisades, and its walls manned by nine small cannon. On the inside it contained barracks, a guard-house, officers’ quarters, a forge, a well, a mill, and a bakery—all of substantial build. Its garrison consisted of two officers, a surgeon, and ten or twelve soldiers, with a large number of masons, laborers, and canoe-men. Near the two villages which stretched along the shore south of the fort (one of French farm-tenants, the other of friendly Iroquois) were the chapel and residence of two Récollet friars. Over a hundred (French) acres of cleared and cultivated land, and cattle, fowl, and swine, brought from Montreal, gave ample evidence of permanent occupation; and four vessels for lake and river navigation, as well as a fleet of canoes, hinted strongly at the seignior’s predilection for travel and exploration. Feudal lord of the entire region around him (for the nearest settlement was a week’s journey distant), commander of a garrison paid by himself, founder and patron of a church, he was now literally “master of all which he surveyed;” and had he been content so to remain, would soon have become a merchant-prince, for, ere long, as estimated by a friend, he was “making more than 25,000 livres a year.”

His cup of success, however, was not without its infusion of bitterness. He found himself in a very maelstrom of opposition and detraction, arising from the jealousy of those interested in the Montreal fur-trade, (especially among the Jesuits), who saw in the royal favors conferred on La Salle the ultimate downfall of their own interests. In this violent imbroglio of commercial, political and priestly rivalry, envy, malice, contemptible, and persistent espionage, and even poison, played their respective parts.

Meanwhile, the free life of Nature was wooing his spirit, the fever of exploration was still strong upon him; and he valued the position he had attained only as a stepping-stone to the realization of his life-long dream.

La Salle’s second return visit to France. So, in the autumn of 1677, leaving his fort and seigniory in charge of a trusted lieutenant, La Forest, who was also one of his partners in the proposed fur-trade, La Salle sailed again for France. There, lodged modestly in a rather obscure quarter of Paris, he renewed the friendships and associations which he had formed during his previous visit; and added to them by making new and valuable friends. Among these were the Marquis de Seignelay, the Prince de Conti, La Motte de Sussière, and last but not least, Henri de Tonti, thenceforth his foremost companion in his Western labors.[8] La Salle also received from the King a royal patent authorizing him to explore and occupy the Mississippi country, “through which, to all appearances, a way may be found to Mexico.” This patent, confirmatory of that granted him in 1675, imposed upon him the erection and maintenance of such forts as he might deem necessary, and gave him a monopoly for five years of the trade in buffalo hides. The whole expense was to be borne (as was the custom of the monarchs of that day, in granting lands which they did not own, and the privileges which such grants carried with them) by the grantee. The fur-trade of the Montreal colony was not to be interfered with; nor did the patent include any provision or encouragement of the industrial or colonization scheme which had fully taken possession of La Salle’s mind. Content, however, with what he could get in the way of kingly favor—on the principle, perhaps, that “half a loaf is better than no loaf,” the adventurer turned his attention to securing the needed funds, and soon, by loans from friends and family, and by mortgages upon his Fort Frontenac property, had raised sufficient to carry out his purpose.

On the 14th July, 1678, Le Sieur La Salle, as he must thenceforth be called, with Tonti, La Motte, and 30 men, mostly ship carpenters, with a cargo of iron, cordage, anchors, etc., sufficient for the equipment of two vessels, set sail for Quebec, where they arrived after a two months’ voyage. Here they met with Father Hennepin, a Récollet friar, who had come to Canada three years before, and whose name from this point is prominently connected with American Western exploration.[9]

The Second Voyage of Exploration (1678–1679) was virtually commenced, under the orders of La Salle (who was with Tonti) detained at Quebec by his own affairs, and the difficulties arising from the machinations of his enemies,[10] by La Motte and Hennepin. They set sail, from Fort Frontenac, November 18th, 1678, in a small vessel of ten tons; but it was not until the 6th of December that they reached the mouth of the Niagara river and saw the grand cataract of which Hennepin’s pencil has preserved the first known picture and description. Two leagues above the mouth of the Niagara river La Motte began the erection of a fort, where he was joined later by La Salle and Tonti. Here, under almost unsurmountable obstacles, due to the excessive cold, and hunger, as well as jealousies among the men, and the distrust of the Indians, a ship-yard was improvised, and a vessel of about 45 tons was builded and equipped with five small cannon. She was named the Griffin, in honor of the Governor-General, and her prow was ornamented with a grotesque figure of that somewhat apocryphal animal, in compliment to his family arms.[11]

The building of this fort and of the Griffin was a masterstroke of La Salle’s, for Niagara was the key to the four great upper lakes (Erie, Huron, Superior, and Michigan), and by its position would control the fur-trade of the whole northern country. In time of peace it would intercept the trade between the Iroquois and the Dutch and English at Albany; in time of war it would be a menace to both.

Any forward movement, however, was delayed from February until August, 1679, by the absence of La Salle, who had been obliged to return, with Tonti, to Fort Frontenac for needed supplies, and to attend to some of his private affairs. For his creditors, excited by false reports of his insolvency, had seized upon all his available property, outside of his seigniory.

Despite these embarrassments, however, he pushed forward his enterprise, and by the 7th of August the Griffin was sailing upon the waters of Lake Erie, never before ploughed by the keel of a white man’s ship. Passing through the Straits of Detroit and into Lake Huron, they stayed not their course, although nearly wrecked by a fierce gale, until, early in September, they dropped anchor at the entrance of Green Bay, within the waters of Lake Michigan. Here, at Michilimackinac, was a Jesuit mission and centre of Indian trade, where they were received with show of welcome by the holy fathers, and with evident distrust by their Indian protegés. Here La Salle found that a party of his men whom he had sent on in advance to the Illinois, to trade for him and make preparations for his coming, had been tampered with, had appropriated the goods in their charge to their own uses, and that many of them were missing. Six of these rascals were found at Michilimackinac, and with two found by Tonti at the Sault Ste. Marie, were captured with their plunder and the remainder had taken to the woods. It had been La Salle’s intention to leave his party at this point to proceed on their way to the Illinois, under Tonti, while he himself should return to Canada, to look after and protect his own concerns there. But Tonti was just then absent, and there was great need of his remaining with his men, lest they should again be enticed away from their duty. Besides, he was desirous to frustrate a plan of his enemies, which he thought he had discovered, to set the Iroquois “by the ears” with the Illinois, with a view to draw him into the war, and thus interrupt his plans.

Finally sailing westward into Lake Michigan he found near Green Bay[12] several faithful men of the advance party whom he had sent out, who had collected there and on the way thither, a considerable store of furs; which he determined to send back to Niagara, on the Griffin, to satisfy his exacting creditors, with orders to return to the head of Lake Michigan as soon as possible.[13] She set sail on this return voyage on the 18th of September, in the face of a storm, which prevailed for several days. In the same storm, also, La Salle and the fourteen men left to him, by numerous desertions en route, resumed their journey, in four canoes, heavily laden with a forge, tools, merchandise, and arms. It was no pleasure trip; twice they were swamped, and nearly lost the contents of their canoes, as well as their lives: drenched, cold, and without provisions, they suffered much, and distrust of the Indians with whom they met on shore increased their sufferings. But steadily he pushed on along the western coast of Lake Michigan, and circled around its southern end until he reached the mouth of the St. Joseph, called by him the Miami. Here he had expected to meet Tonti with twenty men, coming along the eastern shore of the lake from Michilimackinac. But no Tonti was there. It was the 1st of November, the streams were freezing over, and their provisions were failing. Unless they could reach the villages of the Illinois before the Indians left for their winter hunt, starvation might be their fate. The dissatisfaction of his men presaged mutiny and desertion, but La Salle firmly refused to remove from the place where they were, and affirmed his intention, if they should desert, to remain with his Mohegan hunter and the three friars of his party until the arrival of Tonti. Then, the better to occupy their thoughts, he set them to work on the building of a timber fort. Twenty days later, and when this work was well under way, Tonti appeared, but with only half of his men. Provisions having failed, he had left the remainder thirty leagues behind, to get their living as best they might, by hunting. But La Salle sent him back, with two men, to find and bring them forward. On this return trip, their canoe was swamped in a violent gale, and guns, baggage, and provisions were lost and they returned to the fort on the Miami, subsisting on acorns by the way. The balance of Tonti’s party, except a couple of deserters, came into camp a few days after.

But the Griffin came not back to the waiting party. Nor was her fate ever known; whether she was lost by stress of storm, by Indian attack, or (as La Salle always thought) by treachery of her pilot. Longer delay, however, was impossible: and so, after sending back two of his men to Michilimackinac, and to pilot her, if she still existed, to the Miami fort, his party, numbering 33 in all, was re-embarked, 3rd December, 1679, on the St. Joseph, keeping a sharp lookout along the right-hand shore for the path or portage leading to the headwaters of the Illinois river. This, owing to the absence of the Mohegan hunter, they missed, and La Salle went on shore to look it up, lost his way, and passed a dismal night in a thick snowstorm. Meantime Tonti and Hennepin, growing uneasy, also landed, ordered guns to be fired, and sent out men to find their lost commander, if possible. He was found near morning, and, with the aid of the Mohegan, who had returned, the portage was also found and La Salle, excessively fatigued, turned in, with Hennepin, for a little rest in a wigwam which was covered with mats made of reeds. During the night the cold forced them to kindle a fire, from which the mats caught ablaze, so that before daybreak they were turned out into the cold again, having barely escaped being burned with their shelter. In the morning, shouldering their canoes, they started across the portage to the headwaters of the Illinois—distant some five miles. As the party filed along on their way, a disgruntled man, who walked behind La Salle, raised his gun to shoot him in the back, but was prevented by a companion. Reaching the Kankakee, one of the sources of the Illinois, they floated their canoes on its thin and sluggish stream; and passing through wide areas of swamps, and prairies, glided along at the base of “Starved Rock” near the great town of the Illinois, and on New Year’s Day, 1680, reached the head of the Illinois river, where they landed, and Father Hennepin celebrated the Mass. Four days later they had reached the long expansion—the river now called Peoria Lake, and near its southern end they came upon a large camp of Indians, who received them at first with surprise and enmity. But La Salle and his men leaped ashore, and by his bravery and knowledge of Indian character quelled their fears, so that Frenchmen and Indians were soon seated together at a feast such as the former had not for some time seen. The calumet of peace was exchanged and La Salle explained to his hosts his object and his wish for peace, so that they all retired to sleep in amity. In the morning, however, La Salle found that he was regarded with distrust, and soon learned that Indian emissaries from another tribe had been tampering, over-night, with his hosts—who now appeared quite indisposed to friendship. He saw, in this sudden change of front, the hand of the Jesuits, and when, at a second feast, tendered by one of the chiefs, he was urged to desist from his plan of descending the Mississippi, by arguments of the number, valor, and ferocity of the tribes inhabiting its valley, the terrors of alligators, serpents, and unnatural monsters, and the fearful nature of the river itself, he was fully confirmed in his opinion. In a strong, but temperate address, La Salle declared his disbelief in those marvelous tales, and affirmed that they were lies, inspired by French jealousy of his project, and sent them through Iroquois sources. A few days later, a band of Mississippi Indians visited the camp, from whom he learned the utter falsity of these stories and also had the assurance that the tribes along that river would receive the white men with favor. On this he took the first opportunity, at another feast, of confronting the Illinois chiefs with so full a description of the river (which he said had been communicated to him by “the Great Spirit”) its course and its final meeting with the sea, that his savage hearers “clapped their hands to their mouths,” in astonishment, and conceiving him to be a sorcerer, confessed that what they had said was false and inspired only by their desire to retain him amongst them.

Meanwhile, he had determined to fortify himself for the winter (it was now the middle of January) in a position where he could face an Illinois outbreak, or an Iroquois invasion, better than he could do in the Indian camp where he was then a guest. Taking advantage of a thaw, which temporarily reopened the frozen river, he with Hennepin, in a canoe, sought and soon found the site he had chosen. on a low hill, or knoll, half a league from the camp and about 200 yards from the southern bank. In front of this knoll was a marsh, overflowed at high tide, and on either side a ravine. A ditch was dug behind this knoll, connecting these two ravines, and thus isolating it from the mainland. On each side of the hill, which was nearly square, an embankment was thrown up and its sloping sides were guarded by chevaux-de-frise, and a 25-foot palisade surrounded the whole. The buildings within this area were of musket-proof timber. This fort, the first civilized act of occupation in the present State of Illinois, he named Fort Crèvecœur.

“La Salle’s men,” says Parkman, “were for the most part raw hands, knowing nothing of the wilderness, and easily alarmed at its dangers, * * * it was to the last degree difficult to hold men to their duty. Once fairly in the wilderness, completely freed from the sharp restraints of authority in which they had passed their lives, a spirit of lawlessness broke out among them with a violence proportioned to the pressure which had hitherto suppressed it. Discipline had no resources and no guarantee; while these outlaws of the forest, the courriers des bois, were always before their eyes, a standing example of unbridled license.” Desertions and disaffections among his followers were, at this time, a heavy burden to La Salle; and he even barely escaped from another attempt to poison him. Finally, however, having apparently placated the Indians of the vicinity, and checked, as he hoped, the disposition to mutiny and desertion among his men, which had been a constant menace to his plans,[14] he built, in an incredibly short time, a vessel of 40 tons’ burden with which to descend the river to the Mississippi. He also sent Hennepin and two others in a canoe to explore the Illinois to its junction with the larger river. He himself, having now given up all hopes of the Griffin, began a return to Canada, for needed supplies, in canoes, with four Frenchmen and an Indian hunter, leaving the faithful Tonti, with a dozen or so men to hold the fort and guard the half-finished ship. It was a desperate journey, but he felt that unless the articles lost in the Griffin were replaced without delay, the expedition would be retarded for a full year, and probably utterly foiled by the additional expense which would be incurred for the support of his men. On the way he met the two men whom he had sent back to Michilimackinac in search of the Griffin, but they brought him no tidings of her fate, and ordering them to join Tonti at Fort Crèvecœur, he pressed firmly on. He also took occasion to examine the capabilities of the “Starved Rock” upon the Illinois, and sent back word to Tonti to make it a stronghold of defense in case of necessity. His journey occupied sixty-five days of incessant toil, danger, and accidents that rendered it “the most adventurous one ever made by a Frenchman in America;” he himself was the only one of the party who did not break down, either from fatigue or illness, and when Lake Erie was reached, it was his arm alone which ferried their canoe over to the blockhouse at Niagara. They reached Fort Frontenac on the 6th of May, and he pushed on directly to Montreal.

His sudden reappearance there caused the greatest astonishment; and he was met on every hand with news of disaster. Both Man and Nature seemed in arms against him; his agents had plundered him, creditors had seized upon his property, a vessel from France, laden with stores valued at over 10,000 crowns, had been lost at the mouth of the St. Lawrence, and of twenty men hired in Europe, some had been detained by the Intendant Duchesneau, and all but four of the remainder had been told that he was dead, and had returned home. Yet, undaunted by these staggering blows of Fortune, he went vigorously to work; and, within a week, succeeded in gaining the supplies he so much needed for the forlorn band he had left behind him on the Illinois. Finally, on the very eve of his embarkation from Fort Frontenac, a letter from Tonti informed him that most of the men left at Fort Crèvecœur had deserted, plundered the fort, and destroyed all the arms, goods, etc., which they could not carry away with them; and this was followed by a letter from two friendly lake traders which told him that the deserters had also destroyed his fort at St. Joseph, seizing a quantity of furs belonging to him at Michilimackinac,[15] and plundered the magazine at Niagara; and that, largely reinforced by others, they were seeking him along the northern shore of Lake Ontario, with the design of killing him, if they met, in order to escape punishment for their misdeeds. La Salle’s courage rose promptly to the occasion. Choosing nine of his trustiest men, he started out, in canoes, to face them, met and captured four of them in one canoe and killed two and captured three others in another canoe. His prisoners he placed in custody at Fort Frontenac, to await the coming of Governor-General Frontenac; and immediately put out on his return to the Illinois, and the relief of his gallant lieutenant Tonti. He took with him a new lieutenant, one La Forest, a surgeon, ship-carpenter, joiners, masons, soldiers, voyageurs and laborers, 25 men in all, with full outfits of all needed tools for the building of the vessel and a new fort. By a shorter route than that of the previous year, they arrived at Michilimackinac, pushed on with 12 men to the ruined fort at St. Joseph, where he left the heavy stores, under a small guard, to await the arrival of La Forest. His anxiety to reach Tonti, of whom, thus far, he had heard nothing, was greatly increased by a rumor of an impending invasion of the Illinois country, by the Iroquois, which foreboded a new disaster to his enterprise. And as the party passed down the Illinois, it met with evidences everywhere that the two savage tribes had indeed met in combat, to the utter rout of the Illinois; but their anxiety in regard to Tonti was not relieved by any word or sign. The vessel, however, which he had left unfinished at Fort Crèvecœur was still entire, and but slightly damaged. Once more taking to their canoes, they descended the river (250 miles) to its junction with the Mississippi, which they first saw about the 7th of December, 1681.[16] There was now nothing left for him, except to retrace his way up the Illinois to relieve the men whom he had left at the fort on the St. Joseph.[17] And, though to his surprise he learned no tidings of Tonti, he found that his men under La Forest’s orders had restored the fort, cleared a place for planting, and prepared the timber and plank for a new vessel.

Tonti, meanwhile, finding himself caught in the very midst of the terrible war between the Iroquois and the Illinois—from which he extricated himself and his party only by the supreme exercise of his wisdom and courage, against odds almost unsurmountable, had reached Lake Michigan, near Chicago, and following its borders northward had reached Green Bay, in a starved and half-frozen condition, from which they were relieved by a friendly tribe of Pottawatomies. In March, La Salle heard of the safety of Tonti, and in May, to their great joy, these two brave men were reunited.[18]

La Salle passed the winter at his fort on the Miami, on the St. Joseph, by the border of Lake Michigan, planning how to meet the old disappointments and difficulties which still surrounded him, as well as the new contingencies which he foresaw would soon arise. Of these latter, the most formidable was the enmity of the ferocious Iroquois nation, which had already terrorized the Illinois, and shown a disposition to interfere with his own plans. To this end, he conceived the idea of a confederation of the Illinois with some of the Western tribes, and some from the New England, and Atlantic borders of the East, which, under his leadership and the protection of France, would be a mutual defense against the incursions of the Iroquois. This bold project he speedily carried into effect, by his tact, personal address, and superb oratory—for he was a natural-born diplomat, especially in all his dealings with Indians. This done he returned to Canada, to compose his own disturbed affairs, collect his scattered resources, and placate his creditors. By the beginning of autumn he was again on his way to complete the task—already twice defeated—of discovering the mouth of the Mississippi. For, though he had satisfied himself that it really existed, he had still to determine its course, and navigability, and the nature of its exit into the ocean[19] as well as to acquaint himself with its resources, and its savage inhabitants. When he reached his fort at the Miami in October, he found there some of his new Indian allies from the East, and with 18 of them and 23 of his own Frenchmen, started for the headwaters of the Illinois—dragging their canoes and baggage on sledges, as the streams were frozen. They reached the Mississippi on the 6th of February, launched their little fleet of canoes, and—delayed a few days by floating ice—resumed their course, passing successively the mouths of the Missouri, the Ohio, and the Arkansas rivers, and making visits to many tribes along their course, by whom they were well received. As they reached the end of their journey, on the 6th of April, sixty-two days from the time of entering the river, they saw that the river divided into three broad channels, or mouths, of which La Salle followed the western one, Dautray the eastern, and Tonti the middle one.

After La Salle had located, in his canoe, the nearby borders of the great sea, or gulf (of Mexico) which spread before them, the three parties reassembled (April 9th, 1682) at a spot where a column was erected and near it a plate was buried bearing the arms inscribed with the words of France, and “Louis Le Grande, Roy de France et de Navarre, Règne, Le Neuvième, Avril, 1682.” Then while the Te Deum, the Exaudéat and the Domine Salvum fac Regem were chanted, the volleys of musketry discharged by the men under arms, with cries of “Vive le Roi;” a cross was planted beside the column and Le Sieur de Salle, sword in hand, proclaimed the new-found territory as Louisiana, and Louis XIV as its King and rightful Lord.

The vast domain thus secured, after the manner of those times, to the French Crown, extended from the Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains, and from the Rio Grande and the Gulf of Mexico to the farthest springs of the Missouri; but the name—Louisiana—which he gave it is now confined to a single commonwealth in the great sisterhood of states forming the United States of America.

Now, in the culmination of his triumph he was seized by an illness so severe as to threaten his life; and was unable to reach Fort Miami, even by slow stages, before August, and to rejoin Tonti, whom he had dispatched with news of his success to Canada. It seems to have been about this time that he began to abandon the difficult access which he had hitherto found, through Canada, with all its dangers and enemies, both whites and Indians; and to reach the region of his hopes and toils more directly by way of the Gulf of Mexico and the mouth of the Mississippi. His plans of descending that river by means of a vessel had twice been thwarted by disasters which proved its futility; and to attempt his purpose with canoes would be fraught with much difficulty and an enormous expense. He purposed now, in view of all his past experiences, to form on the banks of the Illinois a colony of French and Indians, as a place of storage of the furs which could be gathered by the various Western tribes; and as a defense against the Iroquois, who were alike inimical to the French and their Illinois allies. And rumors of an impending renewal of attack upon these allies urged him to greater speed; so he and Tonti repaired at once to “Starved Rock,” before mentioned.[20] This was a cliff, rising to a height of 125 feet, on the southern bank of the Illinois, presenting on three sides a sheer perpendicular wall, and on its other side a deep ravine; and it was accessible only by a difficult climb from behind. Its area was about an acre. This rock, in December, 1662, they cleared of the forest which crowned it, dragged timber up the ragged pathway, built storehouses and dwellings, and surrounded the summit with palisades. In this eyrie, which he christened Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, the winter was passed by La Salle’s company, and by tactful management he secured the friendship of the neighboring tribes.[21]

Around and under the protection of this fortification was soon gathered a motley gathering of the Illinois, and fragments of other tribes, all looking to him as their feudal lord; and to these followers, by virtue of his seigniorial rights, he began to grant parcels of land, and soon had the nucleus of a colony of some 20,000 souls, numbering about 4,000 warriors.

But, while thus engaged in the wilderness, matters in Canada were looming up adversely to his interests. His friend and patron, Count Frontenac, had been recalled to France, and the man who succeeded him as Governor-General, one de La Barre, was prejudiced against the explorer and constantly misrepresenting him to the home government in France. Furthermore, emboldened by the tone of the King’s letter, who had been led to condemn La Salle’s doings and plans, La Barre, with other associates, seized Fort Frontenac (which was La Salle’s property), despite the remonstrances of the creditors and mortgagees; sold his stores for their own benefit, and turned his cattle to pasture on the growing crops. The position of La Salle became intolerable, cut off from his supplies, for which he entreated Governor La Barre in vain, threatened with an onslaught of the Iroquois, and unable to afford his own Indian allies the help which he had promised them, he had no other resource than to leave his wilderness colony in faithful Tonti’s care, and cross the ocean again to face his enemies before the Court and King.

La Salle’s third return visit to France. So, early in the autumn of 1683, he again turned his face homeward. Quite to his surprise, as we may well imagine, La Salle found that the time of his return was fortuitous. His old friends rallied around him; his enemies seemed, for the moment, to have lost their influence against him. Best of all, both the King and his Ministers were in better humor with him than, from the tone of recent home correspondence, he had reason to expect. The country was now at war with Spain, and the trend of official opinion chimed in very happily with the proposals which he had to offer for the consideration of King and Ministry.

These proposals were (1) to establish a fortified post upon the Gulf of Mexico, within one year after his arrival there; (2) to fortify on the Mississippi, about fifty leagues above its mouth, and there collect an army of over 15,000 Indians; thus commanding the whole river valley, and forming a base for military operations against the Spaniards in the most northern province of Mexico. His plan also embraced the adding (on his way) 50 buccaneers at St. Domingo, and 4,000 Indian warriors from his Fort St. Louis on the Illinois. For this design, he asked for a vessel of 30 guns, a few cannon for the forts, and 200 men, to be raised in France, armed, paid, and maintained at the King’s expense. If, by peace with Spain, he was prevented for more than three years from the full execution of this contract, he bound himself to refund to the Crown all the costs of the enterprise, or forfeit the government of the posts thus established. The scheme which he thus outlined to the French monarch and his Minister Seignelay, of bidding defiance to Spanish incursions, and of controlling the entire trade and colonization of the entire Mississippi valley, was most gladly and promptly accepted by them. La Forest, La Salle’s lieutenant, being then in Paris, was dispatched to Canada, empowered to recover and reoccupy, in La Salle’s name, the Forts Frontenac and St. Louis of the Illinois, from which he had been dispossessed by Governor La Barre; and to the latter the King personally wrote, ordering him to restore to La Salle, or his representative, all the property of which he had been unjustly deprived. As to the equipment of the expedition, he was given four vessels, instead of the two for which he had asked, viz., the Joly, a 36-gun ship of the royal navy, a 6-gun ship, a store-ship, and a ketch. Soldiers were enrolled, besides 30 volunteers, many of whom were gentlemen and of the better class of the bourgeois; several families, and girls matrimonially inclined, as colonists; together with pilots, mechanics, laborers, and six friars and priests of the Sulpitian and Récollet orders.[22]

Unfortunately, the expedition, from the first, was hampered with a divided command. La Salle’s request had been for its sole command, with a subaltern officer, one or two pilots, and entire control of the route they should take, and of the troops and colonists on land. But the command of the ships was given, by the Minister, to one Beaujeu, an old and experienced officer of the royal navy—and even before the expedition set sail, a collision of opinions and authority arose between the two heads of the expedition, which imperiled its success.[23]

Finally, on the 24th of July, 1684, the expedition sailed, from Rochelle. Its further history is to be found in the following pages of Joutel’s Journal.

Biographical Note.

Henri Joutel, the writer of this narrative, was a native of Rouen, in France. His father had formerly been head-gardener to Henri Cavelier, the uncle of René Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle, the explorer, whose presence and projects for a new voyage to the Mississippi were the engrossing subjects of interest to his fellow townsmen of Rouen just at the time of Joutel’s return from a seventeen years’ service in the army.[24]

Being then in the prime of his young manhood, of an adventurous spirit, unhampered by family responsibilities, and free for any new employment, he very naturally became a volunteer in the enterprise of his distinguished fellow-townsman. He evidently possessed a fair education for that day, and a character for reliability and experience, which, together with his personal and business qualifications, rendered him most acceptable to La Salle’s projected undertaking. His social position in his native town, if we may infer from the title of “Mr.” usually prefixed to his name, was that of a bourgeois—that class in the community which for centuries has been the mainstay and source of France’s stability and prosperity. In the mixed military and naval expedition which sailed under La Salle’s orders, his position seems not to have been that of a commissioned officer, though he styles himself in his Journal, “a Commander,” but rather that of a personal lieutenant and confidant[25] of the Commander-in-Chief—in other words, a superintendent of such matters as pertained to the provisioning, sheltering, and general care and regulation of the interests and comfort of the settlers, both male and female, who formed a part of the expedition.

His services to the enterprise of which he, fortunately, became the historian, as they are simply and circumstantially narrated in this Journal, and corroborated by contemporary evidence, prove that La Salle’s choice of him, as “the man of affairs” of the expedition was well-founded and fortunate. Practical, methodical, resourceful in every emergency, tactful in his dealings with all the members of the heterogeneous company with whom he was associated, and inflexibly loyal to his Chief, Joutel fully proved his worth.

Twice, at least, his life was in danger, from the machinations of mutineers. The first time, the plot was discovered in time, and, having received an order to join La Salle with all his force, he delivered the criminals to the latter. And again, being left in charge of the Fort St. Louis, with 34 men, Joutel was disturbed by a plot to kill him or deprive him of his office—from which once more his life, which ultimately proved so valuable to the party, was preserved.

His Journal, here printed, is valuable from its exactness of detail, and the fact that, in many places, it corrects the careless or misleading statements of others, and it is remarkably free from the egotism which disfigures or weakens the narratives of some early travelers in America. Parkman, comparing it with other accounts written by survivors of the expedition, says emphatically, “It gives the impression of sense, intelligence and candor, throughout.”

No shadow of complicity in the murder of La Salle attaches to Joutel. That he did not more strongly assert himself in the critical emergencies which succeeded that tragical event, was due, probably, to a combination of circumstances. The mutineers who had accomplished the deed were overwhelmingly dominant, and the lives of the whole party trembled in the balance. Joutel was no coward; but the situation in which they found themselves called for the exercise of that prudence which is ofttimes the better part of valor. Neither was he ambitious, so that, when the little band of seven who sought to separate themselves from the assassins, finally started upon their long and perilous journey toward the North, we find, as if by common consent, that the Abbe Cavelier figures as the nominal leader. Undoubtedly, this was due partly to the respect felt by Joutel for the aged ecclesiastic by virtue of his sacred office, as well as by his own life-long association, at Rouen, with the family of Cavelier; and also by motives of policy in thus securing for the party the prestige of being headed by a La Salle—a “name to conjure with” amid the savage tribes through whom they must pass.

Yet, undoubtedly, it was mainly to Joutel’s prudence, courage, and practical knowledge that the little band of survivors—after their marvelous journey of over 800 miles through trackless wilds, and amid innumerable dangers from flood, disease, and savages—finally reached Quebec, and ultimately their beloved France, in October, 1688.

The motives previously alluded to as influencing Joutel in waiving his right to the leadership of the party, on its return to civilization, may, probably, sufficiently account for (even if they do not fully condone) his connivance (as also that of Father Douay) in the concealment, for over two years, of the fact of La Salle’s death—a deception undoubtedly originating with the Abbe Cavalier, who desired thereby to get possession of property which might otherwise have been seized by creditors of his deceased brother the Sieur Robert La Salle, the explorer. Parkman says (note to p. 207, vol. ii, La Salle’s Voyages, Champlain edition) that “the prudent Abbe died rich and very old, at the home of a relative, having inherited a large estate after his return from America.”

Joutel appears to have spent the rest of his life at Rouen, where Charlevoix says he saw him in 1723; and speaks of him as a very upright man, and evidently the only trustworthy member of La Salle’s party. Of Joutel’s Journal he also speaks in the same strain.[26]

A
JOURNAL
Of the Last
VOYAGE
Perform’d by
Monſr. de la Sale,
TO THE
Gulph of Mexico,
To find out the
Mouth of the Miſſiſipi River;

CONTAINING,

An Account of the Settlements he endeavour’d to make on the Coaſt of the aforeſaid Bay, his unfortunate Death, and the Travels of his Companions for the Space of Eight Hundred Leagues acroſs that Inland Country of America. now call’d Louiſiana, (and given by the King of France to M. Crozat,) till they came into Canada.

Written in French by Monſieur Joutel,
A Commander in that Expedition;
And Tranſlated from the Edition juſt publiſh’d at Paris.

With an exact Map of that vaſt Country, and a Copy of the Letters Patents granted by the K. of France to M. Crozat.

LONDON, Printed for A. Bell at the Croſs-Keys and Bible in Cornhill, B. Lintott at the Croſs Keys in Fleet-ſtreet, and J. Baker in Pater-Noſter-Row, 1714.

THE
French Bookseller
TO THE
READER.

The Manuscript of this Journal hapning to fall into my Hands, and having shewn it to some Persons well vers’d in these Affairs, they were of Opinion it deserv’d to be printed; especially at this Time, when travels are so much in Request, and in regard this is now seasonable, on Account of the Description it gives of the famous River Missisipi and of the Country of Louisiana, where it is intended to make great Settlements. Besides, this Relation is uncommon, curious and ingaging, both in Regard to the Honour and Advantage of the Nation, for as much as it contains the Attempts and the bold and glorious Undertakings of our French Adventurers, who not satisfied, like others, with discovering the Borders and Coasts of unknown Countries, proceed to penetrate into the Inland, through a thousand Dangers and Hazards of their Lives. Is it not very commendable in them, to make us fully acquainted with that great remaining Part of the World, which for so many Ages continued unknown to our Forefathers, till about two hundred Years ago Christopher Columbus discover’d it, and Americus Vespusius going over soon after, gave it his Name, causing it to be call’d America? One of those whom I desired to peruse this Manuscript, has a little polish’d it, pursuant to the Orders I receiv’d; and he having been a considerable Traveller, was a proper Person to judge of and put it into a Dress fit to appear in publick. The Letter he writ to me, being not only instructive, in Relation to the Journal, but of Use as a curious Supplement to it, I thought the inserting of it would be acceptable. It is as follows.

SIR,

I Return you your Manuscript; the Reading of it has reviv’d the Satisfaction I once took in my Travels; it has oblig’d me to read over again those of several Persons, who have writ of Canada, and carry’d me in Imagination through those vast, barbarous and unknown Countries, with much more Ease and less Danger than was done by the Hero of this Relation. He certainly deserves that honourable Title, and having read his Adventures, I could not forbear saying with the Poet

Illi robur & æs triplex

Circa Pectus erat.

For what an extraordinary Strength, what a Vigour of Body and Mind was requisite for him to project, to undertake and to go thro’ with so unusual, so bold and so difficult an Enterprize. A Discovery of above eight hundred Leagues of barbarous and unknown Countries, without any beaten Roads, without Towns, and without any of those Conveniencies, which render Travelling more easy in all other Parts. All the Land-Carriage is reduc’d to walking afoot; being often without any other Shoes but a Piece of a Bullock’s Hide wrapp’d about the Feet; carrying a Firelock, a Snapsack,[27] Tools and some Commodities to barter with the Natives. It is true that accidentally and but very rarely a Horse is found to help out a little.

If they must venture upon the Water, there are only some wretched Canoes, made either of the Barks of Trees or of Bullocks Hides, and those they must often carry or drag along the Land, when the Falls of the Rivers obstruct making use of them. All the Bed is lying on the bare Ground, exposed to the Inclemencies of the Air, to be devour’d by Alligators and bit by Rattle Snakes; without Bread, Wine, Salt and all other Comforts of Life, and this for some Years. The Diet altogether consists in a poor Pap or Hasty-Pudding made of the Meal of Indian Corn, Fish half broil’d or ill boil’d, and some Beef or wild Goats Flesh, dry’d in the Air and Smoke. Besides, what a Trouble is it to invent Signs to be understood by so many several Nations, each of which has it’s peculiar Language? All this an Adventurer must resolve with himself to go through, who designs to make Discoveries in Canada; and it would be hard to believe this, did not all those who write of it exactly agree in this Particular.

However that Country is good and pleasant, at least towards the South, which is what is here spoken of. The Temperature of the Climate is admirable, the Soil excellent for Tillage, and it is extraordinary fertil in all Sorts of Grain and Fruit; which appears by those the Land produces of it self in great Plenty. The Hills and Woods produce Timber for all Uses and Fruit Trees, as well of cold as hot Countries. There are Vines which want but little Improvement; there are Sugar-Canes, large Meadows, and navigable Rivers full of Fish. It is true they are infested with Alligators, but with a little Care they are to be avoided; as may the Rattle-Snakes, which are extraordinary venomous, but never bite unless they are hurt. There are thousands of wild Bullocks, larger than ours, their Flesh good, and instead of Hair, they have a Sort of curl’d Wool extraordinary fine. There are Abundance of Deer, wild Goats and all Sorts of wild Fowl, and more especially of Turkeys. As there are Poisons and Venoms, so there are immediate and wonderful Antidotes.

We must not look there for rich and stately Cities, or lofty Structures, or any of those Wonders of Architecture, or the Remains and ancient Monuments of the Vanity of great Men; but we may there admire Nature in its beautiful Simplicity, as it came from the Hands of its Creator; without having been alter’d or depraved by Ambition or Art.

But is so vast and so beautiful a Country only for Beasts, Birds and Fishes! O inconceivable Wonder! There is an infinite Number of People, divided into Nations, living in Cottages made of the Barks of Trees, or cover’d with Reeds or Hides, when they are not abroad at War, or Hunting, or Fishing, almost naked, without any other Bed but a Bullock’s Hide, or any Houshold-Stuff but a Pot or Kettle, an Axe and some Platters made of Bark. They take their Sustenance, as it comes in their Way, and like the Beasts; they have no Care, do not value Wealth, sing, dance, smoke, eat, sleep, hunt, fish; are independent, make War, and when an Opportunity offers, take Revenge of any Injury in the most cruel Manner they are able. Such is the Life of those Savages. Tho’ there be some in the Southern Parts, not quite so stupid and brutal as those in the North, yet they are both Savages, who think of Nothing but what is present, love Nothing but what is obvious to the Senses, incapable of comprehending any Thing that is Spiritual; sharp and ingenious in what is for their own Advantage, without any Sense of Honour or Humanity; horribly cruel, perfectly united among themselves to their Nation and their Allies; but revengeful and merciless towards their Enemies. To conclude, their Shape, tho’ hideous, shews they are Men; but their Genius and Manners render them like the worst of Beasts.

La Hontan’s forged Discourse with a Savage, wherein he renders himself ridiculous.A modern Author, who has liv’d in Canada, and in other Respects has writ well enough, has perhaps fancy’d, he might distinguish himself, and be thought more understanding than other Men in discovering the Genius of those People, by assigning more Ingenuity and Penetration to the Savages, than is generally allow’d them. He sometimes makes them to argue too strongly and too subtilely against the Mysteries of Christian Religion, and his Relation has given just Occasion to suspect, that he is himself the Libertine and Talking Savage, to whom he has given the artful Malignity of his Notions and Arguments.

As for the Genius of the Savages, I am of Opinion, we ought to believe the Missioners; for they are not less capable than other Men to discover the Truth, and they have at least as much Probity to make it known. It is likely, that they, who have for an hundred Years past, wholly apply’d themselves, according to the Duty of their Function, to study those poor Images of Men, should not be acquainted with them? Or would not their Conscience have check’d them, had they told a Lye in that Particular? Now all the Missioners agree, that allowing there are some Barbarians less wicked and brutal than the rest; yet there are none good, nor thoroughly capable of such Things as are above the Reach of our Senses; and that whatsoever they are, there is no relying on them;The Natives of Canada brutal. there is always cause to suspect them, and in short, before a Savage can be made a Christian, it is requisite to make him a Man; and we look upon those Savages as Men, who have neither King nor Law, and what is most deplorable, no God; for if we rightly examine their Sentiments and their Actions, it does not appear that they have any Sort of Religion, or well form’d Notion of a Deity. If some of them, upon certain Occasions, do sometimes own a First or Sovereign Being, or do pay some Veneration to the Sun. As to the first Article, they deliver themselves in such a confuse Manner, and with so many Contradictions and Extravagancies, that it plainly appears, they neither know nor believe anything of it; and as for the second, it is only a bare Custom, without any serious Reflection on their Part.

A miserable Nation, more void of the Light of Heaven, and even that of Nature, than so many other Nations in the East Indies, who, tho’ brutal and stupid as to the Knowledge of the Deity, yet are not without some Sort of Worship, and have their Hermits and Fakirs who endeavour by the Practice of horrid Penances, to gain the Favour of that Godhead, and thereby shew they have some real Notion of it. Nothing of that Sort is to be found among our American Savages, and in Conclusion, it may be said of them in General, that they are a People without a God.

Our French, who are born in Canada all of them well shap’d, and Men of Sense and Worth, cannot endure to have their Savages thus run down. They affirm they are like other Men, and only want Education and being improv’d; but besides that we may believe they say so to save the Honour of their Country, we advance nothing here but what is grounded on the Report of many able and worthy Persons, who have writ of it, after being well inform’d on the Spot. We are therefore apt to believe, that there is a Distinction to be made at present between two Sorts of Savages in Canada, viz. those who have been conversant among the Europeans for sixty or eighty Years past, and the others who are daily discover’d; and it is of the latter that we speak here more particularly, and to whom we assign all those odious and wretched Qualities of the Savages of North America; for it is well known, that the first Sort of them, as for Instance, the Hurons, the Algonquins, the Iroquois, the Illinois and perhaps some others are now pretty well civiliz’d, so that their Reason begins to clear up, and they may become capable of Instruction.

Amazing and incomprehensible, but at the same Time adorable Disposition of Divine Providence! We see here a vast Tract of the Earth, of an immense Extent, of a wonderful Soil for Tillage and Fertility in all Sorts of Fruit and Grain; of an admirable Temperature as to the Air, which appears by the very numerous Inhabitants being scarce subject to any Diseases, and in that the Sex, which among us is weak, is there Strong and Vigorous, Strong Women. bringing forth their Children with little or no Pain, and suckling them amidst Labour and Fatigues, without any of those Miseries they are liable to in our Countries. Yet that vast and beautiful Country, describ’d in this Journal, so much favour’d with Worldly Blessings, has been for so many Ages destitute of the Heavenly.

The infinite Numbers of People inhabiting it are Men, and have scarce any thing but the Shape; they are God’s Creatures, and do not so much as know, much less serve him. Those who have the Courage and Boldness to travel through the Countries of such Savages, and those who read the Relations of such Travellers, ought to take Care how they make any rash Reflections upon this Point, or pry too deeply into it; for they may chance to lose themselves in their Thoughts. The shortest and the safest Course is, in such Cases, to adore the inconceivable Profoundness of the Creator’s Wisdom; to give a Check to all our Enquiries and Curiosities, with the Apostle’s Exclamation, O the Depth of the Riches both of the Wisdom and Knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his Judgments and his Ways past finding out! And never ceasing to return Thanks to his Goodness, for having so abundantly supply’d us with his Light and Grace, to conjure him to impart the same to those poor distress’d Americans, and that he who is Almighty, will of those Stones make Children of Abraham. This all Christians are oblig’d incessantly to pray for, because as Brutish and Stupid as those Savages are, they are still our Brethren, since like us descended from Adam and Noah.

How much are we then oblig’d to those bold Travellers, who undertake new Discoveries, who to the Hazard of their Lives, at their own Expence, and with such extraordinary Toils, go to find out for us, not only numerous Objects of our Curiosity and Admiration, which were before unknown to us, but who also discover to us a numerous Kindred, which is not ever the less such, for having been so long unknown to us. What if it be brutal and indocible, it will be the more Meritorious to Labour at Civilizing of and making it capable of receiving the Lights of Reason and of Faith. We can never sufficiently express our Gratitude to those who apply themselves to the making of new Discoveries; the more Difficulties that attend them, the more we are beholding to those who undertake them. Supposing that Avarice, Ambition, a restless Temper, or a desperate Fortune, are very often the Occasions of such Undertakings; yet God, who can draw Good out of Evil, makes all those Passions subservient to his Glory, and the Salvation of his Elect, and if long Travels do not commonly make Saints of the Travellers, it is their own Fault. However, they at least prepare the Way to the Sanctification of so many Barbarians, beating a Road for the Missioners, who go to instruct those People. Thus all the World is beholden to them; the Savages for the Knowledge of God that is procur’d them; and we for finding by their Means an infinite Number of People before unknown, who will join with us in Serving and Glorifying the Creator of the Universe.

Granting that the said Travellers are not sometimes exact, or agree among themselves in their Relations, their Descriptions and their Maps; this must be an unavoidable Fault in Discoverers; but even that is advantageous to the Publick, for as much as their Successors are excited to examine those Points more strictly, to correct, explain and ascertain those Mistakes.

In acknowledgment therefore of the Service done us by those Illustrious Adventurers and to make them some Sort of Amends for their Sufferings, let us transmit their Names to Posterity in our Writings; let us applaud their Actions when we read them, and let us commend their Relations. This here, most certainly deserves to be read and commended, for it is Curious, Extraordinary and Tragical. It is also, as has been said before, ingaging, at this Conjuncture, when there is a Design of making Settlements in those Countries, it mentions, the Consequence whereof may be most Honourable and Advantageous to the Nation. The Travel thro’ that Country is one of the greatest and most full of Difficulties that has been perform’d; the Relation of it being made by an Eye Witness, and in a natural, plain and particular Manner, deserves to be credited; but being only a Journal, it is not capable of admitting of Ornaments or Embellishments. The Reader will be pleas’d to excuse the Repetition of the same Words in it, on Account of the Impossibility of doing otherwise, and will think it enough that the Barrenness of the Narration is made Amends for by the Curiosity of the Subjects. I am of Opinion the small Notes I have added will not be displeasing, because they explain some Particulars, which are not very intelligible to such as are not us’d to read many Travels.

After having said the Good and the Bad of this North America, mentioning the Beauty and Excellency of its Climate and the Brutality of its People, and recited the infinite Hardships, those who design to travel must resolve to undergo, I am of Opinion it will be proper to say something of the late Monsieur de la Sale, who is the principal Person, and as it were, the Hero of this Relation, tho’ having been murdered by his own Men, he fell the unfortunate Victim of the Discovery here treated of. It is also convenient to make known what went before that, which is contain’d in this Journal, and the present happy Consequence of that fatal Enterprize. Here follows what I have of my own particular Knowledge, and by what has been written.

Robert Cavelier, commonly call’dAccount of Monsieur de la Sale. Monsieur de la Sale, a Native of Roan, of a good Family, having been educated in Piety and Learning, went over very young into Canada and took Delight in Trade, but more in Projects of new Discoveries up the Inland of those vast Countries. Intending to settle there and make that his Country, he purchased an Habitation in the Island of Mont-real, where has been built the second Town of Canada, sixty Leagues above Quebeck, which is the Capital, being also a Bishoprick, and the Residence of the Governor, the Intendant and the supreme Council. There are but only those two Towns in the Country, besides some Villages. They are both seated on the great River of St. Laurence, which coming from the S. W. is form’d or increased by the Waters of five prodigious fresh Water Lakes, running out one into another, and through them it passes to run down to discharge itself in the Ocean, at a very spacious Mouth, making Way for the Ships that design to penetrate into Canada.

Many Discoveries had been made to the Northward, before Monsieur de la Sale’s Time; because there being Plenty of very good Furs, the Traders of Quebeck and Mont-real, by Means of the Adventurers call’d Wood-Men,[28] from their traveling thro’ the Woods, had penetrated very far up the Country that Way; but none had advanc’d far towards the South or South-West, beyond Fort Frontenac, which is on the Lake Ontario, the nearest this Way of the five great Lakes. However, upon the Report of the Natives, it was supposed, that great and advantageous Discoveries might be made. There had been much Talk of the rich Mines of St. Barbara, in the Kingdom of Mexico, and some were tempted to give them a Visit.

Something was known of the famous River Missisipi, which it was supposed might fall into the South Sea, and open a Way to it. These Conjectures working upon Monsieur de la Sale, who being zealous for the Honour of his Nation,His Character. designed to signalize the French Name, on Account of extraordinary Discoveries, beyond all that went before him; he form’d the Design and resolv’d to put it in Execution. He was certainly very fit for it, and succeeded at the Expense of his Life; for no Man has done so much in that Way as he did for the Space of twenty Years he spent in that Employment. He was a Man of a regular Behaviour, of a large Soul, well enough learned, and understanding in the Mathematicks, designing, bold, undaunted, dexterous, insinuating, not to be discourag’d at any Thing, ready at extricating himself out of any Difficulties, no Way apprehensive of the greatest Fatigues, wonderful steady in Adversity, and what was of extraordinary Use, well enough versed in several Savage Languages. M. de la Sale having such extraordinary Talents, whereof he had given sufficient Proofs upon several Occasions, gain’d the Esteem of the Governors of Canada; and Messieurs de Courcelles, Talon and de Frontenac successively express’d the same, by often employing him in Affairs for the Honour and Advantage of the Colony.

The GovernmentIs made Proprietor of Fort Frontenac. of the Fort of Frontenac, which is the Place farthest advanc’d among the Savages, was committed to him, and he going over into France, in the Year 1675, the King made him Proprietor of it, upon Condition he should put it into a better Condition than it was, which he did, as soon as return’d to Canada. Then came back again to Paris, full of the new Informations he had gain’d touching the River Missisipi, the Country runs through, the Mines, especially those of Lead and Copper, the navigable Rivers, and the Trade that might be carried on of Furs and the fine Wooll of those wild Bullocks, whereof there are infinite Numbers in the Forests. Being also furnish’d with better Accounts of that Country, than the Fables that were then publish’d, by the Name of a Voyage of the Sieur Joliet, he was well receiv’d at Court, and dispatch’d with the necessary Orders for proceeding on his Discoveries.

The great ReputationHis Reputation makes Enemies. Monsieur de la Sale had gain’d, and his mighty Projects, occasion’d a Jealousy in some and Envy in others. His own Countrymen thwarted his Designs; but he surmounted all those Obstacles and return’d into Canada, about the Year 1678, with the Chevalier Tonty, an Italian Gentleman, a Person of Worth and that had serv’d, whom he gain’d to his Enterprize. He also pick’d up in the Country forty or fifty Persons fit for that Expedition, and among them were three Recolets, whom he carry’d over to try what might be done as to Christianity among the Savages; he was well acquainted with, and had a just Esteem for the Virtue, the Capacity and the Zeal of those good, religious Men, who alone first undertook the Mission into that new World, and who being seconded by others, have carry’d it on there, with so much Edification.

Monsieur de la Sale having spent two Years in going and coming, still thwarted by those who envy’d him in the Country, to such a Degree, that had it not been for an Antidote, he must have dy’d of Poison given him by some Villains, could not order his Affairs and begin his Expedition till the Year 1682. He set out at length, and to the End his Discovery of the Missisipi might be compleat, he caus’d Father Hennepin, a Recolet, with some others, to travel to the Northward, that they might find out theSource of the Missisipi. Source of that River, and they found it, about the 50th Degree of North Latitude. For his own Part, he proceeded to the Westward and found the River of the Islinois,Islinois River. which he call’d the River of Seignelay, and following its Course, came into the Missisipi, where the other discharges it self. He then concluded he had no more to do, but to run down to its Mouth, whether in the South Sea or the Gulph of Mexico. All along its Banks he found many Savage Nations, with whom, by Means of his Presents, he enter’d into Alliances, and gave the Country the Name of Louisiana, to honour the Name and Memory of our August Monarch, in whose Reign those Discoveries were made. At length, the Course of the Missisipi convey’d Monsieur de la Sale to its Mouths, as falling into the Gulph of Mexico in two Streams, and he arriv’d there in the Month of April 1682 or 1683, for the Dates of those who have writ concerning it, make either of those Years. He stay’d there some Days, to take Observations and place some Marks which he might know again, when he return’d. Being satisfied with having found some Part of what he sought, he return’d the same Way he had gone, and came again to Quebeck in Canada, in order to go over to France, and thence to make a Tryal to find that Mouth of the Missisipi by the Gulph of Mexico, which he had already discover’d by the Way of Canada, and to secure it; for he thought it much more advantageous to know it by the Way of the Sea, than to go thither by Land, because the Voyage through Canada is much longer and more troublesome, and can be perform’d but once a Year, whereas by the Way of the Bay of Mexico it is not longer, but is much more commodious, and may be perform’d in all Seasons, either going or coming. He was also sensible that the said Mouth being once discover’d by Sea, afforded an easier and safer Communication with Canada, running up that noble River, the Navigation whereof is not interrupted by Falls, nor Torrents for above sixty Leagues towards its Source.

These Considerations mov’d Monsieur de la Sale to take another Voyage into France, where his Expedition having been commended and his new Project approv’d of, the King order’d him Vessels to return and carry on his Enterprize, the Particulars whereof are to be found in this Journal. That Affair, so well begun, seem’d to promise very advantageous Consequences; but it miscarried through the Perfidiousness and Villany of that noble Adventurer’s own People.

ThisThe other Part here mention’d is at the End of the Journal. is what I have judg’d might serve as an Introduction to your Journal, if it shall not be thought to dishonour it, you may place it before the said Journal, and that which follows at the End of it, which will shew how far that great Enterprize of the Discovery of the Missisipi has been carried.

THE
PREFACE.
Written by
Sieur de MITCHELL,
Who Methodiz’d this Journal.

Notwithstanding the late Monsieur de la Sale’s Voyage had a most unfortunate End, as to his own Person, yet that will not hinder Posterity, from ever allowing him the Title of a most renowned Traveller.

The History of his Enterprize will be acceptable to future Ages, for laying before them, the extraordinary Genius, the invincible Courage, and the undaunted Resolution of such a Man, who could contrive and execute the Means for discovering the remaining Part of the World.

And in regard that the Particulars of the Discovery of those large and immense Provinces, will always be the Object of curious and understanding Persons, it is not to be wonder’d, that after what has been writ by Father Hennepin, a Recolet, the Chevalier Tonty and some others, we here now publish an Historical Journal of the last Voyage Monsieur de la Sale undertook into the Gulf of Mexico, to the Country of Louisiana, to finish what he had projected at his former Voyage, had not the Treachery of his own Men cut him off.

This Journal of Monsieur Joutel, whereof Monsieur Tonty makes mention in the Book that has been printed of the last Discoveries in America, Folio 319, has this peculiar, that it exactly contains what hap’ned to Monsieur de la Sale, Day by Day, in that fatal Voyage, since his Departure from Rochelle to his death, and till the Return of his Brother Monsieur Cavelier the Priest, Monsieur Cavelier his Nephew, the Reverend Father Anastasius, the Recolet, and the said Sieur Joutel, who in Order to return to France, took that long Journey by Land, from the Gulf of Mexico to Canada, being a Tract of above 800 Leagues.

Many Adventures of all Sorts, most of which are Tragical, will please the curious Reader; and above all he will admire the Protection of Divine Providence, in Conducting and Preserving that small Company throughout those vast Regions, and among so many barbarous Nations.

We do not here pretend to Criticise upon the Work of Father Hennepin, or that of Monsieur Tonty; but even their own Favourers cannot take it ill, that this Author does not sometimes say as they do; that he plainly delivers what he saw, and that he exposes to publick View all the Truths he was an Eye Witness to, without magnifying or inventing.

It is nevertheless true, that they may be all excus’d as to some Particulars; Father Hennepin and Monsieur Tonty may have seen some Things, that did not come to the Knowledge of Monsieur Joutel; but there is a Fact of great Consequence in the History of Monsieur de la Sale, which must not be pass’d over in Silence.

It is, that Monsieur Tonty, in his Book affirms, that Monsieur de la Sale at length found the Mouth of the Missisipi, and Monsieur Joutel asserts the contrary, and says, that is so far from being true, that during his last Progress towards the Cenis, when the said Sieur Joutel was with him, and had never been parted, Monsieur de la Sale’s principal Care was to enquire of all the Nations they pass’d through, where the Missisipi was, and could never hear any thing of it; that this is evidently made out, because if Monsieur de la Sale had found the Mouth of that River, he would infallibly have taken another Way, and other Measures, and all the Appearances are on this Side, as may be seen in this Relation.

However, this must be said in Behalf of Monsieur Tonty, that he deliver’d it upon the Report of Monsieur Cavelier the Priest, and Brother to Monsieur de la Sale; which Monsieur Cavelier might have Reasons to give out they had discover’d the Missisipi, upon the same Views as oblig’d him to conceal his Brother’s Death.

Now in regard we shall see Monsieur de la Sale, for some time ranging along the Coasts of North America, to find out the Mouth of that River, it will be proper to inform those who have not seen his first Voyage, and shew them how it hap’ned that his Search prov’d in vain, and he was oblig’d to land in another Place.

After Monsieur de la Sale had discover’d that vast Continent, which is a Part of North America, from Canada, by the Way of Montreal, going up the River of St. Laurence, then through the Country of the Iroquois, the Islinois and others, all which he call’d Louisiana, his Design was to find a shorter and a safer Way, than that he had Travell’d by Land.

For this Reason it was, that having upon his first Discovery found the great River, call’d by the Barbarians Missisipi or Mechasipi, according to Father Hennepin, and to which he gave the Name of Colbert, guessing by its Course that it fell into the Bay of Mexico, he resolved with himself to find out the Mouth of it.

In short, he ran down that River, with more Danger and Toil than can be imagin’d, found it parted into two Streams and follow’d that which was most to the Northward, to the Place where it is lost in the Sea. He took the Latitude that Mouth lay in, and found it was between 28 and 29 Degrees North, as Monsieur Joutel affirms he heard him say. He left Marks there, return’d the same Way to Canada and thence into France, well pleased with his Discovery, which would have been very glorious, had he succeeded in his second Voyage.

But whether he did not take his Measures right, when he made his Observations ashore, or whether that River disgorges it self at a flat Coast, and only leaves some inconsiderable Mark of its Channel for such as come by Sea; it is most certain, that when he came into the Bay of Mexico, he sought for the same Mouth in Vain, during the Space of three Weeks, and was oblig’d to go ashore to the S. W. of the Place, where it really was.

Monsieur Tonty, in his Book, Fol. 192, tells us, that he was present when Monsieur de la Sale took the Latitude of the Mouth of the Missisipi, at his first Voyage, and says it was between twenty two and twenty three Degrees North; but that is a Mistake, which must be assigned either to the Printer, or Transcriber, for in the Map the said Monsieur Tonty has added to his Book, he places the said Mouth in about twenty six Degrees and a Half of North Latitude, and there is Reason to believe he errs in that too.

Monsieur Joutel and some others are of Opinion, that the Mouth of that Branch Monsieur de la Sale went down, is in the Bay of the Holy Ghost, and actually between the twenty eighth and twenty ninth Degrees of North Latitude, as Monsieur de la Sale found it. As for the other Channel, the same Sieur Joutel believes it is farther towards the S. W. and about the Shoals they met with about the 6th of January, 1685, between the twenty seventh and twenty eighth Degrees of North Latitude, when they were sailing along the Coast of the Bay of Mexico, and that those Shoals were the Marks of a River discharging it self there, which they neglected to inquire into. If that be so, Monsieur de la Sale was very near it, and even pass’d along before both the Mouths, but unfortunately, without perceiving them, which was the main Cause of his Death and the Ruin of his Enterprize.

To conclude, it must be granted, that as the Return of that small Number of Persons from a Country so remote and through so many Dangers, is a visible Effect of the Divine Protection; so it is also an Effect of Heavenly Justice to have preserv’d those Witnesses, and to have brought them Home into Monsieur de la Sale’s Country, to retrieve his Reputation, which had been sully’d by his Enemies.

Monsieur de la Sale would have been taken for a Dreamer, and even for an Impostor; his Enterprize had been condemn’d, and his Memory blasted; but God would not permit the Honour of a Man of such singular Merit to suffer; it pleas’d him to preserve and bring Home unquestionable Witnesses, who, by Word of Mouth and other undoubted Proofs of the notable Discoveries made by Monsieur de la Sale, have stopp’d the Mouths of his Enemies, and made out the Truth of what has been asserted at the Beginning of this Discourse, viz. that Monsieur de la Sale only wanted good Fortune to secure him the Title of a great Man and a renowned Traveller.

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AN
Historical Journal
OF THE
Late Monsieur de la Sale’s
LAST
VOYAGE
INTO
North America
To Discover the
River MISSISIPI.

It is Mr. Joutel that speaks in this Journal. At the Time when Monsieur de la Sale was preparing for his last Voyage into North America, I happen’d to be at Roan, the Place where he and I were both born, being return’d from the Army, where I had serv’d sixteen or seventeen Years.

The Reputation gain’d by Monsieur de la Sale, the Greatness of his Undertaking, the Natural Curiosity which all men are possess’d with, and my Acquaintance with his Kindred, and with several of the Inhabitants of that City, who were to bear him Company, easily prevail’d with me to make one of the Number, and I was admitted as a volunteer.

July 1684Our Rendezvous was appointed at Rochel, where we were to imbark. Messieurs Cavelier, the one Brother, the other Nephew to Monsieur de la Sale,[29] Messieurs Chedeville, Planteroze, Thibault, Ory, some others and I, repair’d thither in July 1684.

Departure from Rochel.Monsieur de la Sale having provided all Things necessary for his Voyage, surmounted all the Difficulties laid in his Way by several ill-minded Persons, and receiv’d his Orders from Monsieur Arnoult, the Intendant at Rochel, pursuant to those he had receiv’d from the King, we sail’d on the 24th of July, 1684,[30] being twenty four Vessels, four of them for our Voyage, and the others for the Islands and Canada.

Persons that went.The four Vessels appointed for Monsieur de la Sale’s Enterprize, had on Board about two hundred and eighty persons, including the Crews; of which Number there were one hundred Soldiers, with their Officers, one Talon, with his Canada Family, about thirty Volunteers, some young Women, and the rest hired People and Workmen of all Sorts, requisite for making of a Settlement.

Ships.The first of the four Vessels was a Man of War, call’d le Joly, of about thirty six or forty Guns, commanded by Monsieur de Beaujeu, on which Monsieur de la Sale, his Brother the Priest, two Recolet Fryars, Messieurs Dainmaville and Chedeville, Priests, and I imbark’d. The next was a little Frigate, carrying six Guns, which the King had given to Monsieur de la Sale, commanded by two Masters; a Flyboat of about three hundred Tuns Burden, belonging to the Sieur Massiot, Merchant at Rochel, commanded by the Sieur Aigron, and laden with all the Effects Monsieur de la Sale had thought necessary for his Settlement, and a small Ketch, on which Monsieur de la Sale had imbark’d thirty Tuns of Ammunition, and some Commodities design’d for Santo Domingo.[31]

All the Fleet, being under the Command of Monsieur de Beaujeu, was order’d to keep together as far as Cape Finisterre, whence each was to follow his own Course; but this was prevented by an unexpected Accident. We were come into 45 Degrees 23 Minutes of North Latitude, and about 50 Leagues from Rochel, when the Boltsprit of our Ship, the Joly, on a sudden, broke short, which oblig’d us to strike all our other Sails, and cut all the Rigging the broken Boltsprit lost.Boltsprit hung by.

Every man reflected on this Accident according to his Inclination. Some were of Opinion it was a Contrivance; and it was debated in Council, Whether we should proceed to Portugal, or return to Rochel, or Rochfort;Return to Rochfort. but the latter Resolution prevail’d. The other Ships design’d for the Islands and Canada, parted from us, and held on their Course. We made back for the River of Rochfort, whither the other three Vessels follow’d us, and a Boat was sent in, to acquaint the Intendant with this Accident. The Boat returned some Hours after, towing along a Boltsprit, which was soon set in its Place, and after Monsieur de la Sale had confer’d with the Intendant, he left that Place on the first of Aug. 1684August, 1684.

Cape Finisterre.We sail’d again, steering W. and by S. and on the 8th of the same Month weather’d Cape Finisterre, which is in 43 Degrees of North Latitude, without meeting any Thing remarkable. The 12th, we were in the Latitude of Lisbon, or about 39 Degrees North. The 16th, we were in 36 Degrees, the Latitude of the Streights, and the 20th, discover’d the Island Madera,Madera. which is in 32 Degrees, and where Monsieur de Beaujeu propos’d to Monsieur de la Sale to anchor, and take in Water and some Refreshments.

Difference between the Commanders.Monsieur de la Sale was not of that Mind, on Account that we had been but twenty one Days from France, had sufficient Store of Water, ought to have taken aboard Refreshments enough, and it would be a Loss of eight or ten Days[32] to no Purpose; besides, that our Enterprize requir’d Secrecy, whereas the Spaniards might get some Information, by Means of the People of that Island, which was not agreeable to the King’s Intention.

This Answer was not acceptable to Monsieur de Beaujeu, or the other Officers, nor even to the Ships Crew, who mutter’d at it very much, and it went so far, that a Passenger, call’d Paget, a Hugonet of Rochel, had the Insolence to talk to Monsieur de la Sale in a very passionate and disrespectful Manner, so that he was fain to make his Complaint to Monsieur de Beaujeu, and ask of him, Whether he had given any Incouragement to such a Fellow to talk to him after that Manner. Monsieur Beaujeu made him no Satisfaction. These Misunderstandings, with some others which happen’d before, being no Way advantageous to his Majesty’s Service, laid the Foundation of[33] those tragical Events, which afterwards put an unhappy End to Monsieur de la Sale’s Life and Undertaking, and occasion’d our Ruin.

Flying Fish.However, it was resolv’d not to come to an Anchor at that Island, whereupon Monsieur de Beaujeu said, That since it was so, we should put in no where but at the Island of Santo Domingo. We held on our Course, weather’d the Island of Madera, and began to see those little flying Fishes, which to escape the Dorados, or Gilt-Heads, that pursue them, leap out of the Water, take a little Flight of about a Pistol Shot, and then fall again into the Sea, but very often into Ships, as they are sailing by. That Fish is about as big as a Herring, and very good to eat.

On the 24th, we came into the Trade Wind,Trade Wind. which continually blows from East to West, and is therefore call’d by some Authors Ventus subsolanus, because it follows the Motion of the Sun. The 28th, we were in 27 Degrees 44 Minutes[34] of North Latitude, and in 344 of Longitude. The 30th, we had a Storm, which continu’d violent for two Days, but being right astern of us, we only lost Sight of the Ketch, for want of good Steering, but she join’d us again a few Days after.

The 6th of September,Sept. 1684 we were under the Tropic of Cancer, in 23 Degrees 30 Minutes of North Latitude and 319 of Longitude. There Mons. de la Sale’s Obstructing the Ceremony the Sailors call Ducking,Ducking. gave them Occasion to mutter again, and render’d himself privately odious. So many have given an Account of the Nature of that Folly, that it would be needless to repeat it here; it may suffice to say, that there are three things to authorize it, 1. Custom. 2. The Oath administer’d to those who are duck’d, which is to this Effect, That they will not permit any to pass the Tropics or the Line, without obliging them to the same Ceremony. And 3, which is the most prevailing Argument, the Interest accruing to the Sailors upon that Occasion, by the Refreshments, Liquors or Money given them by the Passengers to be excus’d from that Ceremony.

Monsr. de la Sale, being inform’d that all Things were preparing for that Impertinent Ceremony of Ducking, and that a Tub full of Water was ready on the Deck (the French Duck in a great Cask of Water, the English in the Sea, letting down the Person at the Yard Arm)[35] sent Word, that he would not allow such as were under his Command to be subject to that Folly, which being told to Monsr. de Beaujeu, he forbid putting of it in Execution, to the great Dissatisfaction of the inferior Officers and Sailors, who expected a considerable Sum of Money and Quantity of Refreshments, or Liquors, because there were many Persons to Duck, and all the Blame was laid upon Monsr. de la Sale.

On the 11th of September, we were in the Latitude of the Island of Santa Domingo, or Hispaniola,Hispaniola Island. being 20 Degrees North, and the Longitude of 320 Degrees. We steer’d our Course West, but the Wind flatting, the ensuing Calm quite stopp’d our Way. That same Day Monsr. Dainmaville, the Priest,[36] went aboard the Bark la Belle, to administer the Sacraments to a Gunner, who died a few Days after. Monsr. de la Sale went to see him, and I bore him Company.

The 21st,[37] the Ketch, which we had before lost sight of, join’d us again; and some Complaints being made to Monsr. de la Sale, by several private Persons that were aboard the Flyboat, he order’d me to go thither to accomodate those Differences, which were occasion’d only by some Jealousies among them.

The 16th, we sail’d by the Island Sombrero,Sombrero Island. and the 18th had hard blowing Weather, which made us apprehensive of a Hurracan. The foul Weather lasted two Days, during which Time, we kept under a main Course and lost Sight of the other Vessels.

A Council was call’d aboard our Ship, the Joly, to consider whether we should lie by for the others, or hold on our Course, and it was resolv’d, that, considering our Water began to fall short, and there were above five Persons[38] sick aboard, of which Number Monsr. de la Sale and the Surgeon[39] were, we should make all the Sail we could, to reach the first Port[40] of the Island Hispaniola, being that call’d Port de Paix, or Port Peace, which Resolution was accordingly register’d.

The 20th, we discover’d the first Land of Hispaniola, being Cape Samana,Cape Samana. lying in 19 Degrees of North Latitude, and of Longitude 308. The 25th we should have put into Port de Paix, as had been concerted, and it was not only the most convenient Place for us to get Refreshments, but also the Residence of Monsr. de Cussy, Governor of the Island Tortuga, who knew that Monsr. de la Sale carried particular Orders for him to furnish such Necessaries as he stood in Need of.

Notwithstanding these cogent Reasons, Mr. de Beaujeu was positive to pass further on in the Night, weathering the Island Tortuga,Tortuga Island. which is some Leagues distant from Port de Paix and the Coast of Hispaniola. He also pass’d Cape St. Nicolas, and the 26th[41] of the said Month, we put into the Bay of Jaguana, coasting the Island Guanabo, which is in the Middle of that Great Bay or Gulph, and in Conclusion, on the 27th we arriv’d at Petit Gouave, having spent 58 Days in our Passage from the Port of Chef de Bois, near Rochel.

This Change of the Place for our little Squadron to put into, for which no Reason could be given, prov’d very disadvantageous; and it will hereafter appear, as I have before observ’d, that those misunderstanding among the Officers insensibly drew on the Causes from whence our Misfortune proceeded.

As soon as we had dropt Anchor, a Piragua, or great Sort of Canoe, came out from the Place, with Twenty Men, to know who we were, and hail’d us. Being inform’d that we were French, they acquainted us, that Monsieur de Cussy was at Port de Paix with the Marquis de St. Laurent, Lieutenant General of the American Islands, and Monsieur Begon the Intendant, which very much troubled Monsieur de la Sale, as having Affairs of the utmost Consequence to concert with them; but there was no remedy, and he was oblig’d to bear it with Patience.

The next Day, being the 28th, we sang Te Deum, in Thanksgiving for our prosperous Passage. Monsieur de la Sale being somewhat recover’d of his Indisposition, went Ashore with several of the Gentlemen of his Retinue, to buy some Refreshments for the Sick, and to find Means to send Notice of his Arrival, to Messieurs de St. Laurent, de Cussy, and Begon, and signify to them, how much he was concern’d that we had not put into Port de Paix. He writ particularly to Monsieur de Cussy, to desire he would come to him, if possible, that he might be assisting to him, and take the necessary Measures for rendering his Enterprize successful, that it might prove to the King’s Honour and Service.

In the mean Time, the Sick suffering very much Aboard the Ships,[42] by Reason of the Heat, and their being too close together, the Soldiers were put Ashore, on a little Island, near Petit Gouaves, which is the usual Burial-Place of the People of the pretended Reformed Religion,[43] where they had fresh Provisions, and Bread baked on Purpose, distributed to them. As for the Sick, I was order’d by Monsieur de la Sale, to provide a House for them, whither they were carry’d, with the Surgeons, and supply’d with all that was requisite for them.

Some Days after, Monsieur de la Sale fell dangerously ill, most of his Family were also sick. A violent Fever, attended with Lightheadedness, brought him almost to Extremity. The Posture of his Affairs, Want of Money, and the Weight of a mighty Enterprize, without knowing whom to trust with the Execution of it, made him still more sick in Mind, than he was in his Body, and yet his Patience and Resolution surmounted all those Difficulties. He pitch’d upon Monsieur le Gros and me to act for him, caus’d some Commodities he had Aboard the Ships to be sold, to raise Money; and through our Care, and the excellent Constitution of his Body, he recover’d Health.

Whilst he was in that Condition, two of our Ships, which had been separated from us on the 18th of September, by the stormy Winds, arriv’d at Petit Gouave on the 2d of October.Oct. 1684. The Joy conceiv’d on Account of their Arrival, was much allay’d by the News they brought of the Loss of the Ketch,Ketch taken by the Spaniards. taken by two Spanish Piraguas; and that Loss was the more grievous, because that Vessel was laden with Provisions, Ammunition, Utensils and proper Tools for the settling of our new Colonies; a Misfortune which would not have happen’d, had Monsieur de Beaujeu put into Port de Paix, and Messieurs de St. Laurent, de Cussy, and Begon who arrived at the same Time, to see Monsieur de la Sale did not spare to signify as much to him, and to complain of that Miscarriage.

Nov. 1684Monsieur de la Sale being recover’d had several Conferences with these Gentlemen, relating to his Voyage. A Consult of Pilots was called to resolve where he should touch before we came upon the Coast of America, and it was resolved to steer directly for the Western Point of the Island of Cuba, or for Cape St. Antony, distant about 300 Leagues from Hispaniola, there to expect the proper Season, and a fair Wind to enter the Gulph or Bay, which is but Two hundred Leagues over.

The next Care was to lay in Store of other Provisions, in the Room of those which were lost, and Monsieur de la Sale was the more pressing for us to imbark, because most of his Men deserted, or were debauch’d by the Inhabitants of the Place; and the Vessel call’d l’ Aimable, being the worst Sailer of our little Squadron, it was resolv’d that should carry the Light, and the others to follow it. Monsieur de la Sale, Monsieur Cavelier his Brother, the Fathers Zenobius[44] and Anastasius, both Recolets, Monsieur Chedeville and I imbark’d on the said Aimable and all sail’d the 25th of November.

We met with some Calms, and some violent Winds, which nevertheless carry’d us in Sight of the Island of Cuba, on the 30th of the same Month, and it then bore from us N. W. There we alter’d our Course and steer’d W. and by N. The 31st, the Weather being somewhat close, we lost Sight of that Island, then stood W. N. W. and the Sky clearing up, made an Observation at Noon, and found we were in 19 Degrees, 45 Minutes of North Latitude: by which we judg’d that the Currents had carry’d us off to Sea from the Island of Cuba.

Dec. 1684On the first of December we discovered the Island Cayman.Cayman Island. The 2d we steer’d N. W. and by W. in order to come up with the Island of Cuba in the Northern Latitude of 20 Degrees 32 Minutes. The 3d we discovered the little Island of Pines,Island of Pines. lying close to Cuba. The 4th, we weather’d a Point of that Island, and the Wind growing scant, were forc’d to ply upon a Bowling, and make several Trips till the 5th at Night, when we anchor’d in a Creek, in 15 Fathom Water, and continued there till the 8th.

During that short Stay, Monsieur de la Sale went Ashore with several Gentlemen of his Retinue on the Island of Pines, shot an Alligator dead, and returning Aboard, perceiv’d he had lost two of his Voluntiers, who had wander’d into the Woods, and perhaps lost their Way. We fired several Musquet Shots to call them, which they did not hear, and I was order’d to expect them ashore, with 30 Musquetiers to attend me. They return’d the next Morning with much Trouble.

Alligator eaten.In the mean Time, our Soldiers, who had good Stomachs, boil’d and eat the Alligator, Monsieur de la Sale had kill’d. The flesh of it was white and had a Taste of Musk, for which Reason I could not eat it. One of our Hunters kill’d a wild Swine,Wild Swine. which the Inhabitants of those Islands call Maron. There are of them in the Island of Santo Domingo, or Hispaniola, they are of the Breed of those the Spaniards left in the Islands when they first discover’d them, and run wild in the Woods. I sent it to Monsieur de la Sale, who presented the one Half to Monsieur de Beaujeu.

That Island is all over very thick wooded,Island of Pines. the Trees being of several Sorts, and some of them bear a Fruit resembling the Acorn, but harder. There are Abundance of Parrots, larger than those at Petit Gouave, a great Number of Turtle Doves and other Birds, and a Sort of Creatures resembling a Rat, but as big as a Cat, their Hair reddish. Our Men kill’d many of them and fed heartily on them, as they did on a good Quantity of Fish, wherewith that Coast abounds.

We imbark’d again, as soon as the two Men who had stray’d were return’d, and on the 8th; being the Feast of the Conception of the Blessed Virgin, sail’d in the Morning, after having heard Mass, and the Wind shifting were forc’d to steer several Courses. The 9th we discover’d Cape Corrientes, of the Island of Cuba; where we were first becalm’d; and then follow’d a stormy Wind, which carried us away five Leagues to the Eastward. The 10th we spent the Night, making several Trips. The 11th, the Wind coming about, we weather’d Cape Corrientes,The Capes Corrientes and St. Antony. to make that of St. Antony; and at length, after plying a considerable Time, and sounding, we came to an Anchor the 12th, upon good Ground, in fifteen Fathom Water, in the Creek form’d by that Cape, which is in 22 Degrees of North Latitude and 288 Degrees 35 Minutes of Longitude.

We stay’d there only till next Day, being the 13th,[45] when the Wind seem’d to be favourable to enter upon the Bay of Mexico. We made ready and sail’d, steering N. W. and by N. and N. N. W. to weather the said Cape and prosecute our Voyage: But by that Time we were five Leagues from the Place of our Departure, we perceiv’d the Wind shifted upon us, and not knowing which Way the Currents sate, we stood E. and by N. and held that Course till the 14th, when Monsieur de Beaujeu, who was aboard the Joly, join’d us again, and having confer’d with Monsieur de la Sale about the Wind’s being contrary, proposed to him to return to Cape St. Antony, to which Monsieur de la Sale consented, to avoid giving him any Cause to complain, tho’ there was no great Occasion for so doing, and accordingly we went and anchor’d in the Place from whence we came.

The next Day, being the 15th, Monsieur de la Sale sent some Men ashore, to try whether we could fill some Casks with Water. They brought Word, they had found some in the Wood, which was not much amiss, but that there was no Conveniency for rowling of the Casks; for which Reason Rundlets were sent, and as much Water brought in them, as fill’d six or seven of our Water Casks.

The same Men reported, that they had found a glass Bottle, and in it a little Wine, or some other Liquor, almost dead. This was all the Provision we found in that Place, by which it appears, how much Monsieur Tonti was misinform’d,Mistake in Monsieur Tonti’s Account of the Voyage. since in his Book, Pag. 242, he says, we found in that Island several Tun of Spanish Wine, good Brandy and Indian Wheat, which the Spaniards had left or abandon’d; and it is a meer Invention without any Thing of Truth.

The 16th, the Weather being still Calm, the Men went ashore again for five or six more Casks of Water. I was to have gone with them, had not an Indisposition, which I first felt in the Island of Pines, and afterwards turn’d to a tertian Ague, prevented me. Therefore I can give no Account of that Island, any further than what I could see from the Ships, which was Abundance of that Sort of Palm-Trees, in French call’d Lataniers, fit for nothing but making of Brooms, or scarce any other Use. That day we saw some Smoaks, far within the Island, and guess’d they might be a Signal of the Number of our Ships, or else made by some of the Country Hunters, who had lost their Way.

The next Night preceding the 17th, the Wind freshning from the N. W. and starting up all on a sudden, drove the Vessel call’d la Belle upon her Anchor, so that she came foul of the Boltsprit of the Aimable, carrying away the Spritsail-Yard and the Spritsail-Top-Sail-Yard, and had not they immediately veer’d out the Cable of the Aimable, the Vessel la Belle would have been in danger of perishing, but escap’d with the Loss of her Mizen, which came by the Board, and of about a hundred Fathoms of Cable and an Anchor.

The 18th, the Wind being fresh, we made ready, and sail’d about Ten in the Morning, standing North and N. and by W. and held our Course till Noon; the Point of Cape St. Anthony bearing East and West with us, and so continu’d steering North-West, till the 19th at Noon, when we found our selves in the Latitude of 22 Degrees 58 minutes North, and in 287 Degrees 54 Minutes Longitude.

Finding the Wind shifting from one Side to another, we directed our Course several Ways, but that which prov’d advantageous to us, was the fair Weather, and that was a great Help, so that scarce a Day pass’d without taking an Observation.

The 20th, we found the Variation of the Needle was 5 Degrees West, and we were in 26 Degrees 40 Minutes of North Latitude and 285 Degrees 16 Minutes Longitude. The 23th it grew very cloudy,[46] which threaten’d stormy Weather, and we prepar’d to receive it, but came off only with the Apprehension, the Clouds dispersing several Ways, and we continu’d till the 27th in and about 28 Degrees 14 Minutes, and both by the Latitude and Estimation it was judg’d, that we were not far from Land.

The Bark call’d la Belle was sent out to discover and keep before, sounding all the Way; and half an Hour before Sun-set, we saw the Vessel la Belle put out her Colours and lie by for us. Being come up with her, the Master told us, he had found an Owzy Bottom at thirty two Fathom Water. At eight of the Clock we sounded also, and found forty Fathom, and at ten, but twenty five. About Midnight, la Belle sounding again, found only seventeen, which being a Demonstration of the Nearness of the Land, we lay by for the Joly, to know what Monsieur de Beaujeu design’d, who being come up, lay by with us.

The 27th, Monsieur de Beaujeu sent the Chevalier d’Aire, his Lieutenant, and two Pilots to Monsieur de la Sale, to conclude upon the Course we were to steer, and it was agreed we should stand West North West till we came into six Fathom Water; that then we should run West, and when we had discover’d the Land, Boats should be sent to view the Country. Matters being thus agreed on, we sail’d again, sounding all the Way for the more Security, and about ten, were in ten or eleven Fathom Water, the Bottom fine greyish Sand and owzy. At Noon, were in 26 Degrees[47] 37 Minutes of North Latitude.

The 28th, being in eight or nine Fathom Water, we perceiv’d the Bark la Belle, which kept a Head of us, put out her Colours, which was the Signal of her having discover’d Something. A Sailor was sent up to the Main-Top, who descry’d the Land, to the N. E. not above six Leagues Distance from us, which being told to Monsieur de Beaujeu, he thought fit to come to an Anchor.

There being no Man among us who had any Knowledge of that Bay, where we had been told the Currents were strong, and sate swiftly to the Eastward, it made us suspect that we were fallen off, and that the Land we saw must be the Bay of Apalache, which oblig’d us on the 29th to steer W. N. W. still keeping along the Land, and it was agreed that the Joly should follow us in six Fathom Water.

The 30th, the Chevalier d’ Aire and the second Pilot of the Joly came aboard us to confer and adjust by our Recknings what Place we might be in, and they all agreed, according to Monsieur de la Sale’s Opinion, that the CurrentsCurrents. had set us to the Eastward, for which Reason we held on our Course, as we had done the Day before to the N. W. keeping along the Shore till the first of January 1685,Jan. 1685 when we perceiv’d that the Currents forc’d us towards the Land, which oblig’d us to come to an Anchor in six Fathom Water.

We had not been there long, before the Bark la Belle made a Signal that she had discover’d Land, which we descry’d at about 4 Leagues Distance from us. Notice was given to Monsieur de Beaujeu, who drew near to us, and it was resolv’d to send some Person to discover and take an Account of the Land that appear’d to us.

Accordingly a Boat was man’d, and into it went Monsieur de la Sale, the Chevalier d’ Aire and several others; another Boat was also put out, aboard which I went with Ten or Twelve of our Gentlemen, to join Monsieur de la Sale and the Bark la Belle was order’d to follow always keeping along the Shore; to the End that if the Wind shou’d rise, we might get aboard her, to lose no Time.

First Landing.Some of those who were in Monsieur de la Sale’s Boat, and the foremost,[48] went ashore and saw a spacious plain Country of much Pasture Ground; but had not the Leisure to make any particular Discovery, because the Wind freshning, they were oblig’d to return to their Boat, to come aboard again; which was the Reason why we did not go quite up to the Shore, but return’d with them to our Ship. All that could be taken Notice of was a great Quantity of Wood along the Coast. We took an Observation and found 29 Degrees 10 Minutes of North Latitude.

The Second, there arose a Fog, which made us lose Sight of the Joly. The next Day, the Weather clearing up, we fir’d some Cannon-shot and the Joly answer’d, and towards the Evening we perceiv’d her to the Windward of us. We held on our Course, making several Trips till the Fourth in the Evening, when being in Sight and within two Leagues of the Land, we came to an Anchor to expect the Joly, for which we were in Pain.

Monsieur Joutel believes here was one of the Mouths of the Missisipi. See the Pref. and what follows.The Fifth, we set Sail and held on our Course W. S. W. keeping along the Shore till about Six in the Evening, when we stood away to the Southward and anchor’d at Night in six Fathom Water. The Sixth, we would have made ready to sail, but the Pilot perceiving, that the Sea broke astern of us, and that there were some Shoals, it was thought proper to continue at Anchor, till the Wind chang’d, and we accordingly staid there the Sixth and all the Seventh. The Eighth the Wind veering about, we stood out a little to Sea, to avoid those Shoals, which are very dangerous, and anchor’d again a League from thence. Upon Advice, that the Bark la Belle had discover’d a small Island, which appear’d between the two Points of a Bay, Monsieur de la Sale sent a Man up to the round Top, from whence both the one and the other were plainly to be seen, and according to the Sea Charts we had with us, that was suppos’d to be the Bay of the Holy Ghost.

The Ninth, Monsieur de la Sale, sent to view those Shoals. Those who went reported there was a sort of Bank, which runs along the Coast; that they had been in one Fathom Water and discover’d the little Island beforemention’d, and as for the Sand Bank there is no such thing mark’d down in the Charts. Monsieur de la Sale having examin’d the Recknings, was confirm’d in his Opinion, that we were in the Bay of Apalache, and caus’d us to continue the same Course.

The Tenth, he took an Observation and found 29 Degrees 23 Minutes North Latitude. The eleventh, we were becalm’d, and Monsieur de la Sale resolv’d to go ashore, to endeavour to discover what he was looking for; but as we were making ready, the Pilot began to mutter because five or six of us were going with Monsieur de la Sale, who too lightly alter’d his Design, to avoid giving Offence to brutish People. In that Particular he committed an irretrieveable Error; for it is the Opinion of Judicious Men, who, as well as I, saw the rest of that Voyage, that the Mouth of one of the Branches of the Missisipi River, and the same whose Latitude Monsieur de la Sale had taken, when he travell’d to it from Canada, was not far from that Place, and that we must of Necessity be near the Bay of the Holy Ghost.[49]

It was Monsieur de la Sale’s DesignMonsieur de la Sale’s Mistake. to find that Bay, and having found it, he had resolv’d to have set ashore about thirty Men, who were to have follow’d the Coast on the Right and Left, which would infallibly have discover’d to him that fatal River, and have prevented many Misfortunes; but Heaven refus’d him that Success, and even made him regardless of an Affair of such Consequence, since he was satisfy’d with sending thither the Pilot, with one of the Masters of the Bark la Belle, who return’d without having seen any Thing, because a fog happen’d to rise; only the Master of the Bark said he believ’d there was a River opposite to those Shoals, which was very likely, and yet Monsieur de la Sale took no Notice of it, nor made any Account of that Report.

The Twelfth, the Wind being come about we weigh’d and directed our Course S. W. to get further from the Land. By an Observation found 25[50] Degrees 50 Minutes North Latitude, and the Wind shifting, and the Currents, which set from the Seaward driving us ashore, it was found convenient to anchor in four or five Fathom Water, where we spent all the Night.

The Thirteenth, we perceiv’d our Water began to fall short, and therefore it was requisite to go ashore to fill some Casks. Monsieur de la Sale propos’d it to me to go and see it perform’d, which I accepted of, with six of our Gentlemen who offer’d their Service. We went into the Boat, with our Arms, the Boat belonging to the Bark la Belle follow’d ours, with five or six Men, and we all made directly for the Land.

We were very near the Shoar, when we discover’d a number of naked Men marching along the Banks, whom we suppos’d to be native Savages. We drew within two Musket Shots of the Land, and the Shore being flat, the Wind setting from the Offing, and the Sea running high, dropt our Anchors, for Fear of staving our Boats.[51]

Savages came to the Boat.When the Savages perceiv’d we had stopp’d, they made Signs to us with Skins, to go to them, shew’d us their Bows, which they laid down upon the Ground, and drew near to the Edge of the Shore; but because we could not get Ashore, and still they continued their Signals, I put my Handkerchief on the End of my Firelock, after the Manner of a Flag, and made Signs to them to come to us. They were some Time considering of it, and at last some of them ran into the Water up to their Shoulders, till perceiving that the Waves overwhelm’d them, they went out again, fetch’d a large Piece of Timber, which they threw into the Sea, plac’d themselves along both Sides of it, holding fast to it with one Arm, and swimming with the other; and in that Manner they drew near to our Boat.

Being in Hopes that Monsr. de la Sale, might get some Information from those Savages, we made no Difficulty of taking them into our Boat, one after another, on each Side, to the Number of five, and then made Signs to the rest to go to the other Boat, which they did, and we carry’d them on Board.Carryed Aboard.

Monsieur de la Sale was very well pleas’d to see them, imagining they might give him some Account of the River he sought after; but to no Purpose, for he spoke to them in several of the Languages of the Savages, which he knew, and made many Signs to them, but still they understood not what he meant, or if they did comprehend any thing, they made Signs, that they knew nothing of what he ask’d; so that having made them smoak and eat, we shewed them our Arms and the Ship, and when they saw at one End of it some Sheep, Swine, Hens and Turkeys, and the Hide of a Cow we had kill’d, they made Signs that they had of all those Sorts of Creatures among them.

Return Ashore with Gifts.We gave them some Knives and Strings of Beads, after which, they were dismiss’d, and the Waves hindring us from coming too near the Shore, they were oblig’d to leap into the Water, after we had made fast about their Necks, or to the Tuft of Hair they have on the Top of the Head, the Knives and other small Presents Monsieur de la Sale had given them.

They went and join’d the others who expected them, and were making Signs to us to go to them; but not being able to make the Shore, we stood off again and return’d to our Ship. It is to be observed, that when we were carrying them back, they made some Signs to us, by which we conceiv’d they would signify to us that there was a great River that Way we were pass’d, and that it occasion’d the Shoals we had seen.

The Wind changing, the same Day, we weigh’d Anchor and stood to the Southward, to get into the Offing, till the 14th in the Morning, when we were becalm’d. At Noon, we were in 28 Degrees 51 Minutes of North Latitude. The Wind freshned, and in the Evening we held on our Course, but only for a short Time, because the Wind setting us towards the Shore, we were obliged to anchor again, whereupon Monsieur de la Sale again resolved to send Ashore, and the same Persons imbark’d in the same Boats to that effect.

We met with the same Obstacles, that had hinder’d us the Day before, that is, the High-Sea, which would not permit us to come near the Shore, and were obliged to drop Anchor in fourteen Foot Water.[52] The Sight of Abundance of Goats and Bullocks,Goats and Bullocks. differing in Shape, from ours, and running along the Coast, heighten’d our Earnestness to be Ashore. We therefore sounded to see whether we might get to Land by Stripping, and found we were on a Flat, which had four Foot Water, but that beyond it there was a deep Channel. Whilst we were consulting what to do, a Storm arose, which oblig’d Monsieur de la Sale to fire a Gun for us to return Aboard, which we did against our Inclination.

Monsieur de la Sale was pleas’d with the Report we made him, and by it, several were encouraged to go Ashore to hunt, that we might have some fresh Meat. We spent all that Night, till the next Morning, in Hopes of returning soon to that Place; but the Wind changing, forc’d us to weigh and sail till the Evening, when we drop’d Anchor in six Fathom Water. The Land which we never departed from very far, appear’d to us very pleasant, and having lain there till the 16th, that Morning we sail’d W. S. W. We weather’d a Point, keeping a large Offing, because of the Sea’s beating upon it, and stood to the Southward. At Noon, we were in 28 Degrees 20 Minutes of North Latitude, and consequently found the Latitude declin’d, by which we were sensible, that the Coast tendered to the Southward. At Night we anchor’d in six Fathom Water.

The 17th, the Wind continuing the same, we held on our Course S. W. and having about Ten discover’d a Sort of River, Monsieur de la Sale caus’d Ten of us to go into a Boat, to take a View of that Coast, and see whether there was not some Place to land. He order’d me, in Case we found any convenient Place, to give him Notice either by Fire or Smoke.

Second landing.We set out, and found the Shoals obstructed our Descent. One of our Men went naked into the Water to sound that Sand Bank, which lay between us and the Land; and having shewn us a Place where we might Pass, we, with much Difficulty, forc’d our Boat into the Channel, and six or seven of us landed, after ordering the Boat to go up into that which had appeared to us to be a River, to see whether any fresh Water could be found.

As soon as we were landed, I made a Smoke to give Notice to Monsieur de la Sale, and then we advanc’d both Ways, without straggling too far, that we might be ready to receive Monsr. de la Sale, who was to come, as he did, soon after, but finding the Surges run high, he return’d, and our Boat finding no fresh Water, came back and anchor’d to wait for us.

We walked about every Way, and found a dry Soil, tho’ it seem’d to be overflow’d at some Times; great Lakes of salt Water, little Grass, the Track of Goats, on the Sand, and saw Herds of them, but could not come near them, however we kill’d some Ducks and Bustards. In the Evening, as we were returning, we miss’d an English Seaman, fir’d several Shots to give him Notice, searched all about, waited till after Sunset, and at last hearing no Tidings of him, we went into the Boat to return Aboard.

I gave Monsieur de la Sale an Account of what we had seen, which would have pleas’d him, had the River we discover’d, afforded fresh Water: He was also uneasy for the lost Man; but about Midnight we saw a Fire Ashore, in the Place we came from, which we suppos’d to be made by our Man, and the Boat went for him as soon as it was day on the 18th.

After that, we made several Trips, still steering towards the S. W. and then ensued a Calm, which oblig’d us to come to an Anchor. Want of Water made us think of returning towards the River, where we had been the Day before. Monsr. de la Sale resolved to set a considerable Number of Men Ashore, with sufficient Ammunition, and to go with them himself, to discover and take Cognizance of that Country, and order’d me to follow him. Accordingly we sail’d back, and came to an Anchor in the same Place.

All things necessary for that end being order’d on the 19th, Part of the Men were put into a Boat;[53] but a very thick Fog rising, and taking away the Sight of Land, the Compass was made use of, and the fog dispersing as we drew near the Land, we perceiv’d a Ship making directly towards us, and that it was the Joly, where Monsr. de Beaujeu commanded, which rejoic’d us, but our Satisfaction was not lasting, and it will appear by the Sequel, that it were to have been wished, that Monsieur de Beaujeu had not joyn’d us again, but that he had rather gone away for France, without ever seeing of us.

His Arrival disconcerted the Execution of our Enterprize. Monsr. de la Sale, who was already on his Way, and those who were gone before him, return’d Aboard, and some Hours after, Monsr. de Beaujeu sent his Lieutenant, Monsr. de Aire, attended by several Persons, as well Clergymen as others, among whom was the Sieur Gabaret, second Pilot of the Joly.

Commanders at Variance.Monsieur d’ Aire complain’d grievously to Monsieur de la Sale, in the Name of Monsr. de Beaujeu, for that said he, we had left him designedly; which was not true, for as I have said, the Joly lay at Anchor A-head of us, when we were separated from her; we fired a Gun to give her Notice of our Departure, as had been concerted, and Monsr. de Beaujeu answer’d it; besides that, if we had intended to separate from him, we should not have always held our Course in Sight of Land, as we had done, and that had Monsieur de Beaujeu held the same Course, as had been agreed, he had not been separated from us.

There were afterwards several Disputes between the Captains and the Pilots, as well Aboard Monsieur de la Sale, as Aboard Monsieur de Beaujeu, when those Gentlemen return’d, about settling exactly the Place we were in, and the Course we were to steer; some positively affirming we were farther than we imagin’d, and that the Currents had carry’d us away; and others, that we were near the Magdalen River.

The former of those Notions prevail’d, whence, upon Reflection, Monsieur de la Sale concluded, that he must be past his River,They pass the Mouth of the Missisipi. which was but too true; for that River emptying it self in the Sea by two Channels, it follow’d that one of the Mouths fell about the Shoals we had observ’d the sixth of the Month; and the rather because those Shoals were very near the Latitude that Monsieur de la Sale had observ’d, when he came by the way of Canada to discover the Mouth of that River, as he told me several Times.

This Consideration prevail’d with Monsieur de la Sale to propose his Design of returning towards those Shoals. He gave his Reasons for so doing and exposed his Doubts; but his ill Fortune made him not be regarded. Our Passage had taken up more Time than had been expected, by Reason of the Calms; there was a considerable Number of Men aboard the Joly, and Provisions grew short, insomuch that they said it would not hold out to return, if our Departure were delay’d. For this Reason Monsieur de Beaujeu demanded Provisions of Monsieur de la Sale; but he asking enough for a long Time, Monsieur de la Sale answer’d, he could only give him enough for a Fortnight, which was more Time than was requisite to reach the Place he intended to return to; and that besides he could not give him more Provisions, without rummaging all the Stores to the Bottom of the Hold, which would endanger his being cast away. Thus nothing was concluded, and Monsieur de Beaujeu return’d to his own Ship.

Third Landing.In the mean Time, Want of Water began to pinch us, and Monsieur de la Sale resolv’d to send to look for some about the next River. Accordingly he order’d the two Boats that had been made ready the Day before, to go off. He was aboard one of them himself, and directed me to follow him. Monsieur de Beaujeu also commanded his Boat to go for Wood. By the Way we met the said Sieur de Beaujeu in his Yaul, returning from Land, with the Sieur Minet, an Ingenier, who told us, they had been in a Sort of salt Pool, two or three Leagues from the Place where the Ships were at Anchor, we held on our Way and landed.

One of our Boats, which was gone ahead of us, had been a League and a half up the River, without finding any fresh Water in its Channel; but some Men wandering about to the right and left, had met with divers Rivulets[54] of very good Water, wherewith many Casks were fill’d.

We lay ashore, and our Hunters having that Day kill’d good Store of Ducks, Bustards and Teal, and the next Day two Goats, Monsieur de la Sale sent Monsieur de Beaujeu Part. We feasted upon the rest, and that good Sport put several Gentlemen that were then aboard Monsieur de Beaujeu, among whom were Monsieur du Hamel, the Ensign and the King’s Clerk, upon coming ashore to partake of the Diversion; but they took much Pains and were not successful in their Sport.

In the mean Time many Casks were fill’d with Water, as well for our Ship as for Monsieur de Beaujeu’s. Some Days after Monsieur d’ Aire the Lieutenant, came ashore to confer with Monsieur de la Sale, and to know how he would manage about the Provisions; but both of them persisting in their first Proposals and Monsieur de la Sale perceiving that Monsieur de Beaujeu would not be satisfied with Provisions for 15 Days, which he thought sufficient to go to the Place where he expected to find one of the Branches of the Missisipi, which he with good Reason believ’d to be about the Shoals, I have before spoken of, nothing was concluded as to that Affair. Monsieur d’ Aire return’d to his Captain, and Monsieur de la Sale resolv’d to land his Men; which could not be done for some Days, because of the foul Weather; but in the mean Time we kill’d much Game.

During this little Interval, Monsieur de la Sale being impatient to get some Intelligence of what he sought after, resolv’d to go himself upon Discovery, and to seek out some more useful and commodious River than that where they were. To this Purpose he took five or six of us along with him. We set out one Morning in so thick a Fog, that the hindmost could not perceive the Track of the foremost, so that we lost Monsieur de la Sale for some Time.

Account of the Country.We travel’d till about three in the Afternoon, finding the Country for the most Part Sandy, little Grass, no fresh Water, unless in some Sloughs,[55] the Track of abundance of wild Goats, Lakes full of Ducks, Teals, Water-Hens, and having taken much Pains return’d without Success.

The next Morning, Monsieur de la Sale’s Indian, going about to find wild Goats, came to a Lake, which had a little Ice upon it, the Weather being cold, and Abundance of Fish dying about the Edges of it. He came to inform us, we went to make our Provision of them, there were some of a prodigious Magnitude, and among the rest extraordinary large Trouts, or else they were some Sort of Fish very like them. We caused some of each of a Sort to be boil’d in salt Water, and found them very good. Thus having Plenty of Fish and Flesh, we began to use ourselves to eat them both, without Bread.

Whilst we liv’d thus easy enough, Monsieur de la Sale expected with Impatience to know what Resolution Monsieur de Beaujeu would take; that he might either go to the Place, where he expected to find the Missisipi, or follow some other Course; but at last, perceiving that his Affairs did not advance, he resolv’d to put his own Design in Execution, the Purport whereof was to land one hundred and twenty, or one hundred and thirty Men to go along the Coast and continue it, till they had found some other River, and that at the same Time the Bark la Belle should hold the same Course at Sea, still keeping along the Coast, to relieve those Ashore in Time of Need.

Feb. 1685He gave me and Monsieur Moranget, his Nephew, the Command of that small Company, he furnish’d us with all Sorts of Provisions for eight, or ten Days, as also Arms, Tools and Utensils we might have Occasion for, of which every Man made his Bundle. He also gave us written Instructions of what we were to do, the Signals we were to make; and thus we set out on the Fourth of February.

Men sent by Land to discover.We took our Way along the Shore. Our first Day’s Journey was not long, we encamp’d on a little rising Ground, heard a Cannon shot, which made us uneasy, made the Signals that had been appointed, and the next Day, being the 5th, we held on our March, Monsieur Moranget bringing up the Rear, and I leading the Van.

I will not spend Time in relating several personal Accidents, inconsiderable in themselves, or of no Consequence, the most considerable of them being the Want of fresh Water; but will proceed to say, that after three Days March we found a great River, where we halted and made the Signals agreed on, encamping on a commodious Spot of Ground till we could hear of the Boat, which was to follow us, or of our Ships.

But our Provisions beginning to fall short, and none of our Ships appearing, being besides apprehensive of some unlucky Accident occasion’d by the Disagreement between Monsieur de la Sale and Monsr. de Beaujeu, the Chief of our Company came together to know what Resolution we should take. It was agreed, that we should spare our Provisions to endeavour to go on to some Place where we might find Bullocks; but it was requisite to cross the River, and we knew not how, because we were too many of us, and therefore it was decreed to set some Carpenters there were among-us at Work to build a little Boat,[56] which took them up the eleventh and twelfth of February.

The 13th, we were put out of our Pain by two Vessels we discover’d at Sea, which we knew to be the Joly and la Belle, to whom we made our Signals with Smoke. They came not in then, because it was late, but the next Day being the 14th in the Morning, the Boat, with the Sieur Barbier and the Pilot of the Bark la Belle come up, and both sounded the Mouth of the River.

A fine River.They found on the Bar, from ten to twelve Foot Water, and within it from five to six Fathom; the Breadth of the River being about half a Quarter of a League. They sounded near the Island, which lies between the two Points of the Bay, and found the same Depth. The Boat of the Joly came and sounded on the other Side of the Channel, and particularly along the Shoals, I know not to what Purpose. The same Day, Monsieur de la Sale, for whom we were much in Pain, came also, and as soon as he arrived, he caus’d the Boat to be laden with such Provisions as we stood in Need of, but the Wind being contrary, it could not come to us till the next Day, being the 15th.

That same Day, Monsr. de la Sale came Ashoar to view the Place and examine the Entrance into the River, which he found to be very good. Having consider’d all Particulars, he resolv’d to send in the Bark la Belle and l’ Aimable, that they might be under Shelter, to which Purpose, he order’d to sound, and to know whether those two Vessels could both come in that same Day. Monsieur de Beaujeu caus’d also the Place to be sounded, and lay Ashoar on the other Side of the River, where he took Notice there were Vines which run up the Trees, like our Wall Vines, some Woods and the Carcasses of Bullocks, which he supposed to have died with Thirst.

The 16th, the Pilots of the Joly, l’ Aimable and la Belle, went again to sound, they found the Entrance easy, and gave it under their Hands. The 17th, they fix’d Stakes to mark out the Way, that the Vessels might come safe in. All Things seem’d to promise a happy Event.

The 18th, the Chevalier d’ Aire came ashore, to confer with Monsieur de la Sale, who being desirous to have the Fly-boat l’ Aimable come in that Day, order’d the most weighty Things in her to be unloaded, as the Cannon, the Iron and some other Things. It was my good Fortune that my Chest stood in the Way, and was also unloaded, but that Unlading could not be done till the next Day, being the 19th. That being perform’d, the Captain affirm’d it would go in at 8 Foot Water.

The 20th, Monsieur de la Sale sent Orders to that Captain to draw near the Bar, and to come in at high Water, of which a Signal should be given him; he also order’d the Pilot of the Bark la Belle to go aboard the Flyboat, to be assisting when it came in. The Captain would not receive him aboard, saying, he could carry in his Ship without his Help. All these Precautions prov’d of no Use; Monsieur de la Sale could not avert his ill Fate. He having taken Notice of a large Tree on the Bank of the River, which he judg’d fit to make a Canoe, sent 7 or 8 Workmen to hew it down, two of whom return’d some Time after, in a great Fright, and told him, they had narrowly escap’d being taken by a Company of Savages,A Company of Savages. and that they believ’d the others had fallen into their Hands. Monsieur de la Sale order’d us immediately to handle our Arms, and to march with Drums beating towards the Savages, who seeing us in that Posture, fac’d about and went off.

Monsieur de la Sale being desirous to join those Savages, to endeavour to get some Information from them, order’d Ten of us to lay down our Arms and draw near them, making Signs to them, at the same Time, to come to us.

When they saw us in that Posture and unarm’d, most of them also laid down their Bows and ArrowsTheir Friendly Behaviour. and came to meet us, caressing us after their Manner, and stroking first their own Breasts and then ours, then their own Arms and afterwards ours. By these Signs they gave us to understand that they had a Friendship for us, which they express’d by laying their Hands on their Hearts, and we did the same on our Part.

Six or seven of those Savages went along with us, and the rest kept three of our Men, in the Nature of Hostages. Those who went with us were made much of, but Monsieur de la Sale could learn nothing of them, either by Signs or otherwise; all they could make us understand was, that there was good hunting of Bullocks in the Country. We observ’d, that their Yea consisted in a Cry, fetch’d from the Bottom of the Throat, not unlike the Call of a Hen to gather her Chickens. Monsieur de la Sale gave them some Knives, Hatchets and other Trifles, with which they seem’d well pleased, and went away.

Monsieur de la Sale was glad to be rid of those People, because he was willing to be present when the Flyboat came in; but his ill Fate would not permit it. He thought fit to go himself along with those Savages, and we follow’d him, thinking to have found our Men in the same Place where we left them; but perceiv’d on the Contrary, that the Savages had carried them away to their Camp, which was a League and half from us, and Monsieur de la Sablonniere. Lieutenant of Foot, being one of those the Savages had taken with them. Monsieur de la Sale resolved to go himself to fetch him away, an unhappy Thought which cost him dear.

As we were on our Way towards the Camp of the Savages, happening to look towards the Sea, we saw the Flyboat l’ Aimable under Sail, which the Savages who were with us admir’d, and Monsieur de la Sale observing it narrowly, told us, those People steer’d wrong, and were standing towards the Shoals, which made him very uneasy, but still we advanc’d. We arriv’d at the Camp of the Savages,Their Camp. which stood upon an Eminence, and consisted of about Fifty Cottages made of rush Mats, and others of dry’d Skins, and built with long Poles, bow’d round at the Top, like great Ovens, and most of the Savages sitting about, as if they were upon the Watch.

We were still advancing into the Village, when he heard a Cannon Shot, the Noise whereof struck such a Dread among the Savages, that they all fell flat upon the Ground; but Monsieur de la Sale and we were too sensible it was a Signal that our Ship was aground, which was confirm’d by seeing them furl their Sails; However we were gone too far to return; our Men must be had, and to that Purpose, we must proceed to the Hut of the Commander in Chief.[57]

As soon as we arrived there, Monsr. de la Sale was introduc’d; many of the Indian Women came in, they were very deform’d[58] and all naked, excepting a Skin girt about them, which hung down to their Knees. They would have led us to their Cottages, but Monsr. de la Sale had order’d us not to part, and to observe whether the Indians did not draw together, so that we kept together, standing upon our Guard, and I was always with him.

Their Entertainment.They brought us some Pieces of Beef, both fresh and dry’d in the Air and Smoke, and Pieces of Porpois, which they cut with a Sort of Knife, made of Stone, setting one Foot upon it, and holding with one Hand, whilst they cut with the other. We saw nothing of Iron among them. They had given our Men, that came with them, to eat, and Monsr. de la Sale being extraordinary uneasy, we soon took Leave of them to return. At our going out, we observ’d about forty Canoes, some of them like those Monsr. de la Sale had seen on the Missisipi, which made him conclude he was not far from it.

We soon arrived at our Camp, and found the Misfortune, Monsr. de la Sale had apprehended, was but too certain. The Ship was stranded on the Shoals. The ill Management of the Captain, or of the Pilot,L’ Aimable cast away. who had not steer’d by the Stakes placed for that Purpose; the Cries of a Sailor posted on the Main-top, who cry’d amain, Loof, which was to steer towards the Passage marked out, whilst the wicked Captain cry’d, Come no nearer, which was to steer the contrary Course; the same Captain’s Carelesness in not dropping his Anchor, as soon as the Ship touch’d, which would have prevented her sticking aground; the Folly of lowering his Main-Sheet and hoisting out his Sprit-Sail, the better to fall into the Wind, and secure the Shipwreck; the Captain’s refusing to admit the Pilot of the Bark la Belle, whom Monsieur de la Sale had sent to assist him; the sounding upon the Shoals to no Purpose, and several other Circumstances reported by the Ship’s Crew and those who saw the Management, were infallible Tokens and Proofs, that the Mischief had been done designedly and adviseably, which was one of the blackest and most detestable Actions that Man could be guilty of.

This Misfortune was so much the greater, because that Vessel contain’d almost all the Ammunition, Utensils, Tools and other Necessaries for Monsr. de la Sale’s Enterprize and Settlement. He had need of all his Resolution to bear up against it; but his Intrepidity did not forsake him, and he apply’d himself, without grieving, to Remedy what might be. All the Men were taken out of the Ship; he desir’d Monsieur de Beaujeu to lend him his long Boat, to help save as much as might be. We began with Powder and Meal. About thirty Hogsheads of Wine and Brandy were saved, and Fortune being incens’d against us, two Things contributed to the total Loss of all the rest:

The first was, that our Boat, which hung at the Stern of the Ship run A-ground, was maliciously stav’d in the Night, so that we had none left but Monsieur de Beaujeu’s. The second, that the Wind blowing in from the Offing, made the Waves run high, which beating violently against the Ship, split her, and all the light Goods were carry’d out at the opening, by the Water. This last Misfortune happen’d also in the Night. Thus every Thing fell out most unhappily, for had that befallen in the Day, Abundance of Things might have been saved.

Whilst we were upon this melancholy Employment, about an hundred, or an hundred and twenty of the Natives came to our Camp, with their Bows and Arrows. Monsieur de la Sale order’d us to handle our Arms, and stand upon our Guard. About twenty of those Indians mix’d themselves among us, to observe what we had saved of the Shipwreck, upon which, there were several Sentinels,[59] to let none come near the Powder.

The rest of the Indians stood in Parcels, or Pelotons. Monsr. de la Sale, who was acquainted with their Ways, order’d us to observe their Behaviour, and to take Nothing from them, which nevertheless did not hinder some of our Men from receiving some Pieces of Meat. Some Time after, when the Indians were about departing, they made Signs to us to go a Hunting with them; but besides that, there was sufficient Cause to suspect them, we had enough other Business to do. However we ask’d, whether they would barter for any of their Canoes, which they agreed to. The Sieur Barbier went along with them, purchas’d two for Hatchets and brought them.

Some Days after, we perceiv’d a Fire in the Country, which spread it self and burnt the dry Weeds, still drawing towards us; whereupon, Monsr. de la Sale made all the Weeds and Herbs that were about us, be pull’d up, and particularly all about the Place where the Powder was. Being desirous to know the Occasion of that Fire, he took about twenty of us along with him, and we march’d that Way, and even beyond the Fire, without seeing any Body. We perceiv’d that it run towards the W. S. W. and judg’d it had begun about our first Camp, and at the Village next the Fire.[60]

Having spy’d a Cottage near the Bank of a Lake, we drew towards it, and found an old Woman in it, who fled as soon as she saw us; but having overtaken and given her to understand, that we would do her no Harm, she return’d to her Cottage, where we found some Pitchers of Water, of which we all drank. Some Time after we saw a Canoe coming, in which were two Women and a Boy, who being landed, and perceiving we had done the old Woman no Harm, came and imbraced us in a very particular Manner,Odd Salutation. blowing upon our Ears and making Signs to give us to understand, that their People were a hunting.

A few Minutes after, seven or eight of the Indians appeared, who, it is likely, had hid themselves among the Weeds when they saw us coming. Being come up they saluted us, after the same Manner, as the Women had done, which made us laugh. We staid there some Time with them. Some of our Men barter’d Knives for Goats Skins, after which we return’d to our Camp; Being come thither, Monsieur de la Sale made me go aboard the Bark la Belle, where he had imbark’d Part of the Powder, with positive Orders not to carry, or permit any Fire to be made there, having sufficient Cause to fear every thing, after what had hapned. For this Reason they carry’d me and all that were with me, our Meat every Day.

During this time it was that l’ Aimable opening in the Night, the next Morning we saw all the light Things that were come out of it floating about, and Monsieur de la Sale sent Men every Way, who gather’d up about 30 Casks of Wine and Brandy, and some of Flesh, Meal and Grain.

When we had gather’d all, as well what had been taken out of the Ship-wreck’d Vessel as what could be pick’d up in the Sea, the next Thing was to regulate the Provisions we had left proportionably to the Number of Men we were; and there being no more Bisket, Meal was deliver’d out, and with it we made Hasty Pudding with Water, which was none of the best; some large Beans and India Corn, part of which had taken wet; and every thing was distributed very discreetly. We were much incommoded for want of Kettles, but Monsieur de Beaujeu gave Monsieur de la Sale one, and he order’d another to be brought from the Bark la Belle, by which means we were well serv’d.

We were still in want of Canoes. Monsieur de la Sale sent to the Camp of the Indians to barter for some, and they who went thither observ’d, that those People had made their Advantage of our Ship-wreck, and had some Bales of Normandy Blankets, and they saw several Women had cut them in two and made Petticoats of them. They also saw Bits of Iron of the Ship that was cast away, and return’d immediately to make their Report to Monsieur de la Sale, who said we must endeavour to get some Canoes in Exchange, and resolv’d to send thither again the next Day. Monsieur du Hamel, Ensign to Monsr. de Beaujeu, offer’d to go up in his Boat, which Monsieur de la Sale agreed to, and order’d Messieurs Moranget, his Nephew, Desloges, Oris, Gayen, and some others to bear him Company.

No sooner were those Gentlemen, who were more Hot than Wise, landed, but they went up to the Camp of the Indians,Indiscretion of an Ensign. with their Arms in their Hands, as if they had intended to force them, whereupon several of those People fled. Going into the Cottages, they found others, to whom Monsieur du Hamel endeavor’d to signify by Signs, that he would have the Blankets they had found restor’d; but the Misfortune was, that none of them understood one another. The Indians thought it their best Way to withdraw, leaving behind them some Blankets and Skins of Beasts, which those Gentlemen took away, and finding some Canoes in their Return they seiz’d two, and got in, to bring them away.

But having no Oars, none of them knowing how to manage those Canoes, and having only some pitiful Poles, which they could not tell the right Use of, and the Wind being also against them, they made little Way; which the Sieur du Hamel, who was in his Boat perceiving, and that Night drew on, he made the best of his Way, forsook them and return’d to the Camp.

Thus Night came upon them, which oblig’d those unexperienc’d Canoe Men, being thoroughly tir’d, to go ashore to take some Rest, and the Weather being cold, they lighted a Fire, about which they laid them down and fell asleep; the Sentinel they had appointed doing the same. The Indians returning to their Camp,The Indians take Revenge. and perceiving our Men: had carry’d away two Canoes, some Skins and Blankets, took it for a Declaration of a War, resolv’d to be reveng’d, and discovering an unusual Fire, presently concluded that our men had halted there. A considerable Number of them repair’d to the Place, without making the least Noise, found our careless People fast asleep, wrap’d up in their Blankets, and shot a full Volley of their Arrows upon them all together on a Sudden, having first given their usual Shout before they fall on.

Sieurs Oris and Desloges kill’d.The Sieur Moranget awaking with the Noise, and finding himself wounded, started up and fir’d his Piece successfully enough, some others did the like, whereupon the Natives fled. The Sieur Moranget came to give us the Alarm, though he was shot through one of his Arms, below the Shoulder, and had another slanting Wound on the Breast. Monsieur de la Sale immediately sent some arm’d Men to the Place, who could not find the Indians, but when Day appear’d, they found the Sieurs Oris and Desloges dead upon the Spot, the Sieur Gayen much hurt, and the rest all safe and sound.

March 1685This Disaster, which happen’d the Night of the 5th of March, very much afflicted Monsieur de la Sale; but he chiefly lamented Monsieur Desloges a sprightly Youth, who serv’d well; but in short, it was their own Fault, and contrary to the Charge given them, which was to be watchful and upon their Guard. We were under Apprehensions for Messieurs Moranget and Gayen, lest the Arrows should be poison’d. It afterwards appear’d they were not, however Monsieur Moranget’s Cure prov’d difficult, because some small Vessel was cut.

The Consequences of this Misfortune, together with the Concern, most of the best Persons who had follow’d Monsieur de la Sale were under,[61] supported the Design of those who were for returning to France and forsaking him, of which Number were Monsieur Dainmaville, a Priest of the Seminary of St. Sulpice, the Sieur Minet, Engineer and some others. The common Discourses of Monsieur de la Sale’s Enemies tending to discredit his Conduct, and to represent the pretended Rashness of his Enterprize, contributed considerably towards the Desertion; but his Resolution prevailing, he heard and waited all Events with Patience, and always gave his Orders, without appearing the least discompos’d.

He caus’d the Dead to be brought to our Camp, and bury’d them Honourably, the Cannon supplying the Want of Bells, and then consider’d of making some safer Settlement. He caus’d all that had been sav’d from the Shipwreck, to be brought together into one Place, threw up Intrenchments about it, to secure his Effects, and perceiving that the Water of the River, where we were, roul’d down violently into the Sea, he fancy’d that might be one of the Branches of the Missisipi, and propos’d to go up it, to see whether he could find any Tokens of it, or of the Marks he had left, when he went down by Land to the Mouth of it.

Debates between the Commanders.In the mean Time, Monsieur de Beaujeu was preparing to depart: The Chevalier de Aire had many Conferences with Monsieur de la Sale about several things, the latter demanded of Monsieur de Beaujeu, particularly the Cannon and Ball which were aboard the Joly, and had been design’d for him; which Monsieur de Beaujeu refus’d, alledging that all those things lay at the Bottom of the Hold, and that he could not rummage it without evident Danger of perishing; tho’, at the same time, he knew we had Eight Pieces of Cannon and not one Bullet.

Mr. de la Sale much wrong’d.I know not how that Affair was decided between them; but am sure he suffer’d the Captain of the Flyboat l’Aimable to imbark aboard Monsieur de Beaujeu, tho’ he deserv’d to be most severely punish’d, had Justice been done him. His Crew follow’d him, contrary to what Monsieur de BeaujeuMr. de Beaujeu leaves him. had promis’d, that he would not receive a Man of them. All that Monsieur de la Sale could do, tho’ so much wrong’d, was to write to France, to Monsieur de Seignelay, Minister of State, whom he acquainted with all the Particulars, as I was inform’d, when I return’d, and he gave the Packet to Monsieur de Beaujeu, who sail’d away for France.[62]

Having lost the Notes I took at that time, and being forc’d to rely much upon Memory for what I now write, I shall not pretend to be any longer exact in the Dates, for fear of mistaking, and therefore I cannot be positive as to the Day of Monsieur de Beaujeu’s Departure, but believe it was the 14th of March, 1685.

A Fort built.When Monsr. de Beaujeu was gone, we fell to Work to make a Fort, of the Wreck of the Ship that had been cast away, and many Pieces of Timber the Sea threw up; and during that Time, several Men deserted, which added to Monsieur de la Sale’s Affliction. A Spaniard and a French Man stole away and fled, and were never more heard of. Four or five others follow’d their Example, but Monsieur de la Sale having timely Notice, sent after them, and they were brought back. One of them was condemn’d to Death, and the others to serve the King ten Years in that Country.

When our Fort was well advanc’d, Monsr. de la Sale resolv’d to clear his Doubts,Monsr. de la Sale goes to discover up the River. and to go up the River, where we were, to know whether it was not an Arm of the Missisipi, and accordingly order’d fifty Men to attend him, of which Number were Monsr. Cavelier, his Brother, and Monsr. Chedeville, both Priests, two Recolet Fryars, and several Voluntiers, who set out in five Canoes we had, with the necessary Provisions. There remain’d in the Fort about an hundred and thirty Persons, and Monsr. de la Sale gave me the Command of it, with Orders not to have any Commerce with the Natives, but to fire at them if they appear’d.

Whilst Monsr. de la Sale was absent, I caus’d an Oven to be built, which was a great Help to us, and employ’d my self in finishing the Fort, and putting it in a Posture to withstand the Indians, who came frequently in the Night to range about us, howling like Wolves and Dogs; but two or three[63] Musquet Shots put them to Flight. It happen’d one Night, that having fir’d six or seven Shot, Monsieur de la Sale who was not far from us, heard them, and being in Pain about it, he return’dReturns. with six or seven Men, and found all Things in a good Posture.

He told us he had found a good Country, fit to sow and plant all Sorts of Grain, abounding in Beeves and wild Fowl;Sets out again. that he design’d to erect a Fort farther up the River,[64] and accordingly, he left me Orders to square out as much Timber as I could get, the Sea casting up much upon the Shore. He had given the same Orders to the Men he had left on the Spot, seven or eight of whom, detach’d from the rest, being busy at that Work, and seeing a Number of the Natives, fled, and unadviseably left their Tools behind them. Monsieur de la Sale returning thither, found a Paper made fast to a Reed, which gave him Notice of that Accident, which he was concern’d at, because of the Tools, not so much for the Value of the Loss, as because it was furnishing the Natives with such Things as they might afterwards make Use of against us.

Apr. 1685About the Beginning of April we were alarm’d by a Vessel which appear’d at Sea,A Spanish Vessel appears. near enough to discern the Sails, and we supposed they might be Spaniards, who had heard of our Coming and were ranging the Coast to find us out. That made us stand upon our Guard, to keep within the Fort, and see that our Arms were fit for Service. We afterwards saw two Men in that Vessel, who[65] instead of coming to us, went towards the other Point, and by that Means pass’d on, without perceiving us.

Having one Day observ’d, that the Water work’d and bubbled up, and afterwards perceiving it was occasion’d by the Fish skipping from Place to Place, I caused a Net to be brought, and we took a prodigious Quantity of Fish,Plenty of Fish taken. among which were many Dorado’s or Gilt-Heads, Mullets and others about as big as a Herring, which afforded us good Food for several Days. This fishery, which I caused to be often follow’d, was a great Help towards our Subsistance.

About that Time, and on Easter-day that Year, an unfortunate Accident befell Monsieur le Gros. After Divine Service he took a Gun to go kill Snipes about the Fort. He shot one, which fell into a Marsh; he took off his Shoes and Stockings to fetch it out, and returning, through Carelessness trod upon a Rattle Snake,Rattle Snake bites Mr. le Gros. so call’d, because it has a Sort of Scale on the Tail, which makes a Noise. The Serpent bit him a little above the Ankle, he was carefully dress’d and look’d after, yet after having endur’d very much, he dy’d at last, as I shall mention in its Place. Another more unlucky Accident befell us, one of our Fishermen swimming about the Net to gather the Fish, was carry’d away by the Current, and could not be help’d by us.

May 1685Our Men sometimes went about several little Salt Water Lakes, that were near our Fort, and found on the Banks a Sort of flat Fishes, like Turbots asleep, which they struck with sharp pointed Sticks, and they were good Food. Providence also shew’d us that there was Salt made by the Sun,Salt found in Pools. upon several little Salt Water Pools there were in divers Places, for having observ’d that there grew on them a Sort of white Substance, like the Cream upon Milk, I took care every Day to send and fetch that Scum off, which prov’d to be a very white and good Salt, whereof I gather’d a Quantity, and it did us good Service.

Some of our Hunters having seen a Parcel of wild Goats running as if they were frighted, judg’d they were pursued by the Indians, and came for Refuge to the Fort, and to give me Notice. Accordingly some Time after, we discover’d a Parcel of Natives, who came and posted themselves on an Eminence, within Cannon Shot, some of them drew off from the rest and approach’d the FortIndians come to the Fort. by the Way of the Downs. I caused our Men immediately to handle their Arms, and wet Blankets to be laid on our Huts, to prevent their being burnt by the Fire the Savages sometimes shoot with their Arrows. All this Time those who had separated themselves from the rest, being three in Number, still drew nearer, making Signs for us to go to them; but Monsieur de la Sale had forbid me having any Commerce with them; however, since they had neither Bows nor Arrows, we made signs to them to draw near, which they did without hesitating.

We went out to meet them. Monsieur Moranget made them sit down, and they gave us to understand by Signs, that their People were hunting near us; being able to make no more of what they said. Monsieur Moranget was for knocking out their Brains, to revenge their having murder’d our Companions, but I would not consent to it, since they had come confiding in us. I made Signs to them to be gone, which they did as fast as they could, some small Shot we fir’d into the Air making them run, and a Cannon Shot, I pointed towards the rising Ground, where the rest were, put them all to Flight.

These Accidents made us double our Guards, since we were at open War with that crafty Nation, which let slip no Opportunity to surprize us, and therefore Penalties were appointed for such as should be found asleep upon Sentinel; the Wooden-Horse was set up for them without Remission; and by Means of such Precautions we sav’d our Lives.