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FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION ONLY.

PRIVATE JOURNAL
OF
HENRY FRANCIS BROOKE,
LATE BRIGADIER-GENERAL
COMMANDING 2ND INFANTRY BRIGADE
KANDAHAR FIELD FORCE,
SOUTHERN AFGHANISTAN,
FROM APRIL 22ND TO AUGUST 16TH, 1880.

For................................................

From...............................................

DUBLIN:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CURWEN, 3, NASSAU STREET.

1881.

PREFACE.

The following Journal or Diary was written by my dear Husband—to use his own words—"for you, of course, first, but written in this form specially for the dear chicks, and therefore quite simple and plain, so as to interest and amuse them; but I shall be very glad if it interests the others if you will send it the rounds, as then I need not try to write the same story over and over again, which is very tiresome."

When on the 20th March, 1880, being at the time Adjutant-General of the Bombay Army, my dear Husband, to his infinite satisfaction and delight, and full of ardour and zeal, was ordered to the Front, to take command, as Brigadier-General, of the 2nd Infantry Brigade at Kandahar, Southern Afghanistan; knowing how deeply interested we (his wife, and children, his mother, brothers and sisters) would be in all his movements and actions, he conceived the idea of writing this Journal, and most regularly week by week, as he found time to write, and as the Indian mail arrived, did I receive it, and most eagerly was it looked for and read. It will be seen that at first going off the wording of it was simple so that the children might easily understand all that their dear Father was doing, and small details describing the various stages of his journey up to Kandahar from Bombay are fully entered into with the object of amusing and interesting them, and that they might the more readily picture him both then, and when later on, having reached Kandahar, and before troubles began, he amused himself by daily rides into the neighbouring fields and orchards, and still further into the villages and surrounding districts, not always unattended without a certain amount of risk and danger, and thus became acquainted intimately with the country within 12 or 15 miles of Kandahar. But as difficulties developed themselves, and were followed, first by the lamentable defeat and retreat from the battlefield of Maiwand, of a portion of the already too small force that was holding, what appeared to him, the very false military position at Kandahar, and ended as a climax, in the Siege of Kandahar itself, the subject matter of the Journal necessarily became of such painful interest, that the language of it on many points almost went beyond the comprehension of the children, or, at any rate, was not too "simple" for their elders, albeit only too "plain" and grievous for all to read hereafter, when we remembered that He, whom we so dearly loved, had been besieged within the walls of that city, and had been in daily danger of losing that life so valuable to his wife and children, and which, alas! it was God's will—before the Kandahar garrison was relieved—should be sacrificed in the performance, in the first instance, of his duty, as a true and ardent soldier in the service of his Queen and country, during the sortie upon the village of Deh Khoja on the 16th August, 1880, while in command of the attacking party; and, more directly, in the endeavour to rescue from a cruel death a brother officer—Captain Cruikshank of the Royal Engineers—whom he found in the village severely wounded and unable to save himself! This sortie had been determined upon six days before it was actually undertaken, and strongly then objected to, for various sound military reasons, by my dear Husband, as we now know by what is written in the Journal of the events that daily occurred during the Siege of Kandahar, and also from friends who were there themselves, extracts from whose letters—giving us the sad details of that ill-fated sortie—will be found in the Appendix. These extracts speak volumes of themselves, and need no comment from me. The manner and character of my dear Husband's self-sacrificing death are indications in themselves of the ruling power which influenced all his actions.

It will be seen that the Journal itself ends abruptly with the events of the 14th August—all that happened afterwards we have learnt through the letters of kind friends—and when the former was written it was never intended that it should have been printed, but as all relating to my dear Husband has now become of painful interest to those most nearly connected with him, I have been asked, and have yielded to the temptation, to print it as it stands, for private circulation among his nearest relations, to whom he was, in each relation of life, without reproach, and who now mourn his irreparable loss.

ANNIE BROOKE.

Ashbrooke,
Brookeboro',
Ireland,
June 18, 1881.

[JOURNAL.]
RECEIVED ORDERS TO PROCEED TO KANDAHAR.

On Saturday, the 20th March, 1880, I received the official notification that my appointment to the command of a Brigade of the Kandahar Force had been approved by the Viceroy, and I decided to leave for Kurrachee by the mail steamer of the 27th, as, although I had commenced my preparations a few days before, there was still a good deal to be done, and many things to be got to complete the small service kit which I had to take with me. The first thing to be thought of was some horses, as I had only one at the time, and as the season for purchasing horses in the Bombay market was over (the best time is November, December, and January, when the Arabs arrive from the Persian Gulf with horses), I knew there would be great difficulty in getting horses up to my weight. After many fruitless visits to the various stables, I heard of a very large and handsome Arab for sale at the stables of Addool Rahman, the great horse dealer of Bombay, who strongly recommended me to buy him if I was prepared to give the long price asked (£120). After seeing him and riding him, I quite came to the conclusion he was worth the money, and purchased him, getting him for £110. I then bought a Persian horse out of Sir Richard Temple's stud, for which I gave £60, and with my old friend, a chesnut Australian horse which I have now had for four years, I felt quite made up, and requiring only a pony, which I will get in Beloochistan. I have named the Arab horse (an iron grey) "Akhbar," the Persian (also a grey) "Selim," and the Australian's name is "Rufus." Before going further I must mention that I nearly lost both my new purchases the day after they came into my stables, as the Arab got a bad attack of colic, and the Persian got away from the man who was leading him, and got a very bad cut on his hind leg from some wire paling, but fortunately both got better much more quickly than I hoped, and seem very happy and comfortable in their stalls on board this ship to-day (S.S. "Umballa," at sea March 28th). The next thing to do was to find servants, and in this I think I have been fortunate, having got a quiet Portuguese as general servant, to take care of my clothes, cook, and make himself generally useful. He is to get 25 rupees a month, his clothes and food. Each horse has its groom, and they seem good sort of men, but there is not much choice, as one has to take pretty much what can be got, as there is not much desire among this class of men to see foreign parts. They |Preparations for Kandahar.| each get 15 rupees a month, and their clothes and food. After the horses and servants were procured the next consideration was how to get all the things I wanted to take with me into the limit of weight allowed us by the Regulations. I have, of course, considerably more than other officers, but even so I find it quite impossible to manage all I should like to do, so I have brought about 100 lbs. over my weight, as I can easily take any quantity I like as far as the railway goes (i.e., to Sibi), and I am told beyond that I shall perhaps be able to hire some private carriage to take the extra quantity on to Kandahar, and certainly to Quetta, where it can be left, and sent on after me to Kandahar, when the press of sending up troops is over. Even with this extra weight I have been obliged, of course, to limit greatly my desires and wants, but I hope I have got together a fairly compact kit with nothing but what is absolutely necessary in it. First of all I have two very small trunks, which contain my clothes (all of which are uniform), shirts, &c., &c. I have, as a great treat, brought two white shirts, to be worn on high days and holidays, as a change from the coloured flannel shirts which, though useful and appropriate for the occasion, are articles of dress I dislike very much. As the cold season is now past, and it is heat rather than cold we shall suffer from, it has not been necessary to bring up warm clothing, although, of course, I have a few warm things in case of meeting sudden changes of temperature which is quite possible. General Hogg, the Quartermaster-General, presented me with an excellent breech-loading revolver, and I have purchased a sword belt of the kind called the "Sam Browne Belt" (having been invented by General Sir Sam Browne), as it is so arranged that without inconvenience the pistol and ammunition can be carried on it, and the sword itself can be arranged according to one's pleasure, for riding or walking, which is a great convenience. The Government carry for me 200 lbs. weight of tents (for other officers only 100 lbs.), so I have purchased two tents, one for myself and the other |Service kit for Kandahar.| for the servants. My tent is 9 feet by 8, and has a double top as a protection against the sun, and a sort of small verandah on one side, which can be used as a bath-room. The furniture of the tent consists of a bed 6 feet long and 2 feet 3 inches wide, a small folding table and one chair. When I get to Kandahar, if obliged to live in a tent, I will, of course, supplement this scanty supply by such articles of native manufacture as I can get. I have a block tin basin, but no tub, as that is too bulky and heavy, and the custom on the march is to have the water-carrier (Bheestie) to empty a skin of water over one, which, though not so comfortable as a marble bath, answers all the purposes very well. My cooking utensils are so arranged as to go into a strong basket 2 feet high and 12 inches in diameter. In this there are 3 saucepans, which fit one into the other, a kettle, a stewpan, a frying-pan, and a pewter teapot, and 2 teacups and saucers pack into the saucepans, and 2 soup plates and 2 dinner plates, enamelled iron, go into the stewpan. In my luncheon basket are 3 knives, 3 forks, 3 spoons, and a couple of glasses, so on a pinch I can give a dinner party of two, without resorting to the usual fashion, which is that when you are asked to dinner in camp you bring your own knives, forks, plates, glass, and generally your chair, your host supplying only the table, food, and, if he is a very good manager and very generous, drink. Of course as the country gets more opened up, native traders will push forward, and everything one can want will be procurable, although, of course, at exorbitant prices; and even now I hear almost anything can be bought at Quetta, and a good number of things at Kandahar. My establishment and kit are therefore constituted as follows:—

• 1 General Man Servant,
• 3 Native Grooms,
• 3 Horses,
• 2 Tents,
• 2 Trunks,
• 1 Table,
• 1 Bed,
• 1 Chair,

Cooking Utensils and Plates, Glasses, Knives and Forks for two. I have brought up with me a dozen case of whiskey and two small boxes containing a carefully selected assortment of stores to eke out the rations on the march. I have brought some soups, some chocolate and milk, biscuits, sardines, macaroni, tea, pickles and sauces. How far I shall be able to get these three little boxes I don't know, but at the worst they can easily be got to Quetta, and after that must follow me as they can. On the whole, I am quite satisfied with all my arrangements, especially with my horses, which, if I can only land them safely at Kurrachee (a very troublesome business) and get them to the end of the Railway journey without hurt, will, I think, turn out well, and I am sure I hope so, as all one's efficiency and usefulness (to say nothing of one's comfort and safety) depends on being well mounted, and being able to move about rapidly and see everything for oneself. My saddles (each horse has his own) are all fitted with arrangements for carrying coats, rugs, &c., &c., and extras of all sorts, and during the march the horses I am not riding will have to carry their own clothing, and also that of the horse I ride and of the Syces (native grooms). It will be quite a delightful change to me, after eight years continuous office work day after day from ten till five, to live an active life constantly in the saddle and knocking about, and I feel sure the change will be very good for me in every way. I have brought with me a Persian Grammar and Dictionary, and intend, when settled at Kandahar, to work up a little Persian which might prove useful to me some day or other. The last week at Bombay was very busy, as, in addition to my preparation for a start, I wanted to keep up my work to the last, and leave nothing unfinished, which I am glad to think I did. I had farewell dinners to go to every night, and indeed had not nights enough nearly to enable me to accept all the invitations I received. I must not forget to say that among other superfluities which I have left behind me at Bombay, are my razors and shaving brush, as I don't intend to use either till I return to civilization. To-day is the second day without shaving, and I am very glad to feel that I have only men in the same stage as myself to meet, as one feels very dirty and scrubby, and will continue to do so for the next month at least, especially as I have had my hair and whiskers very well cropped, which, if not becoming, is certainly very convenient.

On Saturday, the 27th,

March 29th.

March 30th.

Kurrachee, March 30th, 1880.

Leave Kurrachee.

Wednesday, 31st March.

By rail to Sibi.

April 1st.

Sibi—End of the railway.

Friday, 2nd April.

Preparations for marching.

Saturday, 3rd April.

April 4th.

March out of Pir-Chokey.

April 5th.

Dust storm at Kirta.

Monday, 5th April, continued

Tuesday, April 6th.

March to Mach.

Wednesday, 7th April.

Maidenhair Fern—Sir-i-Bolan.

Thursday, 8th April.

Dozan—Cantonment—Abandoned.

Friday, 9th April.

March across the Dusht-i-Bedaulat Plain.

Saturday 10th April.

March into Quetta.

Sunday, 11th April.

Visit to hospital at Quetta.

April 11th & 12th.

Tuesday, April 13th.

April 21st.

March to Dina-Kharez.

April 14th.

April 15th.

March to Gulistan Kharez.

Friday, 16th April.

Saturday, April 17th.

Sunday, April 18th.

At each of these places there is a small enclosure, it cannot be called a fort, in which the commissariat stores are placed. General Stewart refused to garrison the smaller of these with our troops, but left them in charge of native levies who the civil authorities assured him were perfectly trustworthy. The value of this opinion has been very conclusively shown by the events of the past week. Each enclosure or fort is like the other, except in size, some being larger than others. They are of the following shape:—

General Phayre (leaving me, however, full powers to act as I thought best) suggested to me that it would be better to wait at Gatai till the guns and the European troops reached me, but on reflection I came to the conclusion that to leave Dubbrai unoccupied, and the dead unburied a moment longer than could be avoided, would have the worst effect, and that it was quite worth risking something to obviate this, so, as soon as it was light, I issued orders (I may mention for my soldier and sailor brothers' information that I have throughout given each person distinct and plain written orders, so that everyone knew exactly what to do, and once I issued an order I never changed it) for reconnoitering parties of cavalry to proceed to Dubbrai and the hills to our right front, while I pushed on a detachment of native infantry, with a few cavalry, to re-occupy Dubbrai. I, of course, left a sufficient force at Gatai to hold it, instructing the officer in command to strengthen the defences and keep a good look out. I did not, I confess, expect opposition, and was not therefore surprised to find, when I followed the main body with a small cavalry escort, that they had found Dubbrai empty, except of dead bodies, and seen none of the enemy on the road. We found in and around the Fort 30 dead bodies and 1 wounded man, who told us he was a Ghazi (fanatic), from Khelat-i-Ghilzi, and that there were plenty more of them coming. The men were most anxious to shoot the wretched creature, and I think the officers generally thought it would have been right to do so, but of course I forbid anything of the kind, and ordered him medical aid, and such food and drink as we had at our disposal. I am bound to say he was not a bit grateful, but regularly spit at us and defied us. He died the next day, which was quite the best thing he could |Account of the Dubbrai Attack.| have done. Among the dead we found and recognized poor Major Waudby's body, which I buried near the place he fell, reading the funeral service myself as the best and greatest mark of respect I, as commanding the force, could give to as gallant a soldier as ever lived. Poor fellow, he had warning full 8 hours before the attack, and could easily have evacuated the place, but knowing the country and natives well, he knew what an evil effect it would have if it was known a Sahib had shown fear, and so he clearly elected to accept, one may say, certain death, rather than discredit his name. He had only 2 sepoys of his own regiment with him, all the rest being helpless unarmed servants of his own and the commissariat establishment. He must have fought splendidly, as the enemy themselves acknowledge that they had 16 killed and 18 wounded, which was very good shooting. Nearly everyone we saw of the enemy was shot right through the head, so poor Waudby must have been as cool and collected as if he had been shooting pheasants. His 2 sepoys died with him, and were found beside him. We also found his dog sitting by his body refusing to be moved. The poor dog had 2 terrible sword cuts on his back, but is recovering, and will be sent home to Mrs. Waudby. While at Dubbrai I received a despatch from Kandahar, saying that they had sent out troops from there to open the road up to wherever they met us, and the officer in command sent me word that no resistance had been offered and I could march on in the ordinary way. I at once sent back to Chaman and countermanded the move of the guns, and gave the necessary orders for the improving of the defences of Dubbrai, and at the same time wrote to Kandahar to General Primrose, recommending that I should remain a few days in the neighbourhood with a force of cavalry, artillery and infantry, and that I should march through all the disaffected districts, as I believed this course necessary and desirable. I then rode back to Gatai, on my way going to see about the removal into safety |Await orders—return to Gatai.| at that place of a large quantity of Government property which one of my patrolling parties had discovered in the middle of some hills about half way between the two places. These things proved to be a large convoy of Government stores which an Afghan contractor had been bringing upon camels to Kandahar, when he was attacked by the enemy, and obliged to drop his load, and give them his camels to carry the wounded and the loot from Dubbrai. We succeeded in rescuing them and bringing them into the fort at Gatai, where I was obliged to leave them.

April 19th.

April 20th.

Wednesday, 21st April.

Thursday, 22nd April.

so I have one room to sleep, sit, and write in, and a room where we dine and breakfast, and which is, of course, public property. I have, as a special indulgence, a bath-room all to myself, but no one else has one. The room when I came into it was horrid; the floor was six inches deep in dust; there were no doors or windows, and altogether it was most unpromising. I have, however, had a floor made for it, the passage and dining-room, of a wonderful kind of stuff like Plaster of Paris which abounds here, and which hardens in the most wonderful way. I have had windows put in, and hope to have a door soon; and having bought a few pieces of a rough native carpeting in the city, and a couple of tables and chairs, my room begins to look very fair indeed. The mud walls are appropriately covered with yards of maps, which look very business-like, and in the small recesses I have had a few wooden shelves put up which quite do to hold my very scanty wardrobe. I find my room very hot and close at night, so I have pitched my little tent outside my door and sleep in it, watched over by a sentry whose sole duty is to guard his sleeping General, who can, therefore, slumber in the most perfect security. It would be rather monotonous to live with my Brigade Major and orderly officer only, as I am afraid we should get very tired of each other during the hot weather, so I am trying to get up a sort of mess between General Burrows and me, taking in our staff, and a couple of outsiders who have no special place to go to—viz., our Chaplain, Mr. Cane, and the Judge Advocate, Colonel Beville. The latter has agreed to manage the affair, so I have nothing to do with housekeeping, which is a blessing, and as Colonel Beville quite understands management and likes good things, I hope the affair will be a success, and that General Burrows will agree to join. The parson begged me to take him in, and I did not like to refuse, though I cannot say I care much about him (though perhaps he will improve on acquaintance), as he has the reputation of being rather inclined to quarrel and be difficult to manage. We will hope he is maligned and will prove not to have so unclerical a failing. A mess on service is a very rough affair, as we have no plate, crockery or linen, and live what is called camp fashion, that is, all the mess provides is tables and food, and each person's servant brings his plates, knives, forks, and spoons, and chairs, and when dinner or breakfast is over removes them. We shall, I daresay, in time get a few luxuries such as chairs, dishes, and perhaps a few table-cloths (I have 2 of my own for great occasions), and we have already made our dining-room look fairly comfortable (I am writing on 4th May), by putting down some carpets, and I have no doubt between Colonel Beville and me that we will get rid of as much unnecessary |Annoyances from flies and sand-flies.| roughness as we can. The great drawback of the whole place is the flies, which are most exasperating and pertinaceous. I am preparing a complete set of fortifications against them for my own room, by having net (which I have been fortunate to get in the city), such as musquito curtains are made of, nailed over the windows, and a door covered with net for the one entrance, so that I hope in time to be fairly free from them. They retire for the night, I am glad to say, about 7 o'clock, but as soon as they leave the sand-flies begin, and I think they are almost as bad, as they buzz and bite just like musquitos. They are a kind of very small gnat, and their bite is most irritating to some people, but they don't hurt me. The regiments are necessarily scattered over a large extent of ground, and the work is consequently very heavy on the men, as we have to post sentries very closely together to prevent the Afghans coming within our lines. The great proportion of the force is outside the city where I am living, but we hold the citadel, which is inside the city, where also we keep our arsenal and commissariat stores. A native infantry regiment and a detachment of a British infantry regiment hold the citadel, and the quarters occupied by both the officers and men there are much preferable to ours in the cantonments, as they are all regular native houses, many of which have gardens, and all some trees near and about them, and in this desert land a bit of green or a little shade have a value which no one who has not seen the country can understand. There is nothing striking about the actual city of Kandahar to anyone who has visited or seen an ordinary Indian town of the 5th or 6th rank. There are the usual bazaars with the occupants of the shops at work at their various trades in the front of their shops, and in many shops coarse English earthenware and cheap Birmingham and Manchester goods are exposed for sale, as is the case in even small villages in India. Raisins of all sorts and description, from the little sultanas up to dark purple ones, are sold in quantities, and seem to be a regular portion of the food of the poorest people. So far I have seen nothing curious or unusual which I would be tempted to buy, but then we cannot here wander about and go into the shops and ransack them for curiosities, as the people have a nasty trick of watching till a person is busy looking at things in a shop, and then coming up quietly and stabbing one in the back. It is consequently necessary, when we go shopping, to go in parties of 2 or 3, or take an escort, so as to always have some one on the watch against treachery, and as long as one takes this precaution they are too cowardly to attack in the open. The people in the streets are very picturesque, and most of them fine handsome men. No women are ever seen except very old ones, and even they generally wear the Turkish yashmak or veil which covers |Kandaharis—the Charsoo.| them from head to foot. In the centre of the city the 4 main streets meet under a curious large-domed building, around which are shops, and which is always crowded with a very mixed gathering of villains of all sorts. This place is called the Charsoo (or four waters), and it was in it that Lieutenant Willis, of the artillery, was murdered in broad day light by a Ghazi (N.B.—Next week I will explain who and what Ghazis are), who, however, was himself immediately killed. Any native attempting the life of any officer or soldier is now always hung in the Charsoo, which has had a very good effect.

Thursday, 22nd April, continued.

Friday, 23rd April.

And though the command entails plenty of work and responsibility, I like it, and wish I could keep it while I am here. The first thing, of course, was to ascertain the positions held by various regiments, their weak points, &c., and so I spent the afternoon in riding round and making myself acquainted with everything as far as I could, so that in case of a row at night, I should be ready to decide on what might be necessary to do. I moved into my quarters in the cantonments, and obtained permission for Capt. Law, of the artillery, to act as my Brigade-Major, as the officer who is to hold the appointment permanently has not yet arrived. Capt. Law is a smart good officer, and I am very glad to have him as my staff officer.

Force ordered into the Arghesan valley.

Saturday, 24th April.

Sunday, 25th April.

Inspected quarters of various regiments.

April 26th to 30th.

Saturday, May 1.

Sunday, May 2.

Inspections—Ride into Argandab River valley.

May 3rd, 4th, & 5th.

May 6.

May 6th.

Visit to old city of Kandahar.

May 7th.

May 8th.

May 9th.

May 10.

Installation of Shere Ali Khan as Wāli.

May 11th.

On the 13th of May

Ride to an old gold mine—now deserted.

May 14th to 19th.

Cases of Ghaziism—Ghazis killed.

May 20th.

May 21st to 25th.

May 26th.

May 26th, 27th, and 28th.

May 29th.

Three Batteries of Artillery,
Three Regiments of Cavalry,
Five Regiments of Infantry,

and the line was of good extent. General Primrose commanded the parade, and General Burrows and I |Feu de joie—"Akhbar" admired.| had each our own Brigades. One of the performances on the Queen's birthday parade is firing a feu de joie with blank ammunition, when the fire is run down the whole of the front rank, and then back up the rear rank, and this is done three times, and is, as may be imagined, most trying to horses, especially those who have to stand with their backs to the line as those of the Generals and Staff have to do on this occasion. Prudence suggested to me to ride my old and tried charger Rufus, but vanity got the better of prudence, and being anxious to show off Akhbar, and also to make the best turn-out on my own account that I could, I made up my mind to ride the Arab, who is really a picture when got up for parade. He is young and inexperienced, and had never been on parade before, or never heard a shot fired, but Arabs very often don't mind anything of that kind, and I hoped for the best and thought it all right when he stood like a post while the Artillery were firing their salute. The feu de joie, and the consternation it produced among all the other horses, was too much for his nerves, and he gave me all I knew to sit on him, though I don't blame him a bit, as this particular kind of firing is most trying to all horses. On this occasion not one of them really stood it steadily, and General Burrows' horse was so objectionable as to succeed in throwing him, although he is a first-rate rider. I was, however, quite repaid for the little bother I had by the admiration Mr. Akhbar's appearance called forth as he went past the saluting flag at the head of the Brigade.

May 30th and 31st.

June 1st and 2nd.

June 3rd.

June 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th.

Serious loss of warm clothing.

June 8th.

June 9th, 10th, 11th.

June 11th to 18th.

March to Kelat-i-Ghilzi countermanded.

June 19th.

25th, 26th, 27th, 28th.

29th.

Force ordered from Kandahar to the Helmund.

June 30th.

July 3rd.

July 4th.

Cavalry & infantry brigades left Kandahar.

July 5th.

Rode out to General Burrows' brigade.

July 6th.

July 7th.

July 8th.

July 9th.

Chief of Kokaran deserted the Wāli.

July 10th.

July 12th.

The Citadel is close to the north end, and the outer wall of the City forms then a sort of double wall to the Citadel.

There are 6 gates in the wall of the City, which is fully 20 to 30 feet high, and very thick and strong. At each of the city gates there is a guard of Native Infantry, and we hold the keys of the gates which we lock every night at sunset, after which hour neither entrance nor exit is permitted to anyone. The guards are stationed on the ramparts, and their posts should, from the first, according to the most ordinary rules of war, have been put in a state of defence, but nothing was done to them, and General Primrose has been unwilling to make a change in the matter. Now, however, he has allowed me to take measures to make them safe in the event of any outbreak.

Rumoured advance of Ayoub Khan.

July 13.

July 14th.

Guns recovered from mutinous troops.

July 15.

July 16th.

July 16th.

July 17th.

July 18th.

Cavalry patrol fired upon—officer wounded.

July 19th.

Daily visits into city—all quiet.

July 20th.

July 21.

July 22nd.

July 23rd.

July 24th.

July 25th.

July 26th.

July 27th.

First alarming account of disaster.

July 28th.

to be held in readiness to march at once. About ¾ of an hour later General Primrose arrived from the Citadel and authorized my starting at once, urging on me, however, to use great caution, and avoid, as far as possible, any considerable loss of life. Being anxious to be off at once, I had no time to give any attention to getting my own property into the Citadel, but had to leave the matter to my native servant, telling him to do the best he could, and to take the most useful things into safety first, and I may here say that he must have worked admirably, as, when I got to the Fort at 7 o'clock in the evening, I found he had brought off in safety every single thing I possessed. At ½ past 5 o'clock (¾ of an hour after I first heard that any remnants of Burrows' force was saved, and trying to return) I paraded my little force, which was, I was horrified to find, much smaller than I had intended, as the full number of men were not at the moment available. Time was precious to our poor comrades wearily fighting their way back to Camp, so I decided not to wait till I could get my numbers, and started with only

I knew there could be no organized resistance, and that if I was cautious I could come to no harm, but, all the same, I am free to confess that I could not avoid feeling anxious about my guns, as the loss of 2 more would have been simply ruin to us. I must here describe the route I had to follow, as its peculiarities added much to the difficulties and dangers of the enterprise. Immediately after leaving the Barracks the road passes for about ½ a mile through walled gardens, each garden forming a little fortification of itself, and giving cover for any number of armed men. These passed through, the Village of Abasabad is reached through the main street of which the road goes. This street is so narrow that in places it was a close shave to get the R.A. carriages through, and it twists and winds about most unpleasantly. Beyond the village is another quarter of a mile of walled gardens, and then an open plain is come to with, however, commanding hills all along the road to the right (about 300 yards off), and on the left a string of strongly placed villages about the same distance from the road. It is evident, therefore, that every inch of road offered extraordinary facilities for the enemy to resist our |Terrible accounts of the retreat.| advance. As we left the camp we began to meet the first of the long string of fugitives, who continued afterwards to pass us till we reached Kokeran, a more terrible sight I never witnessed; all appearance of organization or discipline gone; each man, whether European or native, was fighting, as it were, for his own life, careful of nothing but getting into safety. All were wearied and harrassed, and many unable hardly to move one foot before the other, as indeed was not wonderful, considering that since 4 p.m. the previous day they had been marching, with a cruel enemy on all sides of them, shooting and stabbing every man who, too wearied to drag on, sat down for a moment's rest. To add to the horrors of the march they had, in the whole distance of over 50 miles, found water only twice, and what this means no one who has not lived and worked in this climate can tell. From all I can hear there were some marvellous instances of self-denial in this matter: men giving up their last drop of water, which was more than their lives to them, to men more feeble than themselves, and, apparently, none equalled or exceeded in this respect Captain Slade, of the Horse Artillery, as noble a soldier as ever lived. Officers and men have since told me of his heroic efforts to save his guns, to give assistance and to sacrifice his life, or deny himself to save or help anyone; all also join in saying General Burrows' conduct was splendid, and that he had fairly won the Victoria Cross 3 or 4 times. Once when all hope seemed lost, for dismounted men he got off his horse, put two wounded officers on it, and led it himself for 3 miles, with a howling crowd of savages following him, anxious for his life. I had never seen the retreat of a panic-stricken military force before, and I trust I never may do so again, as it is too horrible for description, and this retreat excelled in terror any that I have ever read of. As each inch of the road (till my little force was seen) had to be fought for against a set of blood-thirsty savages, rather than fall into whose hands alive, it is said several men shot themselves, knowing the horrible fate that would otherwise be in store for them. Then the want of water was a fearful aggravation of the sufferings of the wretched men, and the length of the march, 50 miles, made the hope of escape seem impossible. I must now go back to my own enterprise, which, I rejoice to think, was successful, and resulted in the saving of many valuable lives. I had hardly got my little force in column of route outside the Barrack gates, when the enemy commenced |Relieving force meet with oppositions.| a desultory and harmless fire on us from behind the walls of the neighbouring gardens. I at once sent forward some skirmishers to the front, and a cavalry picquet to the extreme right and left, and was glad to see the spirit with which all advanced, which at once told on the rabble opposed to us, who gave up their positions and ran for their lives, several being killed as they ran. In this way, pressing on steadily, I cleared the gardens and the Village of Abasadad, and was able to bring my guns and remainder of my column through that extremely awkward position. On the other side of the village the skirmishers had advanced, driving the enemy before them, till the more open ground was reached. Here I formed up my column once more, preparatory to pushing on for Kokeran. On the range of high hills which ran along the left of the road, at about 300 yards off, were small bodies of the enemy, as also in the strongly placed villages on my left. Before advancing I had to send out small parties on either flank to dislodge these people, which they did with the greatest ease. My way was again clear, and I advanced without opposition for about a mile, when, on a low hill, about 2,000 yards to my right-front, I saw a considerable force posted, which was being increased every moment by contingents from the villages in the rear of the hill, from which we could see people hurrying in great numbers. Seeing a good position about 1,000 yards ahead, I pushed on to it rapidly, and getting my guns into action, threw forward the Cavalry to threaten the left flank, while the Infantry moved slowly to the front. A couple of shells planted, with charming precision, by my friend Captain Law had a most happy effect, and, as we could see, shook the confidence of the enemy, good as their position was. They did not, however, seem disposed to take the hint, and kept up a constant, but, owing to the distance, harmless fire on us as we advanced. Presently, however, on a repetition of the dose equally well administered, assisted by a few volleys from our rifles, they broke, the greater part rushing to the rear, but some, as I had hoped, trying to cross the road and gain the shelter of the hills on the left. This was the moment for the Cavalry, who charged with excellent effect, doing good execution at the same time. I gave the fugitives to the rear a couple of shells at 2,000 yards where, thinking themselves safe, they had halted to breathe. Serious as the work on hand was, we could not help a hearty laugh at the consternation caused by the unexpected visitors. The mass of people broke away in all directions, leaving, as we could see afterwards as we advanced, a good percentage on the ground. I dare say there are some critics who will think that this position ought to have been carried at the point of the bayonet, in order that a severe lesson might have been inflicted, and under other circumstances I might have thought so myself, but, placed as we were when the loss of every man was serious, I had determined to utilize to the utmost the long range of our weapons, and to do all the fighting I could at long bowls, and by sticking steadily to this, I succeeded in carrying out my object which entailed a march of 14 miles, every inch of which had to be contested or defended, with the loss only of 1 man killed and two or three slightly wounded. I quite acknowledge there are objections to the arrangement, but I feel sure it was the right one for the occasion. After this no regular opposition was offered till I reached Kokeran, which is a large village with a fortified enclosure in its midst, which was full of the enemy, who had been ill treating the stragglers of General Burrows' force all morning. Knowing the ground well, I at once selected my position, and was quickly placed to command the whole of the country round. I was |Kokeran—General Burrows' force sighted.| just going to give the order for the guns to come into action, when, to my delight, at about a mile off, at the spot where I knew was the ford of the Argandab, where the road from Girishk crossed the river, I saw a mass of men which I at once recognized as what remained of General Burrows' Force. I decided, therefore, before hammering Kokeran to communicate with them, and sent some Cavalry to make a circuit to the right and join General Burrows, informing him that I was clearing his way, and that he might, I felt sure, advance in 20 minutes, by which time I would have his way open. The Cavalry had hardly started before I recognized that the enemy, seeing that the position I had taken up had rendered Kokeran untenable, had suddenly evacuated that place, and taken up an extremely strong position on my right flank, from which, without delay, they opened a heavy fire on us. A few shells and a rapid demonstration, for it never reached a hand-to-hand fight, soon, however, did their business, and, to my great satisfaction, I found myself able to ask General Burrows to come on along a perfectly safe road. It was a sad cavalcade, many wounded, all well nigh tired to death. The gun carriages, alas, reduced by 2, which had been lost, covered with sick, wounded, dead and dying, while the wretched horses, dying themselves of thirst and fatigue, were hardly able to drag them along. Many poor fellows, wounded almost to death, trying with a terrible anxiety to cling to the back of a horse or a camel, knowing too well the fate that would await them if they failed to keep their seats. To these latter my appearance was a double blessing, as I had brought with me 25 litters (palanquins), into which the worst cases were placed, and they were able to finish their journey in comparative comfort. One poor fellow (Major Iredell) had a compound fracture of the ankle, and his foot was merely hanging on by the skin, and yet he had ridden for 18 hours, and was wonderfully well, and is, I hope, now in a fair way to recovery. Almost last of all, followed only by a Cavalry escort, came poor Burrows himself, who, poor fellow, completely broke down when he saw me, and could not say a word. I made him get off his horse and take a little whiskey and water I had with me, and a bit of biscuit, and soon he was more composed and better. He, like them all, was relieved beyond measure to see me, and my diminutive following, as they knew their troubles were at an end. I agreed that they should all, to the last straggler, pass me, and that when they were half a mile ahead I should follow slowly, and bring up the rear of all, covering them from all annoyance. Soon (all too soon, for they were but a very little company) they had filed passed, and I then recalled my Cavalry, which had been watching the ford of the Argandab a mile to |Small cavalry charge—one man killed.| my front. On their return over this mile the enemy, emboldened by our preparations for departure, suddenly rushed down in great numbers to cut them off, but Captain Anderson was equal to the occasion, and setting at nought the difference of numbers, charged them, and cut his way through, leaving, however, his very best soldier dead on the ground. Although I would have liked to have punished the enemy for this affair, prudence said no, and so I commenced my return for Kandahar, keeping half a mile in rear of General Burrows' column, and picking up many poor fellows (putting them on my guns), who, even in this short distance, had begun to fall out again. For the first three miles after leaving Kokeran, all was absolute quiet, the result of the lessons of the morning, and the wearied column from Girishk passed along in unaccustomed peace. At this time, however, I received information from the front, that the enemy had collected in great force on the hills around and in the Village of Abasabad, and that help to turn them out was wanted. I immediately hurried my guns and Cavalry to the front, and followed on with the Infantry, desiring Captain Law to pass General Burrows' force, and getting to his front open fire on the enemy. This he did in good style, and was making an advance to a second position, when I and the Infantry, who had also passed through General Burrows' Force, which were halted, came up. We completed the dispersion of the enemy with Artillery fire, and then throwing out skirmishers swept, for a second time that day, the gardens round Abasabad. This accomplished, and the road again clear for General Burrows' Force, I formed up on one flank and allowed them again to pass me, following them into the Cantonments, which I reached about ½ past one or two o'clock, very thankful indeed that I had gone out, and but little less delighted that I had managed to effect my object at such a very small loss. To ensure a safe conduct to any unfortunate straggler that might, by accident, have escaped notice, I sent a fresh company of the 7th Regiment to hold the entrance to the Village of Abasabad, and kept them there till all hopes of anyone coming in had gone, when I withdrew them. My column had constantly been on the move from half-past 5 a.m. till half-past one p.m., the most of the time under a burning sun, which made us all, even those who were riding, suffer from an intolerable thirst, and as there was no water between Kokeran and Kandahar, this was a great addition to our labors. On arrival in Cantonments General Burrows' |Property in cantonments taken into fort.| Force received orders to pass on to the Citadel, while I was desired to take in hands, without delay, measures for the evacuation of the Cantonments, and the safe conduct of all the troops there into the Citadel. The operation was most distasteful, but I had agreed to the necessity for it, and quite saw it was the only possible course. When I came to enquire into the position of affairs I was horrified to find that the 8 precious hours while I had been absent had been wasted in the most inexplicable way. Apparently little or nothing of the Government or private property in charge of regiments had been moved to the Fort, and all had yet to be done. It was then past 2 o'clock, and General Primrose telegraphed to me from the Citadel, to say he wished me to move in there as quickly as possible. (I ought to explain that the Citadel or Fort of Kandahar is about 1¼ miles from the Cantonments.) I at once set everyone to work, excusing no one and superintending all personally, to get as much property as possible into the Fort, sending there for all available carts, camels, ponies and mules, each of which, immediately it had got rid of its load, came back again, and so the afternoon passed away all too rapidly. At last all was safely sent in, except the baggage of the 66th, which was one of the regiments of General Burrows' Brigade, who, when going out to Girishk, had left some tons of things in a most careless and unpacked condition. I saw it would be hopeless had I had a day instead of an hour to get all in, but I put on big working parties, and worked away, putting off my departure from half hour to half hour, until it approached 6 o'clock, and I had been called on three or four times by General Primrose to move into the Citadel. I then saw it was useless to try and save more, and so I fixed ¼ past 6 o'clock as the hour for our departure, deciding that all not packed then must be abandoned. All this time I had been pressed all round by marauding bands of armed men, who were sweeping round, trying to kill and steal who and what they could. These necessitated strong picquets, and, from time to time, small expeditions, so my hands were full. At ¼ past 6 I paraded my force as follows:—

and in this order commenced my mournful and humiliating march. I had previously gone carefully round the whole place myself, had had it carefully searched by an officer with a picquet, and had made each Commanding Officer and the Chief Medical Officer report to me that nothing was left behind. |Marched into Citadel after hard day's work.| At the moment I marched I withdrew my picquets and guards, and covering my rear with Cavalry, moved on the Fort. When every man had left the large Barrack square I returned to it myself and made my Staff and escort, who were with me, pass out before me, so that I might have the melancholy satisfaction of being the last man in the place. At 7 p.m. I followed the last man of the Force into the Citadel and shut the gates, and so began a fresh act of this extremely painful drama. With the exception of a portion of the clothing of the 66th Regiment, I had succeeded in getting the property of the regiments which were under me into safety, but I fear much, owing to some mismanagement, I am inclined almost to fear a panic, after we had started for Kokeran, several of the regiments hurriedly and unnecessarily evacuated their barracks early in the morning, when they were at once entered by the enemy and plundered. On starting, I made over the command to the next senior officer, giving him distinct instructions how to act, but as he himself lost some of the baggage of his regiment (in my absence), he cannot have paid much attention to them. Late as it was when I entered the Citadel, my work was not yet done, as I was the only General Officer available to issue orders or do work, as General Primrose, who was seedy, was thoroughly wearied out, and Generals Burrows and Nuttall were sound asleep, and poor fellows badly they needed it after the terrible night they had gone through. I had, therefore, to set to work to put the Guards and necessary defences for the night in some state of order, and as this involved a walk and ride round the City and Fort walls, 4½ miles, it was a pleasant ending to a long day. At 8 o'clock I snatched a hurried dinner with General Primrose, the first food, except a cup of chocolate and a biscuit, I had had in the day, and at half-past nine went the round of the ramparts and guards, getting to bed at 1 a.m., having had 23½ hours of intense work of mind and body, 18 of which I had spent in the saddle. I did not want much rocking, and was horrified to find, long before I was half satisfied with sleep, that it was 5 a.m. on the 29th July, and that I had to get up to start off a reconnoitering party of Cavalry to ascertain the state of affairs round our old Cantonments. They found the whole country covered with armed men, and the Cantonment looted, and such parts of it as would burn, burned down. They were fired on at several places, but returned unopposed to Camp. We were hard at work all day, improving our defences and removing the cover which surrounded the outside of the gates, but it was clear this was, with our small force, the work of many days, and that if we were soon attacked we would have to make the best of things as they were. In the afternoon the enemy's Cavalry appeared in large numbers on our left front. We immediately turned out our Cavalry Brigade, who, however, could not get near the enemy's, as they retired under the shelter of their guns, where we did not care to follow them. The night passed quite quietly, there being strong guards on all the walls, and everyone sleeping in their clothes, ready to turn out at a moment's notice. It is necessary I should mention that on the previous day, while I was at Kokeran, General Primrose was busy in the City, seizing on all the principal parts, closing and securing the Gates, and keeping the inhabitants overawed—all works, any failure in which would have been utter destruction to us. On the morning of the 28th, therefore, our small force had three important duties to perform: 1st, to go out and assist the retiring column; 2nd, to seize and hold the City, and fortify it, and prepare for the siege; 3rd, to hold the Cantonments—any one of them a task quite sufficient for the strength of the Force, so that our accomplishing all three was a matter of great satisfaction.

Enemy cavalry treated to some shells.

July 30.

July 31st.

August 1st.

August 2nd.

Walls divided into separate commands.

August 3rd.

Though mine is shorter a good deal than either General Burrows' or General Nuttall's, it has the drawback of being farthest from the Citadel, and it is generally supposed it will be the one on which the heaviest attack will come. Each front is covered outside with a net-work of walls which must be destroyed.

August 4th.

August 5th.

August 6th.

Enemy's camp successfully shelled.

August 7th.

August 8th.

First proposal to attack Deh Kojah.

August 9th.

August 10th.

August 11th.

August 12th.

August 13th.

Further attacks on the Shikapore Gate.

August 14th.

Here the Diary ends!

[APPENDIX.]

From
Rt. Hon. Hugh Childers, M.P.,
War Office.

To
Mrs. Brooke,
Ashbrooke,
Brookeboro'.

I deeply regret to have to announce to you that General Brooke fell in a sortie from Kandahar on the Sixteenth of August. Pray accept my most sincere condolences on the terrible loss to yourself and to the country.

From Her Majesty the Queen.

Balmoral Castle,

August 27th, 1880.

Lt.-General Sir Henry Ponsonby presents his compliments to Mrs. Brooke.

He has been commanded to convey the Queen's sincere and earnest sympathy with her in her grief, and Her Majesty's sorrow at the loss sustained by Mrs. Brooke in the recent action near Kandahar, where the Queen has had to lament the death of so many brave officers and men.

The accounts which Her Majesty has received of Brigadier-General Brooke only increase her deep regret that she should have been deprived of the services of so gallant and worthy a soldier.

From
H. E. The Governor,
Bombay.

To
Mrs. Brooke,
Ashbrooke,
Brookeboro'.

Viceroy desires me to convey to you his deep sympathy, in which I beg to join. It is reported your gallant Husband was killed while trying to carry off Captain Cruikshank when wounded.

From Major General Dillon.
Horse Guards, Pall Mall,
London, August 30th, 1880.
My dear Mrs. Brooke,

I have waited for some days before carrying out the wishes of the Duke of Cambridge, received from Kissengen, to convey to you by letter an expression of His Royal Highness' deep sympathy with you in your great affliction, and his sense of the loss which the service has sustained by the death of a gallant soldier and distinguished officer. In alluding to the sad event in the last letter received from Germany only to-day, His Royal Highness continues—"I am too sorry for General Brooke's death, a good officer lost to the service at a critical moment for the garrison of Kandahar. Lord Napier will feel it much."

Believe me,
Dear Mrs. Brooke,
Yours very sincerely,
M. A. DILLON.

From Lord Napier of Magdala.

August 25th, 1880.

Dear Lady Arabella,

I cannot resist writing you a few lines to express my most sincere sympathy with you, and my sorrow at the loss of your gallant son at Kandahar, which the telegram has to-day announced to us. I have felt so much confidence in your son being with the Force, that I look upon his loss as a great public misfortune, as well as a domestic calamity, the bitterness of which you and his widow alone can tell. I much entreat you, dear friend, to try and remember that he fell nobly doing his duty, and I trust that God in his mercy will give you strength to bear this heavy bereavement, and will in His own time comfort you and the poor widow. Lady Napier joins me in the truest and deepest sympathy.

Believe me,
Dear Lady Arabella,
Yours most sincerely,
NAPIER OF MAGDALA.

Statement of Sergeant-Major Rickard, 2/7th Royal Fusiliers.

Sergeant-Major T. Rickard, of the 2/7th Fusiliers, states:—On the 16th August, 1880, I was one of the Party ordered out for the storming of Deh Khoja, under General Brooke. We attacked the village at the South end about 5.30 a.m. under a very heavy fire in all directions from the enemy. When we arrived in the centre of the village, Captain Cruikshank, R.E., got wounded. General Brooke assisted in helping him along. We then advanced further on, to force our way through the village, when we halted and got under a wall, as we thought under cover, but the enemy's fire from all directions kept getting heavier, and the longer we stopped the heavier the fire got. General Brooke said to me, "Sergeant-Major, we shall never get out of this, I am afraid." He then ordered us to retire back out of the village. We did so. After we got out of the village about 300 yards, we halted again under cover about 10 minutes, and fired on the enemy as fast as we could. General Brooke asked me to send him another man to help him along with Captain Cruikshank. I did so, and we retired again towards the Fort, and had only got about 200 yards when General Brooke was shot in the head (dead), and the other man that was helping was shot. I was with General Brooke the whole time, till he was shot.

T. RICKARD,
Sergeant-Major 2/7th Royal Fusiliers.

From Colonel French, R.A., Commanding Artillery in Kandahar.

Kandahar, 26th August.

My Dear Annie,

Most sincerely do I sympathize with you in the loss of your dear good Husband, poor Henry; he was so genial, cheery, kind, and courteous to all who came in contact with him, and much beloved and respected by everyone in this Force. No braver or truer soldier lost his life in that ill-fated attack on Deh Khoja. I miss him so very much, we were thrown so much together during the last four months. No man was more keen for a fight than poor Henry, and when the day of battle did come, right gallantly he led his men, sacrificing his life in the humane effort to rescue a wounded man from falling into the hands of the enemy. From Trumpeter McGlynn, C/2 R.A., who was his Orderly Trumpeter on the 16th August, I have heard the following account of how poor Henry fell:—After half an hour's skirmishing they reached the village, and on entering, Henry and the Trumpeter had just dismounted, when a volley from the enemy so startled their horses they broke away, and galloped back to within the City. Henry advanced through the village on foot, cheering on his men amidst a galling fire of musketry, which the enemy poured on them from loop-holed walls. Arrived in the centre of the village, Captain Cruikshank, R.E., fell badly wounded. At this time our men were being driven back by superior numbers and the heavy fire from the houses. Henry helped to carry Cruikshank; succeeded in getting him out of the village, of which they had got clear about 30 yards, Henry still supporting Cruikshank, when he was struck down by apparently a bullet in the head. Trumpeter McGlynn states that he fell forward on his face and never moved after; so poor Henry's death must have been instantaneous. The Trumpeter and a few men of the 7th Fusiliers tried to carry off the body, but were compelled to desist owing to the enemy making a rush on them. Deh Khoja was evacuated on the night of the 24th, and on the following day search was made for the bodies of our fallen. Henry's was found and buried near where he fell, under a Peepul tree, the Rev. Mr. Cane, our Chaplain, having read the Burial Service. This terrible loss of life at Maiwand and Deh Khoja has cast a gloom on all here, and no man is more generally sorrowed for and regretted than poor Henry—every inch a soldier. No man worked harder to put this City in a state of defence. I looked upon him as one of our rising Generals, who, later on, would have shone out with much distinction.

From Colonel B.

Kandahar, 14th September, 1880.

My dear Major H.,

I am sorry I have been unable, through press of work, to fulfil my promise before now, and send you the particulars of the unfortunate affair of Deh Khoja, on the 16th August, as far as they are known by me, which cost us so many valuable lives, and more especially that of my dear friend General Brooke, whose loss was deeply felt by everyone here, for he was not only much loved by all, but he had proved himself to be possessed of the greatest energy and cool good judgment, and had consequently gained the confidence of all ranks, both senior and junior. I have no hesitation in saying that we are indebted to him for much that was done to strengthen our position here, and in the arrangements for the defence. He never rested until he got the Pathans turned out of the City, and the place disarmed. How much he did do, and how much his wise influence effected will probably never be known fully by the Public; but from a perusal of his Diary which I gave you, it will be seen how continually active he was in carrying out the work assigned to him, and what his opinions were on many subjects. He was strongly opposed to the attack on Deh Khoja, for many reasons, which he gives in his Diary, and he was mainly instrumental in its being abandoned the week before, when it had been resolved on. The attack was finally decided on, the following week, on the advice, I believe, of the Commanding Engineer, in consequence of our working parties employed outside the Kabul Gate, in demolishing some buildings, having been prevented by the fire from Deh Khoja completing the work. His objections to it were stronger than before, as it was known that the enemy had been busily employed all the week in fortifying the village, and he feared that the loss would be greater than we could afford, or than the good to be gained. He could not, however, urge his objections, as he had done on the previous occasion, as he was nominated to command the attack. The force was composed of 300 Cavalry, 300 Royal Fusiliers, and 500 Native Infantry. The Cavalry left the Eedgar Gate at 4 o'clock in the morning, and making a wide detour of the village of Kairabad took up a position in the rear of Deh Khoja, i.e., on the west. Our guns on the walls then commenced a bombardment to prepare the Infantry attack, and at 5·30 a.m. the Infantry moved out of the Kabul Gate, covered by riflemen from the walls. Immediately they got out into the open they came under a very heavy fire from the village, which is from 700 to 800 yards from the City, but the troops advanced in splendid form and were never once checked. They entered the village at the south, as had been previously decided on, and we then lost sight of them, but we could hear them hard at work with their rifles. I need not describe the village, for you have seen it and know what a labyrinth of narrow streets and high walls it is, every enclosure being a regular little fortification, so that as soon as the enemy was driven out of one position they ran into another like a lot of rats, and our force was too weak to hold the positions as they were taken. General Brooke, however, pushed on with his troops right through the village from south to north, and leaving a strong party of the Fusiliers at the latter part, he retraced his steps with a view of completing the capture, but by this time the enemy began to pour in from the south of the village; these were reinforcements sent by Ayoob Khan from the cantonments as soon as he had heard the firing going on. They advanced by the gardens and village on the south of the City, which afforded them shelter from our fire until they came opposite our S. E. Bastion where we had a 40-pounder and 9-pounder which gave them several rounds, but did not do them much damage, the practice being bad. It did not at any rate check them. Our cavalry, however, seeing them coming, moved down in that direction and stopped them for some little time, but being exposed to a heavy fire from the enclosures when they could not act, they had to be withdrawn. On finding that the enemy were crowding into the village from the south, General Brooke sent his Brigade-Major to General Primrose to report matters and to ask for orders, the reply to which was to retire his Force at once, but by the time this officer got back to the village the enemy held it in such force he could not get to General Brooke, who was still in the centre of it. A Trumpeter of C/2, who was with General Brooke all the time, informed me that when they returned from the north of the village and had reached about the centre, they found Captain Cruikshank, R.E., severely wounded, and unable to move, and finding that the enemy was closing in on them all round, General Brooke looked out for some defensible place into which he could get the party which was with him, consisting of men of the Fusiliers and Native Sappers, and for this purpose he made for a court-yard in which there were buildings, but directly they entered it they were met by a heavy fire. It was here that Captain Cruikshank begged him to leave him to his fate, and save himself and party, but he nobly refused to do this, and thinking there were still some of his party in the south of the village where he had left them, he determined to push on in that direction, so calling for volunteers of the Fusiliers to carry poor Cruikshank, they moved down to the south under a heavy fire and got out into the open. All the parties had been compelled to withdraw, and there was nothing left for them but to make the best of their way back to the City, taking advantage of what cover they could find. They were much hampered by having to carry poor Cruikshank, and they had frequently to change the men who were carrying him. It was during one of these changes, when they had got about 100 yards from the village, and poor Brooke was supporting Cruikshank with his left arm while the men were being relieved, that he was shot through the back, just between the shoulders, and fell dead; at the same time a number of Ghazis made a rush on them from the village, and the remainder of the party retreated hastily towards the City. On the 25th August the village was evacuated by the enemy, and we went out to bury the bodies. I found and recognised poor Brooke's body. He was lying among several others, and Cruikshank and a Sergeant Strong were close to him. It was a fearfully melancholy sight, but it was a great satisfaction to recover the bodies and to give them burial, which we did under a tree close to the spot where they fell. While deeply grieving and lamenting over his death and those who died with him, one cannot but feel proud of his noble and gallant conduct in sacrificing himself in endeavouring to save a brother officer. Among the papers which I gave you, you will find one containing his views on the situation in Afghanistan, which will repay perusal, and which will, no doubt, be valuable to his family. I have his sword, which I forgot to give you with the other things I had selected to send home. I will take care of it till I get an opportunity of sending it home.

From Mrs. L.

11th October.

My dear B.,

I am enclosing one sheet of the letter which was written on the 16th August, the day of the sortie.

Kandahar, August 16th.

This is a very sad day for us. There was a great sortie this morning against a village outside the Kabul Gate. We sent out 800 Infantry and 300 Cavalry under General Brooke. They got into the village, and there they suffered considerable loss. The Fusiliers lost 2 Officers, Marsh and Wood, both young boys, 25 killed, and 29 wounded; the 28th one Officer, Colonel Newport, killed, and 30 killed and 19 wounded; the 19th 2 Officers, Major Trench and Lieut. Stayner, killed. Their return of men have not yet come in. Major Vandeleur, 7th Fusiliers, is badly wounded; Colonel Nimmo, 28th, dangerously; Colonel Shewell, of the Commissariat, wounded; Lieut. Wood, of the Transport, badly wounded; Captain Cruikshank, of the Engineers, killed; the Rev. Gordon, dangerously wounded; and last and worst, General Brooke killed. I feel so sad about it, I can hardly speak, for I had learnt almost to love him, indeed I may say quite. He was shot through the head as he was carrying poor Cruikshank away from the village; and the worst of it is, that, in the opinion of many of us, this sortie was a quite useless waste of life. I believe we inflicted considerable loss of life on the enemy; but it was mere madness attacking with such a small force, a labyrinth of lanes and houses like that. Brooke knew it, but could not protest, as he was ordered to command the Force. Burrows knew it, but he was not consulted. A man of the Fusiliers, whom I questioned about Brooke's death, says, the party he was with would never have got out of the village but for him. He is a great loss, for he was the best head we had, and I think the whole Force deplores his loss, nearly—though not quite as much as I do. When you write to B., let her and her husband know how he was loved, and how nobly he died. I cannot write any more. There is a great deal to be done; but no more sorties, I trust. We ought merely to have waited, but somebody got an idea we ought to do something.

"Poor Brooke was warned that he was going to certain death when he went back for Cruikshank, but he would go. Cruikshank was mortally wounded, and begged them to leave him and save themselves. Brooke had ordered the Cavalry to cover the retreat of the Infantry, which was construed into an order to retire, and the consequence was that the Cavalry was withdrawn, and crowds of men rushed into the village, which had been kept in check on the far side of the Cavalry—even before our men were out of the village. I cannot tell you how I miss Brooke, he was always so cheery and jolly, and had such sound views; he was the best head we had in the Force." In another letter he says, "Brooke's loss shows day by day more seriously; his cheery temper and sound views had the best influence.

"We miss his counsels greatly, in another way he is a great loss, as he knew every yard of the country round, and would have been the very man to lead a turning column. If it were not for the loss of Brooke, I should feel quite jolly, but I can't get him out of my head."

From Mrs. P.

21st October, 1880.

Dear Mr. Brooke,

We had this morning letters from my brother Colonel H., at Kandahar, and we think you would like to hear what he says of your Brother. To my husband my brother writes:—Poor Brooke, as gallant a fellow as ever stepped, led the attack, and after doing gallant deeds was recalled by the orders of General Primrose (from the walls of the City), and in retiring and trying to save a brother officer's life lost his own. The three columns, as is invariably the case, lost all sight and touch of each other, and nobody knew where the others were; in spite of it all, the effect on the enemy was very great, and the siege to all intents and purposes ended.

Poor Brooke was full of zeal and energy, and died a soldier's death in being the last to leave the village, and in attempting to carry poor Cruikshank, who had been fatally wounded, out of action. It may be a satisfaction to Mrs. Brooke to know that he behaved so gallantly and was spared all suffering while carrying his brother officer under a most murderous fire. 24 were killed round about him, and the heaviest loss occurred where he fell; he did not retire of his own accord, and was greatly surprised to get the order which was sent him by General Primrose; on receiving it he sent orders for the several parties to retire, and fell back himself last of all with a few men. Being ordered to retire, he had no opportunity to carry out his plan to the end; it might have been a grand success or a heavy loss, but his loss was very heavily felt by the Force.

In the Battle of Pir Paimal we formed, with one of Roberts' Brigades, the Reserve, while two Brigades attacked. Our Reserve had a grand chance of distinguishing themselves, and had Brooke been alive, I believe it would have been done.

Extract from another Brother's Letter.

August 27th, 1880.

The day before yesterday we got the news of the sortie of the Garrison (Kandahar) on the 16th: it has had good results, and was successful; yet the heavy loss in Senior Officers does not read well. General Brooke is amongst the killed, and I am very sorry at this, for, no doubt, he was one of the best men in the Garrison, and is sure to have been always plucky and cheery.

From Col.

Kandahar, September, 1880.

... Brooke was constantly at General Primrose about our weakness in Troops and the defencelessness of the Citadel, but he would never sanction any money being spent on it. Everything he did, or rather did not do, was bad enough, but I shall never forgive him the Deh Khoja business on the 16th August, which lost us poor Brooke's life, and the lives of so many brave men, without any object. General Primrose had ordered the assault on Deh Khoja the week before, but Brooke and Burrows got him to countermand it for the following reasons, namely:—The village was built of thick mud walls and roofs, so that it could not possibly be burned; it was known to be very strongly held by the enemy, and would therefore require a large Force to take it, and we should therefore lose a great many more men than we could spare, and if we captured it we could not hold it, as we had not enough men to man our own walls properly, and as it could not be burned, or destroyed, or held, the enemy would simply walk back into it the minute we left it; and the last and best reason was, that as there were two Forces coming to our relief, our duty was to hold Kandahar, and do nothing to endanger our position, and certainly not to go outside the walls to fight the enemy, giving up the advantage that we had. We all thought the insane idea had been given up for good, but the following week General Primrose sent for Brooke and Burrows, and told them that he had made up his mind to attack the village next morning, and told Brooke he was to command the Force. This, of course, effectually prevented Brooke saying what he thought, as he told me he could not raise objections against it, under these circumstances, as it might be thought that he was afraid, but he said, "the objections against it are greater than they were before, as it is known that the enemy have been hard at work all the week fortifying the place." Burrows ought to have done his best to oppose it, but as Brooke did not oppose, for the above reason he, said nothing, and so the attack unfortunately took place the next morning. Being on the Head Quarter Staff, I was not, of course, allowed to go, but I watched it from the walls where our riflemen covered the advance of the attacking party and our big guns. The village of Deh Khoja was only 700 yards off, and the enemy fired at us tremendously. The troops advanced under a very heavy fire, very steadily and well, and entered the village and went right through it, but the place was like a rabbit warren right through it, with very large loop-holed walls, from which the enemy kept up an incessant fire without our men being able to see them, and as soon as they were turned out of one enclosure they ran into another, and back again into those they had been turned out of, for our Forces were not strong enough to hold the enclosures as they were taken, and all this time the enemy was pouring into the village from Ayoub Khan's main Force. At last General Primrose sent to order the Force to retreat, and no doubt poor Brooke could have got away unhurt, but he stopped to bring away a wounded officer, and so lost his life. We did not recover the bodies of the killed until the 25th, 10 days after, when the village was deserted by the enemy. I went to search for poor Brooke, whom I recognised, and I buried him myself. I cannot get over his loss. We have lived together since we came here, and I have become very fond of him; I am sure he liked me, and that I have lost a good friend in him. He was a fine fellow, brave as a lion, and a thorough soldier in every way; clear-headed and with excellent judgment. It is indeed grievously sad such a fine fellow should have been lost, for he is a loss to the whole army, in such a needless manner.

From Lieut. F.

26th February, 1881.

My dear Mrs. Brooke,

... He (General Brooke) was quite against the sortie, but being put in command of it he was obliged to keep quiet. General Nuttall, who commanded the Cavalry, and who was senior to General Brooke, was ordered to co-operate with him. After our Infantry, with whom General Brooke was, had penetrated into the village, the General found that he could not hold it, and sent a note in pencil to General Nuttall, who was with the Cavalry, which was drawn up in line to the south of Deh Khoja, and thus between it and the villages to the south, asking him to cover the retreat from Deh Khoja. However, General Primrose, who was looking on from the walls just about this time, sent his orderlies, one to General Brooke, the other to General Nuttall, ordering them both to retire. General Nuttall received the order immediately after getting General Brooke's note, and instead of doing what the latter requested, retired his Cavalry at once to the City. The result was that the villagers of all the southern villages instantly swarmed round Deh Khoja, and cut off the retreat of the Infantry. These poor fellows had to run for their lives through a gauntlet of fire. General Brooke got safely out of the village, but went back with a few men to aid others, and in trying to save Captain Cruikshank, of the Engineers, was shot through the head and killed instantly. This, I believe, is the full account of the disaster, which would not have occurred, if the Cavalry had remained to cover the retreat.

From Colonel B.

Kandahar, 5th December, 1880.

My dear Mrs. Brooke,

... We had lived together up here, and I had learnt to love him as a brother, for he was all that was noble and kind and generous, and I felt his sad loss most truly and most deeply. I shall never forget that fearful morning as long as I live. I was distracted when the remnants of the Force returned and he was not with it. I fear I forgot everyone else in my grief at losing my dearest friend, and the one head in whom we all placed full reliance and faith, and regarding whom we universally felt, as long as he was with us, all would be well. I can assure you, dear Mrs. Brooke, he was beloved by every one here, and his loss was universally mourned for as the greatest one that could have happened to us, for every one appreciated his splendid soldier-like qualities and clear-headed abilities, and as to his courage and determination it was the admiration of everyone, so you must not think he was not loved and valued here, for I have no hesitation in saying that he possessed the love and confidence of everybody, for everybody went to him for advice, and he never refused it to anyone. Would that General Primrose had taken his advice, and stuck to it alone, and then that wretched sortie would never have taken place. I handed over his Letts' rough diary to Major H., and in that he records his opinion on the sortie when ordered the week before, and which he prevented. Unfortunately, as he told me himself, his mouth was closed on the second occasion, as he was ordered to command the attacking Force, and it would appear as if he was afraid, and besides he had given General Primrose his opinion very clearly about it, on the previous occasion, and the objections and arguments, he then made against it, had become stronger, for it was known that the enemy had been busily engaged all the week fortifying the place. I will not relate again the particulars of that sad day, as I feel sure you must have, before now, received the long account I sent through Major H., and it is very painful to me to refer to it; suffice it to say, that your dear Husband fell as a true and brave soldier, nobly endeavouring to save the life of poor Captain Cruikshank, after having remained to the very last in the village to collect all the remaining men and bring them out. He might, no doubt, have secured his own safety by retiring himself sooner, but he was not the man to do so, as long as he thought there was anyone else left behind, and in fact he was coming out with Colonel Daubeny's party of the Fusiliers, by the north of the village, when he returned to satisfy himself that no one was left behind, and he went right through the place again, and came out by the south, and it was then, I understand, he found Captain Cruikshank and endeavoured to bring him out. I am sure it will be a consolation to you to know that he fell perfectly dead, and never suffered any pain. I had this direct from his Trumpeter orderly, a European, who was with him all the time, and by his side when he fell. I examined him most minutely on this point, and he assured me he never spoke a word when he fell, and I found a wound through his body caused by a bullet, which must have caused instant death.

From Col. E.

Simla,
12th October, 1880.

My dear Mr. Brooke,

... To all of us who knew your gallant Brother so well, and to myself personally as an intimate friend, his death in action, nobly striving to aid a wounded comrade, has been a painful blow. He was so true and thorough a soldier that we had hoped for high distinction for him when we heard he had been sent to Kandahar, and his letters to me from that place were full of confidence. I am sure that we shall yet learn that however depressed and dispirited others may have been during the siege, that Henry Brooke was never down-hearted, or anything else, but as brave a soldier in life as he was in death.

From Col. W.

Poona, Bombay,
October, 1880.

My dear Mr. Brooke,

By this time, of course, you have full particulars of your Brother's death, so it is needless for me to enter into the sad details, but amidst all this sorrow which this has caused you and his other relations, is the proud recollection that no man ever died more nobly, or as a soldier could wish for, whilst the high estimation in which he was held by all who knew him, must be a source of satisfaction to you all. For myself, I can only say that I sympathise most truly with you all in the affliction which has fallen on you, for though our acquaintance was not of long standing, we were for the time thrown much together, and in him I mourn a true friend, whose friendship and esteem it was an honor to possess, and whose untimely fate I shall always deplore.

From Captain E.

Edinburgh,
20th November, 1880.

My dear Mrs. H.,

I was very glad to receive your kind note ... We were all very much grieved to hear of poor General Brooke's death under such sad circumstances, and for a time we had great anxiety regarding the safety of Kandahar, for we all knew and felt the great loss the garrison would sustain in his death, as he was one of the very few they had to trust to. I have heard several officers say, "Brooke was the life and soul of the place during the siege."

From Lt.-Colonel White, V.C., C.B., 92nd Highlanders.

25th November, 1880.

My dear Brooke,

Your Brother's death gave me a greater shock than any incident in the whole war. He died like the man I knew him to be, and as you and I would like to die when our time comes. It would be some consolation to you to hear the way he is spoken of by all who knew him—"about the only man who held his head up all through the Kandahar investment, and he had a cheery word and a helping hand for everyone." ...

The North of Ireland lost another fine fellow in Brownlow of the 72nd Highlanders. He and your brother Henry were perhaps the two men most highly thought of in the armies occupying Afghanistan.

From Sir G. K.

St. Stephen's Club, London,
27th August.

... I am so grieved to see the telegram announcing General Brooke's death, and heartily sympathize with his Widow. He was the ruling spirit of the Kandahar Force, and has died a soldier's death, and left an honored name.

From Col. M.

St. James' Square, London,
2nd September, 1880.

Your Husband died nobly in the gallant attempt to save another life: all honor, therefore, to his memory for so generously giving his own, though it was given in vain. By his death the Kandahar Garrison were deprived of their ablest leader, and the Bombay Army has lost an Adjutant-General whose place will not be easily filled. Personally I shall ever remember his kindness to me while I had the pleasure to be associated with him on the Bombay Staff.

From Lt.-Colonel White, V.C., C.B., 92nd Highlanders.

Government House,
20th December, 1880.

My dear Mrs. Brooke,

... I was but a very few days at Kandahar, but in those few days I heard enough to know what a name the General had left behind him. Everyone I spoke to about him said, "that he had been so looked up to and respected, that he had a cheery word and a look of confidence for all his comrades throughout the investment," and at a time, when, I am sorry to say, men of his stamp were badly wanted....

His heroic death speaks for itself; ... and every officer I spoke to about him in Kandahar was as much impressed by his tender devotion to others, as by the contempt for personal danger which he had invariably shown....

I feel how inadequate anything I can write must appear to you, but it may be gratifying to you to hear that at Bombay the most universal regret was expressed to me for General Brooke, who was known to everybody there, and the deepest sympathy with you. Lord Ripon was only too glad to do all in his power to carry out your wishes.

From Colonel Sir Andrew Clarke, K.C.M.G., R.E.

Bath, 23rd January, 1881.

My dear Mrs. Brooke,

I received back this morning the Journal which, with a letter from Lord Hartington's Private Secretary, I now enclose, and trust you will get them in safety. I have not proposed to retain the Journal to be copied, as it has struck me you would like this rather to be done under your own care than by anyone else. You have, no doubt, heard from Lord Napier, as he will have told you most probably of how much the recent successes achieved by the Bengal Army are, in a great measure, due to the aid and co-operation he received from your dear Husband, when on his Staff whilst commanding and re-organizing that Army, and I know that already had the discipline and morale of the Bombay Army been raised and improved during the comparatively short time my lost Friend had been its Adjutant-General. If I can be of any service, do not hesitate to make use of me....

Yours very sincerely,
AN CLARKE.

India Office,
21st January, 1881.

Dear Sir Andrew Clarke,

Lord Hartington desires me to return to you the Journal of the late General Brooke, and to beg you to convey to Mrs. Brooke how much he appreciates her kindness in having allowed him the opportunity of reading an account, so full of interest, in the scenes of which so important a part was taken by her gallant and much-lamented Husband. I am to add, that it gave Lord Hartington much satisfaction to receive the messages you were good enough to send him from Mrs. Brooke.

I remain,
Faithfully yours,
R. H. HOBART.

Private.

War Office,
23rd December, 1880.

My dear Clarke,

I sat up till 1 a.m., reading poor General Brooke's most interesting Journal. I am very glad indeed to have been allowed to peruse it. It proves (if proof beyond what we have had been wanted) how good a soldier and administrator he was; and his criticisms on others never go beyond the line, which habits of discipline and good sense lay down. Forgive me for having kept it so long, but until yesterday I have not had any spare time.

Yours very sincerely,
HUGH R. CHILDERS.

From the Honorable E. Stanhope.

3, West Eaton Place, S.W.,
January 28th, 1881.

Mr. Edward Stanhope presents his compliments to Mrs. Henry Brooke, and begs to return herewith the later parts of General Brooke's Journal. No one could read it without the greatest interest. It conveys a vivid picture of the events recorded in it, and makes one feel again the great loss which the Country has sustained by the death of one whose cool head and discretion are conspicuous throughout its pages. Mr. Stanhope cannot presume to say more to Mrs. Brooke, but in thanking her for the favor which she has shown to him in allowing the perusal of the Journal, he can only say that he shall be glad, if the opportunity should ever arise, of publicly bearing his testimony to the value of the services recorded in it.

3, West Eaton Place,
April 4th.

My dear Mrs. Brooke,

I return, with many thanks, the last parts of General Brooke's Notes, and the Letters. They have had very great interest for me, and make one bitterly regret—more than ever—the blunders which led to so much national disaster, and to the irreparable loss of valuable lives. With renewed thanks.

Believe me, yours very faithfully,
EDWARD STANHOPE.

From H. E. Sir James Fergusson, Governor of Bombay.

Bombay,
18th January, 1881.

Sir James Fergusson presents his compliments to Lady Arabella Brooke, and begs to apologise for not having sooner replied to her Ladyship's letter of the 27th October.

Before he received it, all necessary orders had been given for the suitable transport of the remains of the late and lamented Brigadier-General Brooke, and Sir James Fergusson trusts that her Ladyship has been sensible that nothing has been omitted which could mark the respect entertained by the Government, the Services, and the public, for an officer whose loss was universally deplored, and whose death was so honorable.

Sir J. Fergusson ventures to offer his sincere sympathy and condolence with the family so grievously bereaved.

From Lord Napier of Magdala.

Gibraltar,
March 19th, 1881.

My dear Mrs. Brooke,

... It must have been a melancholy satisfaction to you to have been able to consign the precious remains of your noble Husband to the resting-place of his Family—a sad duty, but one of infinite value to you. It is grievous to think that if his advice had been listened to, the lives of many valuable men, as well as his own, might have been saved.... Lady Napier desires her love. With kindest remembrances and regards.

Believe me,
Yours very sincerely,
NAPIER OF MAGDALA.

From Lieut. C.

Kandahar,
11th January, 1881.

My dear Annie,

... Very few enjoy such general respect and admiration when living, or when gone cause such universal expressions of praise and regret. I am now living with the 7th Fusiliers, and I assure you when I came up, and now when alluded to, no officer seemed then, or now, to be able to say enough in praise of his late Brigadier, and many have some kind act or word to record, as either received at his hands or spoken to them during the siege.

In the Bombay Gazette of the 1st inst., there is an article in which the way in which Brigade Commands are given, often to people who have never, since boy service, done anything but staff work in an office, is spoken of, and asking how such officers, save in certain exceptions, can be expected to be efficient in the field, and it goes on to say, "we have on more than one occasion testified to our admiration of General Brooke's splendid qualities as a soldier, while, as time goes on, the heroic manner of his death will more and more command admiration."

I don't think in March, when the appointment was made, there was a dissenting voice or a doubt expressed that it was otherwise than the best that could be made. On the last night of the old year there was a large fire in the Citadel Square, round which all the soldiers had been singing; on our going out after mess to join them, they sang a song all about the siege and sortie, recounting where and how they had lost their Brigadier, officers, and men, the chorus of which was—

"All honor now to General Brooke,
Who in his grave does lie,
And fighting for Queen and country,
Did like a soldier die."

Of course it is soldier's language, but it nevertheless is expressive of their feelings.

From Captain C.

... General Brooke was respected and beloved by every man and officer in the Force, and esteemed by everyone. He gave me my orders on that fatal day, when he fell, and I was never near him afterwards, for he met his death, with one of our Colour-Sergeants, while nobly assisting Captain Cruikshank, R.E., who was badly wounded; but the name of General Brooke will long be remembered, and in his death we have lost one of our best Officers....

The English Army met with a great loss in General Brooke, beloved and respected as he was by all the Brigade....

General Brooke was beloved by all who knew him, and the Soldiers worshipped him....

109th Regiment,
Aldershot, September 6th.

Dear Captain Brooke,

Will you kindly forward the enclosed Regimental Card, "with sincere condolence" to Mrs. Brooke. I do not know her address, and we are desirous (though we do not know her personally) to express our sympathy for her in her late bereavement, as General Brooke was such a favourite with all of the Regiment who knew him.

Believe me,
Very truly yours,
R. PRIOLEAU SIMPSON.

Lieut.-Col. Lucas,
and the Officers 109TH Regiment,
With sincere Condolence.

From Captain Cartwright, 48th Regiment.

Tipperary, 30th June, 1881.

My dear Brooke,

Many thanks for your letter and for the two Photos. enclosed, both of which have taken their place in our Regimental Walhalla, and I hope will be handed down to posterity, carrying with them the recollection of old Officers, and one certainly a very distinguished Officer, of whom any regiment may be proud as having been numbered in its ranks. I return you the old Photograph of your Brother (General Brooke), for I fancy you may value it. Both in front and on the back there is his handwriting....

Yours sincerely,
R. A. CARTWRIGHT.

From Colonel Forbes, Commanding 109th Regiment.

Aldershot, July 2nd, 1881.

Dear Sir,

Will you kindly convey to Mrs. Henry Brooke the best thanks of the Officers 109th Regiment, for sending us the Photograph of our late comrade, General Brooke, which, I need hardly say, we highly appreciate, and have placed in the Regimental Album.

Yours very truly,
CHAS. FORBES,
Lieut.-Col. Commanding 109th Regt.

Extract from the "Irish Times," August 25th, 1880.

AFGHANISTAN.

THE SORTIE FROM KANDAHAR.

HEAVY BRITISH LOSSES.

LIST OF KILLED AND WOUNDED OFFICERS.

"From Viceroy, August 24.

"Following from St. John, Kandahar, 21st:—Sortie took place on 16th against village on east face of City. Has secured us from further molestation on that side, but loss very heavy.

"KILLED.

"Brigadier-General Brooke, Captain Cruikshank, R.E.; Col. Newport, 28th; Major Trench, Lieutenant Stayner, 19th; Lieutenants Marsh and Wood, Fusiliers, and Rev. Mr. Gordon.

"WOUNDED.

"Colonel Nimmo, 28th; Major Vandeleur, 7th; and Lieutenant Wood, Transport (all severely); Colonels Malcolmson and Shewell.

"Casualties among men, about 180.

"A messenger has also come in from Kandahar. The position there is regarded as perfectly safe. A sortie was made on the 16th, and Colonel St. John reports that its result has been to secure the east face of the City from further molestation.

"The enemy must, however, have fought with great determination, as our loss is heavy, especially in Officers.

"We have lost in killed and wounded, about 180 men. Of Officers, General Brooke, Colonel Newport, of the 28th Regiment; Major Trench, and Lieut. Stayner, of the 19th Regiment; Captain Cruikshank, R.E.; Lieutenants Marsh and Wood, of the 7th Fusiliers; and the Rev. Mr. Gordon, are killed. Colonel Nimmo, of the 28th; Major Vandeleur, of the 7th, and Lieutenant Wood, of the Transport Corps, severely wounded; and Colonels Malcolmson and Shewell, slightly wounded.

"General Brooke was killed while carrying Cruikshank, wounded, out of action."

28th August.]

181

GENERAL ORDER

BY

HIS EXCELLENCY THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.

Adjutant-General's Office, Head Quarters, Poona,
28th August, 1880.

It is with much regret that the Commander-in-Chief has to announce the death of Brigadier-General H. F. Brooke, Adjutant-General, Bombay Army.

Brigadier-General Brooke having been selected for the command of a Brigade in Southern Afghanistan was, at the time of his death, engaged in command of a sortie made by the Garrison of Kandahar, and is reported to have been killed whilst endeavouring to succour a wounded brother Officer.

His Excellency desires to place on record his appreciation of the valuable services and willing assistance rendered at all times by the late Brigadier-General Brooke, and the high estimation in which his abilities and soldierly qualities were held by all who knew him.

The Commander-in-Chief feels sure that all ranks will sympathise with him in the loss the service has sustained in the noble death of so able an Officer, whilst gallantly engaged in the performance of his duties on active service in the field.

By order of His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief,
ALEX. WARDROP, Lieutenant-Colonel,
Officiating Adjutant-General.

DEATH OF BRIGADIER-GENERAL BROOKE.

We regret to announce the death of this gallant gentleman, which took place under circumstances rendering the event very sad indeed. Brigadier-General Henry Francis Brooke, who was only forty-four years of age, was in command of the 2nd Infantry Brigade Kandahar Field Force, and took part in the sortie from the garrison on the 16th of August, which resulted in securing the east face of the city from further molestation by the besieging force. He had come out of action unhurt; but with a humanity which adds lustre to his gallantry, he endeavoured to carry away a wounded brother officer, Captain Cruikshank, R.E., and while engaged in this act of friendship and of mercy he was killed by a shot from the enemy. Brigadier-General Brooke was eldest son of the late Mr. G. Brooke and Lady Arabella Brooke, of Ashbrooke, in the County Fermanagh, and was of the same family as Sir Victor Brooke, Bart., of Colebrooke, in that County. He entered the army in June, 1854, and his promotion was as follows:—Lieutenant, May, '55; Captain, September, '58; Major, February, '61; Lieut.-Col, December, '71; Colonel, February, '77. In April, 1855, he landed in the Crimea with the 48th Regiment, and served at the siege and fall of Sebastopol, for which he obtained a medal with clasp and a Turkish medal. He served also throughout the campaign of 1860 in China, as aide-de-camp to Sir Robert Napier, and was present at the actions of Sinho and Tangku, the assault of the Taku Forts, at which he was severely wounded, and the final advance on and surrender of Pekin, for which he received a medal with two clasps and the brevet-rank of Major. Subsequently he held the post of Adjutant-General in Bombay, with the local rank of Brigadier-General. He was a gallant officer, sprung from a gallant race, and one more of those brave men who have sustained and increased the military fame of Fermanagh.

BRIGADIER-GENERAL BROOKE.

Brigadier-General Henry Francis Brooke, killed in the sortie at Kandahar on the 16th August, is the first general officer of Her Majesty's army who has fallen in action since 1858. The last two instances were those of Brigadier-Generals the Hon. Adrian Hope and Penny, C.B., who were killed within three weeks of each other, the former officer in Oude and the latter in Rohilcund. The sad circumstances of the gallant Adrian Hope's death will long be remembered, as well as the causes which led to the sacrifice of so many precious lives through the rashness of General Walpole.

The late Brigadier-General Brooke was one of the youngest Colonels in our army, he having obtained his Brevet-Colonelcy in less than 23 years after his entry into the Service. He joined the army in June, 1854, and as a Subaltern landed with the 48th Foot in the Crimea on the 21st April, 1855, serving at the siege and fall of Sebastopol. After the war he accompanied the 48th to India, and went as aide-de-camp to Sir Robert Napier on the China expedition, serving throughout the campaign of 1860, and taking part in the actions of Sinho and Tangku, the assault of the Taku Forts (severely wounded), and the final advance on and surrender of Pekin. For his China services he received a brevet majority, dated the 15th February, 1861. He afterwards exchanged into the 94th, and was selected for staff employ in the Bengal Presidency at the close of 1864, when he was appointed Assistant Adjutant-General of the Presidency Division. Colonel Brooke was subsequently Assistant Adjutant-General at Mean Meer, and in November, 1877, was selected to succeed Brigadier Aitchison as Adjutant-General of the Bombay army. On the formation of a Bombay corps for service in Afghanistan, Brigadier Brooke was one of the first officers selected for command, and was sent to Kandahar with General Primrose. He bore a very high reputation in the service as a first-rate officer, and his loss will be greatly felt, especially at such a crisis when reliable leaders are so much needed at the seat of war.

The deceased belonged to an old Irish family, the Brookes, of Colebrooke, County Fermanagh, and was a cousin of the Earl of Huntington, his mother, Lady Arabella Hastings, having been a sister of the late peer. An uncle of the deceased, Lieutenant Francis Brooke, 7th Dragoon Guards, was slain at Waterloo. The family has furnished our army with several officers of distinction.

It seems to us that the death of Colonel Brooke in the sortie of the 16th was a peculiarly sad one. No doubt it was the death which this gallant and distinguished officer would have preferred. It was, we take it, a soldier's death, realised at the head of his men. But there are enemies and enemies, and certainly a soldier might be excused if he shrank from having his throat cut by a fanatic, fighting in a cause which on the British side is not by any means clear. Colonel Brooke, as our notice of his service will show, had led a brilliant military career. He entered the army in time to take part in the Crimea war, and was present at the siege and fall of Sebastopol. Subsequently he shared the perils of the war in China, and was engaged in the assault on the Taku Forts, where he was severely wounded. It is true that a British officer must be prepared to face death wherever he may be sent to meet his country's enemies. But in the Crimea and in China there was a tangible object to be realised sufficient to justify the campaign, and to lift the enterprise from the miserable conflict which is now being raged, through no fault of ours, in Afghanistan. Colonel Brooke, like other gallant officers and men who have fallen with him, adds very heavily to the already too heavy losses of the war in Afghanistan.—Broad Arrow.

THE LATE BRIGADIER-GENERAL BROOKE.

On Friday evening the sad ceremony of transferring the remains of the late Brigadier-General Brooke, from the I.G.S. Dalhousie to the troopship Serapis, took place in the Bombay Harbour, in the presence of a large number of the deceased Officer's sorrowing friends and comrades. The circumstances under which General Brooke met with his death in the sortie from Kandahar, whilst endeavouring to rescue a wounded Brother Officer, are too fresh in the minds of our readers to require any recapitulation from us. He died nobly as became a soldier, and it was only fitting when his remains were passing through this City for interment in his native land, that those who had known and respected him during life, and others who knew him only by his deeds and his glorious death, should meet and offer their tribute of respect to his memory. It will be remembered that the deceased's body was not recovered until several days after the memorable sortie; but when found it was buried with the customary military honours at Kandahar. Subsequently General Brooke's friends expressed a wish that the body should be buried in Ireland, and, accordingly the remains were exhumed and brought to Kurrachee last Sunday. A party of the 98th Regiment escorted the remains from M'Leod Station to the Kurrachee Arsenal, the band of the Regiment accompanying the procession and playing the Dead March in Saul. It was at first intended that the body should be handed over to the Rev. Kilbee Stuart, with a view of its transmission to England, but a communication was received from the authorities to the effect that the Secretary of State had issued orders that it was to be sent home in a troopship. In accordance with these instructions, the body was, on Tuesday, placed on board the I.G.S. Dalhousie for conveyance to Bombay, where it was to be transhipped to the troopship Serapis. The Dalhousie arrived in harbour yesterday morning at about nine o'clock, flying its flag at half-mast, and having its yard arms "cock billed," or placed in transverse positions, the usual manner of denoting that a vessel carries the mortal remains of some distinguished personage. After the Dalhousie had entered the harbour, the Government and other ships in the fort hauled their flags down to half-mast point, in which position they remained during the whole of the day. Orders had been issued by the military authorities directing that the transfer of the body from one ship to another should be attended with every mark of respect; and accordingly, yesterday evening, shortly before five o'clock, there was a large gathering of Military Officers on board, and in the vicinity of the Dalhousie to take part in this ceremony to the honoured dead. The body on its leaving Kurrachee was encased in a shell coffin of common wood; but on its arrival in Bombay it was transferred to a handsome teak wood coffin, with brass handles and furniture. No inscription appeared upon the lid, this work being left for a future occasion. Amongst those who took part in the ceremony were:—Brigadier-General C. T. Aitchison, C.B.; Colonels A. H. Dawson, R.A., and J. F. Chapman, 28th N.I.; Lieutenant-Colonels C. S. Stuart, 21st N.I., J. Jameson, 25th N.I., and C. P. Stokes, 2/4th K.O.; Majors C. C. Gore, 83rd Foot and Latham, R.A.; the Ven. Archdeacon Sharpin; Captains R. A. Knox, 2/4th K.O., C. T., Echalaz, 21st N.I., W. G. Muloy, R.A., H. B. Lawrence, 2/4th K.O., J. de B. Lynch, 25th N.I., R. S. Simpson, 21st N.I., and M. E. Crofton, 2/4th K.O.; Lieutenant A. J. P. Nuttall, 25th N.I.; A. B. Mein, 21st N.I.; J. Rawlandson, 2/4th N.I.; J. M. Gawne, 2/4th; G. E. Evans, 21st N.I.; C. B. Adams, 21st N.I.; H. O. Powell, 25th N.I.; Matthews, 2/4th; P. R. Simmonds, 10/9th R.A.; A. B. Ridley, 2/4th; E. Dolphin, 2/4th; J. W. Tritton, 2/4th; G. V. Burrows, 25th N.I.; Paymaster J. W. Deage, 2/4th; Quartermaster H. Rowland, 2/4th; and Surgeons-Major J. Parr, A.M.D., Codrington, A.M.D., Robinson, A.M.D., and Thorpe, I.M.D.; Captain Mellis, Assistant Quartermaster-General; Captain Moore, Deputy Assistant Quartermaster-General; Captain Middlemass, Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General; Major Spring, R.A., Commissary of Ordnance; Captain Davis, R.A., Assistant Commissary of Ordnance. At the appointed time, the coffin, which was covered with the Union Jack, was placed on board a ship's boat by several sturdy Tars from the Serapis, the boats containing the mourners, in the meantime taking up their position in the rear of the corpse. The boat containing the body slowly moved off under the tow of the steam-launch Lorelie. Immediately following the boat containing the corpse was one with Brigadier-General Aitchison, who acted as chief mourner, on board; and twelve other craft, carrying the remainder of the mourners. As the procession moved away, the yard arms of the Dalhousie were placed in their proper positions, and minute guns were fired from the Apollo Bunder Saluting Battery, until the deck of the Serapis was reached. On arrival at the Serapis the mourners disembarked from their boats, and the coffin having been placed in slings, was conveyed to the deck, where it was received with due honours, the mourners and crew of the vessel all uncovering their heads in token of respect. The body having been placed in the mortuary of the troopship, the mournful ceremony terminated, and the mourners left for the shore in their respective boats. We believe that the deceased's remains, on arrival at Portsmouth, will be forwarded to Ashbrooke, Brookeboro', Fermanagh, Ireland, his native place, for final interment. We should not omit to mention that in addition to the naval and military mourners who took part in the procession, the ceremony was watched with interest by a number of private spectators seated in boats.

11th November, 1880.

The Galley of "Serapis" will be at Apollo Pier for the Brigadier-General, at 4·30 p.m., Friday.

Steam Pinnace will be there at same time to take Pall Bearers to "Dalhousie" at once.

"Serapis'" 2nd Gig will follow Galley in procession with Officers of the "Serapis."

Six Cutters belonging to ships of the Indian Marine will be at Apollo Pier at 4·30 p.m. to embark Officers for procession.

Minute Guns should commence firing when body leaves "Dalhousie." A flag will be shown at Fore Mast-head of "Dalhousie" at that time.

THE LATE BRIGADIER-GENERAL BROOKE.

A noble Fermanagh man and a gallant soldier was committed to his last resting place on Tuesday at Colebrooke, one at whose loss the nation grieved, and one for whom the army he commanded has mourned. Brigadier-General Brooke died not only a soldier's death, but the noblest death—for he fell not only at the call of duty but in an act of christian benevolence, in saving the life of a brother officer. There is not a Fermanagh man at home or abroad, by the country fireside or in a foreign land, but will join with our gracious sovereign in sympathy with the widow and the fatherless in their sad bereavement.

FUNERAL OF THE LATE GENERAL H. F. BROOKE.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT).

The remains of the late General Brooke, which had been brought home from Kandahar, and arrived in H.M. Ship "Serapis" on the 11th inst., were interred in the family burial ground at Colebrooke, on Tuesday, the 14th. The coffin, which was covered with the Union Jack, on which were placed numerous wreaths of white flowers, was carried by men of the 94th regiment, under the command of Captain Lionel Brooke, 94th regiment (brother of the deceased). The chief mourners were—George Cecil Brooke (son of the deceased), Captain Arthur Brooke, Royal Navy, Captain Hastings Brooke, Captain Lionel Brooke, 94th regiment, and Frank Brooke, Esq. (brothers of the deceased), and Major Hall, of Narrow-water, Warrenpoint (brother-in-law). Amongst those present were—Viscount Cole, M.P; Viscount Crichton, M.P.; Lieut. Campbell, 94th regiment; Lieut. Mackan, 94th regiment; Captain Lemon and Lieut. Bradshaw, Armagh Militia; George F. Brooke, Esq.; F. Wrench, Esq.; J. C. Bloomfield, Esq.; Dr. R. P. Walsh; Major R. C. D. Ellis; C. Richardson, Esq.; and five hundred of the Colebrooke Tenantry followed the remains to the grave. The deepest sorrow was shown by all for the loss of one who had been so well known and beloved by them all. During the day a telegram was received by Lady Arabella Brooke, from the Dowager Marchioness of Ely, expressing the sincere sympathy of Her Majesty the Queen with her and Mrs. Brooke in their great sorrow. The coffin, which was made at Bombay of teak, had on a brass plate with the following inscription:—

Brigadier-General
H. F. BROOKE,
Born 3rd August, 1836;
Killed in action,
Kandahar, Southern Afghanistan,
16th August, 1880,
Aged 44 years.

The coffin was brought from England by Captain Arthur Brooke and arrived at Colebrooke on Monday at 12 o'clock, where it lay in the entrance hall, and was visited by Mrs. Brooke and the children of the late General Brooke, who placed wreaths of white flowers on the coffin. Mrs. Hall, of Narrow-water, also placed a beautiful wreath of white flowers intermingled with sprays of a fern which General Brooke had sent home from the foot of the Bolan Pass, near Kandahar, and which is now growing at Narrow-water. Wreaths were also placed on the coffin by Lady Arabella Brooke, Mrs. Frank Brooke, Lady Hume, and other friends. General Brooke was killed whilst trying to carry Captain Cruikshank, a wounded brother officer, out of action, and General Brooke was heard to say, when the enemy were closing round him, that he would not leave the village until the last man and the last case of ammunition were out of it, and it was in waiting so long under a galling fire, and then trying to carry a wounded man, that he met his death.

EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH MADE IN ENNISKILLEN

BY THE RIGHT HON. H. CHILDERS,

SEPTEMBER 22nd, 1880.

... to another sentence in the generous address, in which he was introduced as having charge of one of the great departments of the State, and they reminded him of what Enniskillen had done for that department. The charge which he had was a most onerous one, and was likely not to be less onerous during the future. But it was a great satisfaction to him to be able to think that such glories as had been attached to the British arms in past and present deeds of arms were connected with this country and ancient borough. The two regiments which sprang from the town, he was happy to know, were steadily recruited from its people, and were among the most gallant in the British army. (Applause). They had sent into the service of Her Majesty men who had risen to the greatest honours and positions as commanders of men. The right honourable gentleman then referred to the great loss the British army had sustained in the loss of one of its greatest generals—General Brooke, who had lost his life in Afghanistan. He was one of the best soldiers in the British army. He was a marked man, who was certain to rise to a place of the greatest distinction. Just before the news came by telegraph of General Brooke's untimely death, he was reading some letters of the General which showed such good sense and practical knowledge as fitted a distinguished general officer, and he felt certain Her Majesty could have no more efficient or useful soldier. All honour to his memory—he died in the attempt to save a brother officer—and he (the speaker) would appeal to the men of Fermanagh to follow his worthy example. He was afraid he was keeping them too long. (No, no). He thanked them very much for their kind reception, and his wife and daughter heartily joined in the thanks.

THE LATE CAPTAIN CRUIKSHANK, R.E.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE "BOMBAY GAZETTE."

Sir,—I venture to send you the accompanying extract from a letter received from Kandahar, thinking that the many friends of the late Captain Cruikshank, R.E., may like to know how highly he was thought of. If a dark cloud at present hangs over the Bombay Army, here at least is the "silver lining" amid the general gloom. "Poor Cruikshank was a great friend of mine, as indeed, he would be of anyone who got to know him well. His duty was to blow up the walls of Deh Khoja with gunpowder. He dined with me on the 15th, and was as cool in talking over his work for next morning as if it were the ordinary work. He went out to the village, and set about his mining operations in the same cool way. When he received his first wound, either in the side or in the hip, General Brooke helped him outside the City (village) walls, and then got him into a doolie, but, I suppose, the doolie-bearers fled. Then General Brooke would not leave him, and they died side by side. All the wounds received that day were very severe ones, as all were in such close quarters, and the enemy, posted on roofs, shot downwards. Cruikshank was thus shot. The enemy rushed out on our retreating troops, and cut them up at once, so poor Cruikshank would not be long left in pain. When I saw his body, 10 days after, it was clear his end had been speedy. The body was not, however, mutilated at all. His clothes were left on, and his butler's watch, with some maps, were found in his pocket. He was a very regular communicant, and even during the siege, when he was worked on Sunday as hard as on other days, he generally (if not always) managed to get to church for the mid-day service. He communicated last on the 15th of August, i.e., the day before he died. I had formed a very high opinion of poor Cruikshank as an R.E. Officer. He always seemed to me to be at work, and never seemed to talk about it; so after his death I asked his Commanding Officer if I had formed a too high opinion of him, and I should wish any of poor Cruikshank's friends to have heard his reply. He said he would sooner have lost any two men in the Garrison, not excluding the highest, than poor Cruikshank. He always did any work he was put to, at once, and well. For days and days he worked away outside under the walls, exposed to the enemy's fire, and never seemed to think of it. His Commanding Officer said he deserved a V.C., and had he lived he would have tried to get it for him. I can't tell you half he (the C.O.) said, but I never heard an Officer so spoken of by his immediate superiors in my life before." Alas, that sad day, the 16th of August, which saw such noble spirits, Brooke and Cruikshank, who were indeed "lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in death were not divided," left dead upon that fatal field.—I am, &c.,

HIS MOST INTIMATE FRIEND.