The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

HISTORY
OF THE
THIRTY-SIXTH REGIMENT
MASSACHUSETTS VOLUNTEERS.
1862-1865.

BY A COMMITTEE OF THE REGIMENT.

BOSTON:
PRESS OF ROCKWELL AND CHURCHILL.
89 ARCH STREET.
1884.

TO

Our Comrades

OF THE

THIRTY-SIXTH MASSACHUSETTS VOLUNTEERS

THIS RECORD OF A COMMON EXPERIENCE

IS

AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED.

Ah, never shall the land forget
How gushed the life-blood of her brave,—
Gushed, warm with hope and courage yet,—
Upon the soil they sought to save.

Now all is calm, and fresh, and still;
Alone the chirp of flitting bird,
And talk of children on the hill,
And bell of wand'ring kine, are heard.

No solemn host goes trailing by,
The black-mouthed gun and stag'ring wain;
Men start not at the battle-cry;
Oh, be it never heard again!

—William Cullen Bryant.

PREFACE.

Not long after the close of the war a plan was proposed, by some of the officers of the regiment, for the preparation of a history of the Thirty-sixth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers; but the plan was not carried into execution. At the regimental reunions, in subsequent years, parts of such a history were read by Comrades White, Ranlett, and Hodgkins, and the desire for a complete history of the regiment, which found expression on these occasions, was so strong that, at the reunion of the regiment at Worcester, in September, 1876, a committee, consisting of Comrades White, Ranlett, Burrage, and Hodgkins, was appointed to procure materials for a history of the regiment.

Some progress was made by the committee in the performance of the work thus assigned to them; but it was not so great as they, or their comrades of the Thirty-sixth, desired. At the reunion, September 2, 1879, the matter was again considered, and it was finally voted, "that Comrades White, Ranlett, Hodgkins, Burrage, and Noyes, be chosen a committee to have charge of the compiling, revising, and printing the history of the regiment, to be ready for delivery at our next reunion; and that the committee have power to procure any help they may need."

Many difficulties were encountered in the progress of the work, and it was found that it would be impossible to prepare, within the limit of time prescribed, such a history as would be worthy of the regiment. The different members of the committee, amid the activities of busy lives, could give to the work only such intervals of leisure as they could find amid their daily tasks. At the annual reunions of 1880, 1881, and 1882,—testing the patience of their comrades who had entrusted to them this important task,—they were compelled to report progress only. In September, 1883,—the last reunion,—however, they were able to say that the work was already in press, and would be ready for delivery in the course of a few weeks.

In the table of contents will be found the names of the authors of the different chapters. The work of Comrades White, Ranlett, Olin, and Noyes, entitles them to the hearty thanks of all their companions in arms. Especially, however, are such thanks due to Comrade W. H. Hodgkins, not only for his own contribution to the history, but also for his careful attention to the innumerable details which the preparation of such a work required. Indeed, without his unwearied endeavors in gathering materials, securing the coöperation of others, and attending to the business of publication, the history would not so soon, and might never, have been completed.

To the writer of these lines was assigned the editorial supervision of the work. From the materials placed in his hands he arranged the history of the regiment as it now appears. Two proofs of the entire work have passed under his eye, and in this part of his task he has had the invaluable assistance of Major Hodgkins. The history, of course, is not free from errors of statement; and it will doubtless be found that there are omissions which the writers of the different chapters, as well as their comrades, will deeply deplore. Yet, with all its imperfections, this volume is believed to be substantially a faithful history of the part which the regiment had in the great conflict for the preservation of the National Union, which was waged during the years 1862-1865; and, as such, it is certainly a history of which all those who participated in it may well be proud.

H. S. B.
Portland, Me., Sept. 26, 1883.

CONTENTS.

THIRTY-SIXTH REGIMENT, MASSACHUSETTS VOLUNTEERS.

CHAPTER I.
ORGANIZATION OF THE REGIMENT.

Early in July, 1862, when the war of the rebellion had been in progress a little more than a year, President Lincoln issued an order for three hundred thousand volunteers, to serve three years, or during the war. It was a time of sore discouragement and general depression throughout the loyal States. Our army in Virginia, under General McClellan, during a seven days' fight near the Chickahominy, had met with such reverses that it had been compelled to "make a change of base," and fall back to the James river, near Harrison's Landing. Nobly, however, and cheerfully, did the people of the North respond to the President's call for reinforcements. On every hand was heard the chorus:—

"We're coming, Father Abraham, three hundred thousand more."

Massachusetts was not behind her sister States in raising her quota, which was fifteen thousand men. In a general order, dated July 7, 1862, Governor Andrew announced the call which had been made upon him by the President, stated the number of men which every city and town would be required to furnish, and closed with these words: "The government demands new regiments, and our brave men who have so nobly upheld the honor of Massachusetts call loudly from the battle-fields of the South to their brethren at home to come forward at once and fill their decimated ranks, and take the places of the brave men who have fallen and suffered in the cause of the Union and of American Constitutional Liberty." Like the blast of a trumpet this order stirred the hearts of the people in all parts of the state, and cities and towns vied with each other, in patriotic endeavors to hurry forward the work of enlistment.

A subsequent order, dated July 16, 1862, containing instructions relative to the new recruitment, designated Camp John E. Wool, at the city of Worcester, as the general rendezvous for the counties of Berkshire, Franklin, Hampden, Hampshire, and Worcester. Colonel George H. Ward, of the Fifteenth Massachusetts Volunteers, who had lost a leg at the battle of Ball's Bluff, and was now at home on account of disability, was placed in command of the camp.

The order of July 7th contained this announcement: "The new regiments now partly formed, and to be formed, are the Thirty-second, Thirty-third, Thirty-fourth, Thirty-fifth, Thirty-sixth, and Thirty-seventh. To complete these regiments to the maximum standard, the Thirty-second regiment requires 300 men; the Thirty-third, 650 men; the Thirty-fourth, 800 men; and the Thirty-fifth, 850 men." It was accordingly ordered that recruiting for the Thirty-sixth and Thirty-seventh regiments should not commence until the four first named were filled. The order, however, was not strictly observed.

The first detachment for the Thirty-sixth entered Camp Wool August 1st, and was a part of the quota of the town of Fitchburg. This detachment consisted of sixty-four men, under the command of Captain T. L. Barker. Recruits for the regiment had been received at Camp Wool previous to August 1st; but this was the first organized company in camp, and, in the organization of the regiment, it was assigned to the right of the line, and known as Company A. As early as August 6th this company had its minimum number of recruits; and, in a few days, others, from Fitchburg, Leominster, and adjacent towns, raised the number to the maximum.

Company B, Captain John B. Norton, was recruited in Charlestown during the month of July. It was at first intended that this company should be attached to the Thirty-fourth Regiment as a flank company, and the officers at first received commissions in that regiment; but the requisite authority for such a company could not be obtained at the War Department, and the company was transferred to the Thirty-sixth, and the officers recommissioned. For a time, very naturally, it was a disappointment to the members of this company that they could not remain in the Thirty-fourth; but of the survivors there is, doubtless, not one who is not satisfied that the record of the company was made with the Thirty-sixth.

Recruiting for Company C was commenced in the city of Worcester, August 8th, and on the 12th the company was full. Eight days after, under the command of Captain Arthur A. Goodell, the company entered Camp Wool. No other company in the regiment was raised in so brief a space of time.

Company D was recruited principally in the towns of Templeton and Winchendon. The first detachment entered Camp Wool, August 4, under the command of Captain Amos Buffum, of Baldwinville, late second lieutenant in the Twenty-fifth Massachusetts Volunteers. In a few days the ranks of this company were full.

The men of Company E were recruited from the towns of Palmer, Monson, and the western towns of Worcester County. The first detachment entered Camp Wool, August 10th, under the command of First Lieutenant R. M. Cross. Captain S. C. Warriner, who had been discharged from the Tenth Massachusetts Volunteers, in order to accept a captain's commission in the Thirty-sixth, arrived in camp about the 20th of August, and assumed command of the company, and completed its organization.

Company F was formed principally of recruits from Milford and vicinity, with a detachment from Sutton. The first detachment arrived at Camp Wool August 10th, under the command of Second Lieutenant A. S. Tuttle. He remained in command of the company until September 17, when Captain William F. Draper, promoted from first lieutenant in the Twenty-fifth Massachusetts Volunteers, joined the regiment then in the field, and assumed command of the company.

Company G was organized from unassigned recruits, representing the eastern towns of Worcester County. S. Henry Bailey, of Northboro', was commissioned captain of the company August 22d.

Company H was formed by adding to the quotas of Gardner and Orange the unassigned recruits then in camp; and Christopher Sawyer, of Templeton, who had entered Camp Wool as first sergeant of Company D, was commissioned captain of this company August 22d.

Company I was recruited in Berlin, Marlboro', Upton, Uxbridge, and adjoining towns, and entered Camp Wool in the early part of August, under the command of Captain Christopher Hastings, of Berlin. The company was filled to the maximum a few days after entering camp. Indeed, Captain Hastings recruited men enough nearly to fill two companies.

Company K, like G and H, was formed of unassigned recruits from the various towns whose quotas reported at Camp Wool. James B. Smith, late first lieutenant in the Twenty-fifth Massachusetts Volunteers, was commissioned captain of the company.

On the 27th of August these ten companies, constituting the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts Volunteers, having completed their organization, were mustered into the United States service, for three years, unless sooner discharged.

The field, staff, and line officers were not mustered into the service until September 2d, the day the regiment left Camp Wool for the seat of war. Indeed, for the most part, the field officers were not appointed until after the mustering in of the regiment.

Lieutenant-Colonel John W. Kimball, of Fitchburg, then serving in the Fifteenth Regiment,—a true and accomplished officer,—was commissioned colonel of the Thirty-sixth, August 11th, and application was made by Governor Andrew for his discharge from the Fifteenth, in order to accept promotion. But, in the critical state of affairs at that time, it was not deemed advisable by the authorities at Washington to grant the governor's request. Consequently, on the 22d of August, Major Henry Bowman, of the Thirty-fourth regiment, then at Camp Casey, on Arlington Heights, was promoted to the colonelcy of the Thirty-sixth; and, receiving his discharge from the Thirty-fourth, he at once joined his command at Camp Wool.

Captain John B. Norton, of Charlestown, who entered Camp Wool as captain of Company B, was commissioned lieutenant-colonel, August 28th, and on the same day, James H. Barker, of Milford, was commissioned major.

James P. Prince, of Lynn, was commissioned surgeon, with Warren Tyler, of North Brookfield, and Albert H. Bryant, of Natick, as assistant-surgeons. Rev. Charles T. Canfield, of Worcester, was commissioned chaplain, and F. B. Rice, also of Worcester, as first lieutenant and quartermaster. An adjutant was not appointed until a later date.

The regiment was now nearly ready for the field. Most of the men had been hurried into camp, with the promise of a few days' furlough before leaving the State. Many of them had left their business affairs unsettled and their families unprovided for. But all applications for furlough were denied by the United States officer at Boston, who was in charge of mustered regiments. Colonel Ward endeavored to secure a furlough for the men; but his efforts proved unavailing. Colonel Bowman, on joining the regiment, and learning the condition of affairs, renewed these efforts, stating his unwillingness to leave the State until the pledge which had been given to the men had, in a measure at least, been redeemed.

On Saturday, August 30th, Colonel Bowman received orders to have the Thirty-sixth Regiment ready to leave for Washington as early as September 2d. At the same time he was given permission to grant to his men furloughs for twenty-four hours, one-half of the regiment only to be absent from camp at the same time. This order was not received by Colonel Bowman until late Saturday afternoon. Accordingly, furloughs were granted first of all to those men whose homes were at the greatest distance from the camp. These were to return Monday morning, when the rest of the men would receive their furloughs. This second half of the regiment, by some mysterious process, became very small Saturday evening and on Sunday. The sentinels paced their beats, but in some instances so absorbed in their duties as seemingly to have lost the sense both of sight and hearing.

A sergeant, with a comrade, making the rounds of his guard late on one of these nights, found a faithful son of Erin walking his beat with soldier-like precision. As they approached he promptly challenged: "Who goes there?" and was as quickly answered, "Friend, with the countersign." As they approached to give the countersign, the sergeant asked, in confiding tones, "Could anyone get out here?" The sentinel, as confidingly, asked, "Would ye bring a little whiskey? Be jabbers a pint of whiskey might make a man both blind and dafe!" He then turned his back, and marched away.

But while it was a great disappointment to the men to lose the few days' furlough which had been promised to them, and especially to those who had important business interests that demanded attention, leading in some cases to a seeming disregard of discipline, yet all of the companies were in camp on Tuesday morning. At an early hour on that day the company commanders drew arms (Enfield rifles) and equipments for their men, and these were at once distributed among them. All was bustle and confusion throughout the camp. Few of the men had had any experience as soldiers, and the selection and adjustment of their arms and equipments, as well as the brief space of time allotted for these and other preparations for moving, made it look still more difficult and annoying.

Late in the forenoon the regimental line was formed, and a beautiful national flag was presented to the regiment by Honorable P. Emory Aldrich, Mayor of Worcester. In presenting the flag the Mayor said:—

"Colonel Bowman,—Your friends, and the friends of your command in this city, have procured this beautiful banner, and requested me to present it to you as the worthy commander of the Thirty-sixth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers for the war. It will be seen that its azure fold is studded with the full constellation of stars, representing the undivided Union, and that not one of the original stripes is omitted or erased, showing that, however much your friends may deplore the present unhappy condition of our distracted and bleeding country, they still firmly believe that, when the clouds of war that now lower upon us shall have passed away, these stars will again shine as from a clear and cloudless sky with none of their ancient lustre lost or obscured. And permit me to say that this flag, still unchanged and radiant, signifies, in the truest and highest sense, the kind of service expected of you and this noble regiment you are about to lead from this comparatively peaceful camp of preparation to the stern and heroic duties of the field; that you are to aid, by force of arms, in restoring the Union, which traitors have temporarily impaired, and in reestablishing the supremacy of the constitution and laws over every portion of territory lying within the acknowledged boundaries of the Union, from the great lakes to the gulf, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific oceans, so that, when you and your brave comrades return, as we trust you will, with this flag, soiled and rent it may be by the smoke and leaden hail of battle,[1] you shall bring it back, not as the sign of a shattered constitution, and dissevered Union, but as the proud emblem of a reunited and indivisible republic, and then it shall continue to be known and honored throughout the civilized world, and everywhere become a free and safe passport to all men of every race who have the right to claim protection beneath its ample folds.

[1] "Soiled and rent," its staff shattered, this flag, which was carried by the regiment throughout its entire period of service, is now preserved in the State House, in Boston, with the flags of the Massachusetts regiments.

"In delivering this proud ensign of our nationality into your hands, your friends know they are entrusting it to one who is not only familiar with the ordinary duties of the soldier, but to one who has been tried and not found wanting amidst the perils and carnage of the battle-field, and who has suffered what is more intolerable to every true soldier than any dangers of field or camp, and that is captivity and confinement for weary months in the loathsome prisons of the enemy; and now, after protracted and vexatious delays, you have but recently been relieved from your parole, so that you can, without dishonor, enter again the military service of your country; and, having availed yourself of the earliest opportunity to return to avenge your own and your country's wrongs, may a propitious Providence and all good influences attend you, and protect you, and your command in every hour of trial and danger.

"Yours is the fourth regiment which has been organized within this enclosure, which may now very properly be called our Campus Martius, and the fifth that has gone out from our city within the last twelve months. The Fifteenth, beginning its brilliant career at Ball's Bluff,—where, indeed, it encountered a repulse for which neither its officers nor men were responsible,—has with signal gallantry fought its way over many a bloody field to a high position on the roll of fame. And the Twenty-first and Twenty-fifth, being with each other in the performance of patriotic duty, and in the memorable race for military renown, have made Roanoke and Newberne, and other fields, wherein they have exhibited the highest qualities of the soldier, ever memorable both to friend and foe. And it is not altogether improbable that the Thirty-fourth, which took up its line of march but a few days since from this camp, under the accomplished Wells,[2] may have already found itself involved in the smoke of its first battle, and taking its first lesson in the art of war. And scarcely will your regiment have left our presence, before another will encamp within the limits of the city. And we bid you tell our brethren in the field that thus shall regiment after regiment, in endless succession, be sent to their aid until this accursed rebellion is utterly extinguished.

[2] Colonel Wells was killed near Cedar Creek, Va., Oct. 13, 1864.

"The lateness of the hour, the necessity of your moving at once, admonish me that I should omit a portion of what I had proposed to say on this occasion; but this is of little account, and I would not delay your march for a single moment to listen to any poor words of mine. Words in this hour are simply air. Action—instant, resistless, heroic action—is the only thing that can avail us in this perilous crisis. And I can only add that, while you and these brave men who are to follow you, will do your full duty in upholding and restoring the authority of the constitution and its laws, you can never fail in loyalty, and the great idea of liberty which now inspires the hearts and nerves the hands of all the loyal men of the land; and that, when you have marched through rebel districts, none but loyal and free men shall be found. And now accept this standard, proffered by friendly hands, and let it be borne in your regiment as the emblem of liberty and law. And should you or any of those, your comrades in arms, fall in its defence, your memories shall be held in grateful remembrance, and history will preserve their names among those of heroes and martyrs who have died to defend or consecrate a great and noble cause. Remember that the life is longest which best answers life's great end, and that to die upon the battle-field in defence of the liberties of mankind is the most cherished road to immortality."

The band played the "Star-Spangled Banner," and Colonel Bowman responded in patriotic terms.

The several companies of the regiment then marched to Agricultural Hall,—a large building on the camp ground,—where a bountiful collation had been provided by the friends of the regiment. Then followed the filling of haversacks, the packing of knapsacks, and all were soon in readiness for the order to move.

CHAPTER II.
TO THE FRONT.

There was no delay. At noon, Tuesday, September 2d, the assembly was sounded, the line was formed, and the Thirty-sixth, with a large number of the friends of the regiment, who had come to say a long and perhaps a last farewell, left Camp Wool amid the cheers of a great throng of people assembled along the line of march to witness the departure of the regiment, and moved up Highland street, through Main street, to the Common. There cars were in waiting. These were soon filled, the horses and baggage were taken aboard, the last farewells were spoken, and, about two o'clock, followed by the loud cheers of the multitude, and the waving of adieus, the long train drew out of the station, and hurried toward Boston. On the arrival of the regiment in Boston the line was again formed, and the Thirty-sixth, receiving a brilliant ovation from the citizens, marched through Washington street, down State street to Battery wharf, where the steamer "Merrimac," a new and large ocean steamer, was in readiness to receive us. One-half of the steamer had been assigned to the Twentieth Maine, Colonel Adelbert Ames, and his regiment was already on board, having arrived from Portland earlier in the day. In the crowded condition of the steamer there was, necessarily, some delay in getting the companies into the places to which they were assigned, and also in transferring the horses and baggage; and it was not until late in the evening that the embarkation was accomplished; then the steamer dropped out into the stream. Early the next morning, September 3d, the "Merrimac" left her anchorage and steamed down the harbor into the bay.

We soon learned that our destination was Alexandria, Va. The voyage throughout was a pleasant one, and the men of the two regiments mingled in friendly companionship. On the second day out, on the quarter-deck, some of the men of Company B gave an exhibition, consisting of singing, declamations, etc., which was greatly enjoyed by a large and enthusiastic audience. Friday noon we reached the capes of the Chesapeake, had a glimpse of Fortress Monroe, and, moving up the bay, many of us looked upon the "sacred soil" for the first time; the steamer entered the Potomac river about ten o'clock in the evening, and shortly after midnight came to anchor. At five o'clock Saturday morning we again were under way, and had a most delightful sail up the Potomac, with both shores in full view. At length we passed Mt. Vernon, once the home and now the grave of Washington, and soon after, about noon, we were at the wharf in Alexandria.

Here we learned that the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts, which left Worcester August 15th, was doing guard duty and building fortifications near Alexandria. The Twentieth Maine was landed, but we remained on the steamer during the night. The next morning, Sunday, September 7th, we were transferred to the steamer "City of Norwich," in which we proceeded up the river to Washington, and landed not far from the Navy Yard.

Lee, in the last days of August, had defeated Pope within sound of the capitol, and was now pushing his victorious columns northward with the purpose of carrying the war into the Union States. The forces under General McClellan, who was again in command of the army, were also moving northward, but through Maryland, in order to intercept Lee's columns and give him battle. We encamped near the capitol until September 9th, when, having been assigned to General Burnside's command, the Ninth Corps, we left Washington, and marched to Leesboro'. But Burnside was no longer there, and several days were lost in obtaining further orders. September 12th the regiment left Leesboro' at an early hour, and marched about twelve miles, to Brookville, near which we went into camp on a beautiful grassy slope belonging to the estate of Hon. John Hall, formerly of the United States Post-Office Department. Near us was the camp of the First Rhode Island Cavalry.

On Sunday, September 14th, we held our first religious service in the field, and the chaplain preached. On that day the distant sound of artillery was heard, and we knew that, somewhere beyond us, the two armies had again met. It was the day of the battle of South Mountain, in which General Burnside, it will be remembered, gained an important battle, carrying the mountain pass which Lee had directed his forces to hold "at every hazard."

On Monday, September 15th, Colonel Bowman received from a mounted orderly a note written in pencil, which purported to be an order from General McClellan, signed "R. B. Marcy, Chief of Staff," directing all troops on the road to hurry forward as rapidly as possible. Colonel Bowman doubted the genuineness of this hasty scrawl, and the more so on account of the appearance of suspicious persons about the camp the night before. Not knowing the result of the battle of the previous day, and afraid that an attempt might be made to capture his regiment in its isolated position, he decided not to move his command until he received further instructions or had better information concerning the state of affairs at the front. This delay undoubtedly prevented our participation in the battle of Antietam, which was fought September 17th. On that day, having learned that the road was open, we left Brookville, and, moving forward rapidly, we encamped at night about three miles beyond the village of Damascus. On the following day we marched through Unity, Monrovia, Newmarket, and Frederick, and encamped about a mile beyond the latter place. During the day, while on the march, we passed the men of Colonel Miles' command at Harper's Ferry, who, on the 15th, were surrendered to Stonewall Jackson and paroled,—in all, five or six regiments, containing about five thousand men. They were now on their way to Annapolis. It was not a pleasant sight to see so many of our soldiers going to the rear; but they cheered us with reports of the battle on the 17th, in which our army was victorious.

September 19th we resumed the march about ten o'clock in the forenoon, crossed the Catoctin mountains to Middletown, enjoying the magnificent prospect at the summit, and encamped beyond the town at the place where, on the Sunday before, General McClellan and General Burnside had their head-quarters during the battle of South Mountain.

On the following day we crossed South Mountain. Here and there by the roadside were newly-made graves,—in one place we counted twenty-six,—and the trees and fences bore marks of the recent fight. We passed also long trains of ambulance wagons, loaded with wounded men from the battle-field at Antietam, and also many of the wounded on foot, who were on their way to the hospitals in Frederick. Places of interest were pointed out to us on our way. One was the spot where, just at the close of the action on Sunday, General Reno fell. Another was the ground where the Thirty-fifth Massachusetts formed, and over which it made its brilliant charge, driving the enemy from the woods beyond.

Descending into a valley, we passed through Boonsboro', where was a hospital full of wounded rebels, and encamped at Keedysville, about two miles east of the Antietam battle-ground. Everywhere around us were the sad memories of the terrible conflict that was waged on that hard-fought field. Houses, barns, sheds, places of shelter of all kinds, were filled with the wounded, and on the field where the battle was fought, hundreds of the dead still lay unburied, although a large force had been steadily engaged in this service since the preceding Wednesday. Looking upon these scenes we were brought face to face with the dread realities of war. Among the wounded we found many friends and acquaintances who belonged to other Massachusetts regiments, and whose sad condition enlisted our warmest sympathies, and drew from many the expression, "If there be glory in war, it is dearly bought."

September 21st we left Keedysville in the afternoon, crossed the famous stone bridge from which Burnside, on the 17th, gallantly dislodged the enemy, passed through Sharpsburg, which bore the marks of our shot and shell, and encamped a short distance beyond, near General Burnside's head-quarters.

Here the Thirty-sixth was assigned to the Third Brigade of the first division of the Ninth Corps. In the brigade were the Forty-fifth and One Hundredth (Roundheads) Pennsylvania regiments, to which we soon became warmly attached, and with which we were to be associated during nearly our whole period of service. Than these two regiments there were no better in the Ninth Corps; and our regard for both officers and men increased as common experiences drew us nearer together. Indeed, they became to us almost as brothers, and we have reason to believe that this feeling was mutual. Colonel Welch, of the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania, commanded the brigade, and General O. B. Willcox, the division.

September 23d, about half-past three o'clock in the morning, there was a general alarm. "Fall in! Fall in!" resounded through the camp, and for two hours we stood in line of battle on the edge of an adjoining cornfield; but it was only an alarm, and about half-past five we returned to our quarters.

On the 25th we were ordered to be in readiness to march. The tents were struck, our regimental baggage was packed, all of our preparations for a movement were completed; but about four o'clock in the afternoon the order was countermanded, and we pitched our tents on our former camp ground.

The next morning we received orders to be ready to march at one o'clock P.M. We were in line at that time, but as the whole corps was in motion, and we were in the rear, there was some delay for us. It was a beautiful sight, as the several brigades and divisions of the corps, with the long train of baggage-wagons, moved over the hills. At length our brigade started. We crossed Antietam Creek at Isabella Furnace, the troops passing over the bridge, and the wagons fording the stream. Just at sundown we encamped near Antietam Iron Works, about five miles above Harper's Ferry. The tents of the men were soon up, and the camp-fires lighted. A more brilliant scene can hardly be imagined than that presented by these fields around us, illuminated by innumerable camp-fires.

By order of General Willcox, Sunday, September 29th, was observed by the division as a day of special religious service, to give thanks to God for our recent victories in Maryland. The whole division was brought together, and the services were conducted by Chaplain Canfield, of the Thirty-sixth, and other chaplains of New York and Pennsylvania regiments. The band first played "Old Hundred." The 46th Psalm was then read, and a hymn sung to the well-known tune of Balerma. Remarks were then made by four chaplains belonging to the division. The services were very interesting and solemn throughout. In the afternoon Chaplain Canfield preached.

On Tuesday, September 30th, there was a division review in the forenoon, and monthly regimental inspection in the afternoon. On Friday, October 3d, the corps was reviewed by President Lincoln and General McClellan. We formed our regimental line at seven o'clock, then marched to a field in the rear of our camp, and were assigned to a position on the left of our brigade. The President arrived on the ground shortly after nine o'clock, and passed us in review about ten. This visit gave many in the regiment their first opportunity to see Mr. Lincoln, and the day was one of great interest.

On Tuesday, October 7th, the Thirty-sixth experienced what was as yet its most difficult and trying march. We had received orders to move at daylight. The reveillé was sounded at three o'clock. At half-past five we left camp. The head of the column was toward Maryland Heights, which we were to cross into Pleasant Valley. The road was a narrow mountain road, in many places quite steep, and during the recent movements it had been obstructed by fallen trees. At length we reached the summit, where there was a magnificent view; and then we commenced the equally difficult descent. The day was intensely hot, and the men, completely exhausted, fell out in large numbers, and at a halt about half-past two, Colonel Welch ordered the roll to be called. About four o'clock we encamped in a most delightful and beautiful locality in Pleasant Valley, on a wooded bank, which sloped gradually down to a clear stream of running water, ten or twelve feet wide, near which were cool springs of pure water sufficient for all our wants. Harper's Ferry, above us, was about ten miles distant, and Knoxville the same distance below us, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.

While the regiment was at dress parade on Saturday, October 11th, we received orders to be ready to move immediately, with haversack, canteen, and overcoat, and without blankets. The line was formed at once. The guns were loaded, and with the Forty-fifth and One Hundredth Pennsylvania, and a section of artillery, we marched down the road to Weverton, a little station on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, where platform cars were awaiting us. The Thirty-sixth took a train by itself, and left the station at seven o'clock. When the cars stopped, about midnight, we found that we were at Frederick. Leaving the cars we marched into the town, and were ordered to make ourselves as comfortable as we could upon the cold sidewalks. No fires were allowed, and it was impossible to keep warm in the chilly night air. At six o'clock we marched to a field on the edge of the town, where we took breakfast, and where we remained until noon, when we took a new position on the Washington road. We now learned the object of this movement. Stuart's cavalry were on their return from a raid into Pennsylvania, and it was supposed that they would attempt to destroy the government stores at Frederick, of which there was a considerable quantity. At five o'clock they were at Newmarket, eight miles distant; and the presence of our brigade at Frederick undoubtedly led them to turn aside. Moving toward the Potomac they at once crossed the river, and so made their escape, with the loss of a few prisoners brought in by our cavalry.

Late in the afternoon, while we were awaiting orders upon the Washington road, it began to rain, and there was the promise of a cheerless night. Just at dark we marched to the station. The train left about seven o'clock, our destination unknown. At length we reached Point of Rocks, where the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad strikes the Potomac. Leaving the cars we marched up the road a short distance in the darkness and rain, and halted. Companies A, B, and C were advanced to picket the heights above the station. The rest of the regiment, officers and men alike, sought shelter wherever it could be found. The morning revealed some of these luckless sleepers emerging from the two apologies for houses near at hand; some from beneath them; some from the pigsty and hen-house; many from beneath the shocks of corn in adjacent fields; while others had made no attempt to sleep, but had travelled about all night, stumbling over their comrades. The line was formed, and we moved out about half a mile, to a pleasant field near the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and encamped. There we remained until Wednesday, October 15th, when we had orders to return to our camp in Pleasant Valley. We left Point of Rocks at half-past ten o'clock in the forenoon, and, following the towpath of the canal, we reached Weverton at half-past three. After some delay in waiting for the rest of our brigade we reached our old camp about five o'clock.

On Tuesday, October 21st, the regiment was inspected by an officer on Gen. McClellan's staff. On Friday following there were indications of a forward movement, which, it seemed, could not now long be deferred.

CHAPTER III.
IN VIRGINIA.

Sunday morning, October 26th, we were aroused at half-past three o'clock, and ordered to be ready to move at daylight. We struck our tents in a pouring rain, had breakfast, but did not leave our camp until after seven. Then we marched down the river to the little village of Berlin, where a pontoon bridge had been thrown across the Potomac. There we halted until afternoon. It was a general movement. Not only were the regiments of our own brigade with us, but a large number of other regiments. For hours, while the cavalry was crossing, we were obliged to stand in a drenching rain awaiting the crossing of the infantry, which was to follow. At length our line was in motion, and the long column of infantry, having reached the Virginia shore, continued the march, dragging its weary length through the mud, ankle deep, and such mud as only Virginia can boast. About four o'clock, and after advancing several miles from the river, we turned into a field which had been sown with winter wheat, and on which the wheat was two or three inches high. A more disagreeable and uncomfortable place could hardly have been found; and there, in the mud, wet, cold, and weary, we were ordered to halt, stack arms, and make ourselves comfortable for the night. This order, however, was at length countermanded, and the men removed to the fences and the grassy fields adjoining. Although it was still raining, and a cold north wind was blowing a gale, the orders were not to take rails for fires. But there was no other wood at hand, and it was not long before bright fires, made of the rails from the fences around, were blazing along the whole line, and every man was doing his best to make his condition tolerable. For fatigue, discomfort, and vexation, that first day's experience on Virginia soil was rarely exceeded in the history of the regiment. It is but just to state that for the selection of this camp the officers of the Thirty-sixth were in no way responsible.

About ten o'clock the next forenoon the clouds parted, and the sun came out bright and beautiful. With warmth and rations came good cheer to the men. On the following day large numbers of troops joined us, and we were expecting to move at any moment. But we remained in camp until the next day, Wednesday, October 29th, when, about two o'clock in the afternoon, we received orders to march. We advanced through a beautiful country, the farms looking more like New England farms than any we had seen; and, passing through the village of Waterford in the early evening, we encamped a short distance beyond the village, and about ten miles from Snicker's Gap. Here we remained until Sunday.

Pleasant days were those which we spent at Waterford. Saturday afternoon, November 1st, we had orders to be in readiness to move on the following day. Our preparations were made in the early morning, but we did not move until eleven o'clock. It was a bright, sunny day, and quite warm. We reached Hamilton about two o'clock in the afternoon; and, after a short rest, continued our march until eight o'clock, when we encamped in an oak grove at Philemont. Ahead of us there was cannonading throughout the day.

On Monday, November 3d, we continued our march at one P.M., our course being nearly parallel to the Blue Ridge. At Union, Gen. Burnside passed us with his staff. At seven o'clock we halted for the night. The next day some quartermaster's stores were issued to the men, and one day's rations. About noon there was heavy firing in advance of us, but still distant. Wednesday, November 5th, the bugles sounded at five o'clock, and we were ordered to be in readiness to march; but it was eight o'clock before the column moved. Heavy firing was heard most of the forenoon. About half-past one in the afternoon, having arrived at Manassas Gap Railroad, we encamped a short distance beyond Rectortown. While on this march Corporal Parker, of Company D, died in the ambulance, probably of apoplexy. He died within sound of cannon, yet not on the field of battle. About sunset he was buried under a tree near our camp, his company and the officers of the regiment following his remains to the grave. It was the first death in the regiment; and this, with the circumstances of his lonely burial, cast a shadow of sadness over us all.

On Thursday, November 6th, we resumed our march at an early hour. As we passed through Salem there were so many evidences of disloyalty that the bands played Yankee Doodle for the edification of the inhabitants. The afternoon march was a severe one. There were few rests, and those were short; and toward night many of the men fell out from exhaustion. About six o'clock we encamped at Orleans. The night that followed was intensely cold, and water froze. In the morning, November 7th, it began to snow. At noon, when we received orders to march, it was still snowing, and there were two or three inches of snow on the ground. We advanced only a few miles, and encamped on the north bank of a branch of the Rappahannock, not far from Waterloo.

Late that night a special messenger from the War Department arrived at Gen. McClellan's head-quarters, with the following order:—

Washington, Nov. 5, 1862.

By direction of the President of the United States, it is ordered that Major-General McClellan be relieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac, and that Major-General Burnside take command of that army.

By order of the Secretary of War,
E. D. TOWNSEND, Ass't Adj't Gen.

We remained in camp on Saturday and Sunday, November 8th and 9th, suffering from the cold, and knowing nothing of the important change thus announced. On Sunday, morning and afternoon, special religious services were held among the regiments of our division, by order of our commanding general. Gen. Burnside's order, assuming command of the Army of the Potomac, was now prepared, and was as follows:—

Head-quarters Army of the Potomac,
Warrenton, Va., Nov. 9, 1862.

General Orders No. 1.

In accordance with General Orders No. 182, issued by the President of the United States, I hereby assume command of the Army of the Potomac.

Patriotism and the exercise of my every energy in the direction of this army, aided by the full and hearty coöperation of its officers and men, will, I hope, under the blessing of God, ensure its success.

Having been a sharer of the privations, and a witness of the bravery, of the old Army of the Potomac in the Maryland campaign, and fully identified in their feelings of respect and esteem for General McClellan, entertained through a long and most friendly association with him, I feel that it is not as a stranger that I assume this command.

To the Ninth Corps, so long and intimately associated with me, I need say nothing; our histories are identical.

With diffidence for myself, but with a proud confidence in the unswerving loyalty and determination of the gallant army now entrusted to my care, I accept its control with the steadfast assurance that the just cause must prevail.

A. E. BURNSIDE,
Major-General Commanding.

This order was not received by us until Tuesday, November 11th, and while we were still in camp near Waterloo. We shared in the general esteem in which General McClellan was held throughout the army; but we loved Burnside, and had confidence in his ability to lead us on to victory. On this day there was no bread for the men. Our supply-train had been delayed, and for several days the ration for each man was two ears of corn and a small piece of fresh meat. This place will always be known to the survivors of the Thirty-sixth by the suggestive name of "Hungry Hollow."

On Thursday, November 13th, the supply-train arrived, and the Thirty-sixth received eight boxes of hard bread. In the morning of that day Corporal Perry, of Company G, died. He had been sick only since Saturday. The burial occurred that night.

November 15th, while at breakfast, we received orders to march; and, with the rest of our division, now under the command of General W. W. Burns (Colonel Welch commanding the brigade), we moved forward to White Sulphur Springs,—a noted watering-place, whose buildings had been nearly destroyed by General Sigel's troops in an engagement with the enemy in passing through the place in August. While on the march we heard sharp musketry ahead, and as we approached the Springs a few shots were fired. We accordingly left the main road, and formed in line of battle behind a hill; but the enemy fell back, and in a little while we received orders to go into camp.

Sunday, November 16th, we were aroused early with orders to march. The teams were sent off before light, but the regiment did not leave camp until ten o'clock. At noon we rested at Fayetteville. The afternoon's march was a most wearisome one; and it was not until after dark, when near Warrenton Junction, that we halted for the night.

The next day, November 17th, we marched at noon, and were four hours on the road without any rest. The whole corps seemed to be in motion. The artillery and wagons occupied the road, while the infantry moved in two columns, one on each side of the road. A rainy night followed.

Tuesday, November 18th, we were called by the bugles at half-past three, and at quarter-past five we were on the march. At twelve we encamped, having advanced about fourteen miles toward Fredericksburg. General Willcox, now our corps commander, passed us on the road, and was warmly cheered. An order was received from General Burnside assigning the Ninth Corps to the right grand division of the Army of the Potomac, under the command of Major-General Sumner. General Burnside and staff encamped near us about two o'clock.

November 19th we commenced our march about eight o'clock. Private Pierce, of Company D, died just before we left our camp, and the pioneer corps were directed to remain and bury the body. It was a rainy, drizzly day, and the march was a wearisome one. We had a fine view of the camp of the Second Corps as we approached Falmouth. About one o'clock we were opposite Fredericksburg, and encamped in an open field, in the mud. A part of the regiment received orders to go on picket. For two days and nights it continued to rain, and our camp became one vast mud-puddle.

On Sunday, November 23d, at the regular service, the chaplain read the Thanksgiving proclamation of Governor Andrew to the Massachusetts soldiers in the field, and also his proclamation to the people of the State. The day before Thanksgiving, Wednesday, November 26th, the Ninth Corps was reviewed by General Sumner. It had rained the night before, and it was somewhat uncomfortable standing three hours in mud and water waiting for the appearance of the general. At length he passed us in review, and we were dismissed.

Thursday, November 27th, was Thanksgiving. The day opened gloriously, the sun rising unclouded. Many were the efforts which the men made to prepare from army stores a suitable feast for the day. About eleven o'clock, in the midst of these efforts, we received orders to change the location of our camp. We moved only a few hundred yards, but to a young pine forest, which proved to be a much more agreeable spot than that which we had hitherto occupied. The day closed as brightly as it opened. Having arranged our new camp, the regiment resumed daily drills, and the usual routine of camp duty. On Friday, November 28th, we had our first dress-parade since leaving Waterford.

November 30th, which was Sunday, special religious services were held, by request of President Lincoln. In our brigade the services were conducted by Chaplain Canfield and the chaplain of the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania. At night Companies E and H went out on fatigue duty, and worked on fortifications near the Lacy House. Private Sager, of Company B, died in the regimental hospital this morning.

December 1st, S. Alonzo Ranlett, orderly sergeant of Company B, was commissioned first lieutenant, and subsequently was appointed adjutant of the regiment.

Meanwhile General Lee was fortifying the heights back of Fredericksburg; and on the part of our soldiers there was not a little of impatience expressed at General Burnside's delay in advancing upon the enemy. This delay, however, could not be avoided, on account of the necessity of opening communications with Aquia Creek, and also of procuring pontoons with which to cross the river. Indeed, the preparations for the movement upon the enemy, urgent as General Burnside was, were not completed until December 10th. On that day the Thirty-sixth received orders to be ready to move. At night, the Stafford Heights, and the left bank of the Rappahannock opposite Fredericksburg, were occupied by one hundred and forty-seven pieces of artillery; and before dawn our pontoniers were busily employed in preparations for laying five bridges, upon which the troops were to cross.

The Thirty-sixth was early in line on the morning of the 11th, and, with the brigade, moved down toward the river, and there remained during the rest of the day, while the attempt was made to lay the bridges under cover of our artillery. But the workmen near the Lacy House were greatly hindered in their efforts by sharp-shooters advantageously posted on the opposite bank of the river; and a terrific shelling of the city did not succeed in dislodging them. At length, from the regiments near at hand, volunteers were summoned to cross the river in boats, and drive the rebel sharp-shooters from their position. Men from the Seventh Michigan, Nineteenth and Twentieth Massachusetts, answered the summons; and with men from the Fiftieth New York, as boatmen, crossed the river. Then, darting up the bank, in a few minutes they compelled the enemy to withdraw. The work of laying the pontoons was soon pushed rapidly forward, and late in the afternoon the bridges were completed. The army then began to cross, Lee being unable to oppose its advance on account of the commanding position afforded our batteries by the Stafford Heights. Franklin's grand division crossed below the city, and formed the left wing of the army. Sumner's crossed at the upper bridges, and formed the right wing. Hooker's grand division was held in reserve on the northern bank of the river, ready to reinforce either Sumner or Franklin. Most of the troops crossed on the 12th. That morning the several divisions of the Ninth Corps were early in line; and, as they reached the Fredericksburg side of the river, they were placed in position on the left of Sumner's grand division, and just below the city. In the crossing, a few men were killed or wounded by the enemy's shells that fell short of our batteries, at which they were aimed. Two men of the Thirty-sixth were in this way slightly wounded.

That night we moved up into the city, and, stacking arms in the street, spent the night on the sidewalk and in the deserted houses in rear of the guns. Early in the morning of December 13th preparations were made for the approaching battle. Burns' division of the Ninth Corps, to which our brigade belonged, was assigned to a position below the city. There, across Hazel Run, behind a rise of ground, we remained under arms in reserve, listening to the roar of artillery and musketry as the battle raged along the line from left to right, expecting every minute to be called to participate in the terrible conflict; but no orders came until afternoon, when we moved further down the river, crossed Deep Run, and were placed in position in front of the Barnard House, covering the lower pontoon bridge. At dark the Thirty-sixth moved forward, and supported a battery in front of the Sligo House.

During the day General Meade, with his division, won a temporary success on the left, but was at length compelled to fall back, for the want of adequate support. In rear of the city the divisions of French, Hancock, and Humphrey successively endeavored to carry Marye's Heights, but were repulsed with great loss. General Burnside was greatly disappointed at the result of the day's fighting. It seemed to him that there was lack of spirited leadership, and he accordingly determined to renew the battle early in the morning, and lead his old corps, the Ninth, in person, in an assault on Marye's Heights, with the right and left vigorously supporting. In reference to this proposed attack, Colonel Leasure of the One Hundredth Pennsylvania, who commanded our brigade, says: "I received an order, through General Burns, from General Willcox, stating that the Ninth Corps would assault the enemy's works on the next day, and that my brigade, the Third, would lead the attack; and I was requested to submit a plan of attack, subject to the approval of the commanding general. Consequently, I submitted the following: I would advance my own regiment, the One Hundredth Pennsylvania, or Roundheads, in the darkness of night, as close as possible to the enemy's works, as skirmishers and sharp-shooters, supporting them as nearly as possible with the remainder of my brigade,—the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania and Thirty-sixth Massachusetts,—which, in turn, were to be supported by the remainder of the division and the other divisions of the corps. In the gray of the morning the One Hundredth should advance suddenly, driving in the enemy's pickets, or capturing them, and as much as possible pick off their gunners, then charge their works in the confusion, throwing in brigade after brigade. This plan was sent to General Burns as the one most feasible; but with it went my most solemn protest against the inevitable destruction of my brigade if it should be adopted, and it was sent to General Burnside with the protest endorsed on it by the commanding officer of the corps and also by General Sumner. But, notwithstanding, it was early morning before the assault was abandoned." In fact, the Third Brigade took position at the front in accordance with the above plan, the Thirty-sixth, with the Forty-fifth on its right, being in line of battle behind a steep, wooded bank, above which, in the early dawn, the outlines of the enemy's works were plainly visible. The One Hundredth was well up toward the enemy's lines, lying low. And here we remained on our arms, expecting every moment to charge the rebel works on the left of the open field, where so many of our brave comrades had fallen the day before, when, unexpectedly to all, we were ordered back to our old position below the city. At daylight, after rations were issued, our whole division moved up to the city, where the Ninth Corps was massed in five lines, near the river. No further advance was made, and there we remained throughout the day. At night we moved back again to our old position below the city, where we remained during the night and all the next day.

It is easy to criticise General Burnside's plan of battle. It is plain, however, that, if our soldiers had carried Marye's Heights, Burnside could not have occupied them, as they are commanded by still higher ground in their rear. But it should be remembered that General Burnside designed that the weight of his assault, December 13th, should fall upon General Lee's right, and his mistake seems to have been that his force at that point was not greatly increased, and placed under the command of an officer from whom he could expect the most hearty support.

About dark on the 15th we were again in line. The One Hundredth Pennsylvania and the Second Michigan, old and tried regiments, were ordered out, while the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania and the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts remained under arms awaiting orders. To secure strict silence, the men were not to speak, and to avoid coughing as much as possible. This, together with the ominous injunction of Colonel Leasure to his old regiment, as they joined him: "Now do your duty, Roundheads," was interpreted as meaning serious work near at hand. About ten o'clock in the evening the rest of our brigade moved up into the city quietly, where, to our surprise, we found the place was nearly deserted, there being in the streets, at this point, only one regiment, the Eighty-ninth New York, and that had just been withdrawn from the picket-line. Several batteries were near the river, limbered up and all ready to move. The Thirty-sixth relieved the Eighty-ninth New York, and waited for the One Hundredth Pennsylvania, which was on the extreme front of the picket-line. So we were among the last troops to leave the city. We crossed unharmed, and returned to our old camp, back of the Phillips House, on the morning of December 16, sharing, with the rest of the army, the disappointment that was felt on account of the repulse and the serious losses sustained by many of our regiments, yet feeling that, while the fruitless task that was assigned to others had not fallen to our lot, we had done all that was required of us as faithful soldiers.

On the 17th general inspection was ordered. The Thirty-sixth mustered about six hundred and fifty guns. Of the remaining three hundred and fifty of our comrades who left Massachusetts with us, quite a large number were detailed on special duty, many were on the sick-list, and ten had died.

As soon as the men had arranged their quarters, and with as much comfort as they were able, the usual round of camp and picket duty was resumed. The pickets of both armies had hitherto been very friendly, and they now became more friendly than ever, often exchanging courtesies, and chatting freely on matters pertaining to the war. Many of the soldiers received boxes from home, and there were a few Massachusetts visitors at our camp.

January 16th orders were received to be ready to move the next day, at an early hour, with three days' rations, and sixty rounds of ammunition. It was also announced that General Sedgwick had been assigned to the command of the Ninth Corps. The following day was clear and cold, but there were no orders to move. Nor were any received on the 18th, and we had a quiet Sunday. On Monday, too, all was quiet on the Rappahannock. At noon on Tuesday, January 20, however, orders came for us to be in readiness to move early the next morning. It was now evident that another movement was to be made across the river. General Hooker's and General Franklin's grand divisions of the army were already in motion in our rear. At dress parade that night, an order from General Burnside was read by Colonel Bowman to the regiment, informing us that the Army of the Potomac was about to meet the enemy once more, and calling upon officers and men to coöperate with him in securing a victory. When the order had been read, three cheers were given for our commanding general. Just at night a cold, north-east storm set in, the wind increased to a gale, and the rain fell in torrents. Late in the evening orders came for the Thirty-sixth to be ready to move at three o'clock the next morning, January 21st. At that time the men were in line, and remained standing four hours in the drenching rain, with the mud ankle-deep. At about ten o'clock the regiment was ordered on picket. The storm continued through the day. Tuesday, January 22d, it was still raining, and the mud deeper than ever. Hooker and Franklin were literally "stuck in the mud." Artillery caissons, guns, ambulances, and army wagons were immovable. To go forward was impossible; and finally, from sheer necessity, all hope of further advance was abandoned.

Thus again was Burnside compelled to witness the defeat of his plans. Never did the Army of the Potomac suffer more severely, and never was experience more demoralizing than during these three days of constant exposure to wet and cold, in midwinter, without shelter of any kind. Weary and disheartened, the men of Franklin's grand division struggled back to camp, singly or in squads. Many had thrown away everything but haversack and canteen, and curses on everything and everybody filled the air. It is said that the army in Flanders swore terribly. So did the demoralized soldiers of the Army of the Potomac as they struggled back to their old camp.

In the meantime the rebels appeared on the opposite bank of the river, greatly elated at the discomfiture of our army, and amused themselves by offering to come over and extricate our men from the mud, to aid them in crossing, and to show them around on the other side.

A few days of sun, rations, and rest, however, brought about a better state of feeling among our men; and the Army of the Potomac settled back into its old quarters, and resumed the usual routine of duty.

Now there followed another change in commanders. General Burnside had become convinced not only that he did not have the coöperation of a large number of his subordinate officers of high rank, but that some of them were doing all in their power to thwart his plans. He accordingly prepared an order dismissing from the service Generals Hooker, Brooks, Cochrane and Newton, and relieving from their commands, Generals Franklin, W. F. Smith, Sturgis, Ferrero, and Col. Taylor. Proceeding to Washington, he asked the President to approve of this order or to accept his resignation. The President referred the order to his military advisers, who declined to recommend its approval. Accordingly, unwilling to accept his resignation, the President relieved General Burnside of the command of the Army of the Potomac, and not long after assigned him to the command of the Department of the Ohio. General Hooker was made General Burnside's successor, and the change was announced to the army January 26th.

In taking leave of the army Gen. Burnside issued the following order:—

Head-quarters Army of the Potomac,
Falmouth, Va., Jan. 26th, 1863.

General Orders No. 9.

By direction of the President of the United States, the commanding general this day transfers the command of the army to Major-General Joseph Hooker.

The short time that he has directed your movements has not been fruitful of victory or any considerable advancement of our lines; but it has again demonstrated an amount of courage, patience, and endurance that, under more favorable circumstances, would have accomplished great results. Continue to exercise these virtues, be true in your devotion to your country and the principles you have sworn to maintain, give to the brave and skilful general who has so long been identified with your organization, and who is now to command you, your full and cordial support and coöperation, and you will deserve success.

In taking an affectionate leave of the entire army, from which he separates with so much regret, he may be pardoned if he bids an especial farewell to his long-time associates of the Ninth Corps.

His prayers are that God may be with you, and grant your continual success until the rebellion is crushed.

A. E. BURNSIDE,
Major-General.

Mr. Lincoln's letter to General Hooker, informing the latter of his appointment, did credit alike to the President's head and heart, and is worthy of a place here:—

Executive Mansion,
Washington, D.C., January 26th, 1863.

Major-General Hooker:—

I have placed you at the head of the Army of the Potomac. Of course I have done this upon what appear to me to be sufficient reasons. And yet I think it best for you to know that there are some things in regard to which I am not quite satisfied with you. I believe you to be a brave and skilful soldier, which, of course, I like. I also believe you do not mix politics with your profession, in which you are right. You have confidence in yourself, which is a valuable, if not an indispensable, quality. You are ambitious, which, within reasonable bounds, does good rather than harm. But I think that, during General Burnside's command of the army, you have taken counsel of your ambition, and thwarted him as much as you could, in which you did a great wrong both to the country and to a most meritorious and honorable brother officer. I have heard, in such way as to believe it, of your recently saying that both the army and the government needed a dictator. Of course it was not for this, but in spite of it, that I have given you the command. Only those generals who gain successes can set up dictators. What I now ask of you is military success, and I will risk the dictatorship. The government will support you to the utmost of its ability, which is neither more nor less than it has done and will do for all commanders. I much fear the spirit you have aided to infuse into the army, of criticising their commander and withholding confidence from him, will now turn upon you. I shall assist you, as far as I can, to put it down. Neither you nor Napoleon, if he were alive again, could get any good out of an army while such a spirit prevails in it. And now, beware of rashness! beware of rashness! but, with energy and sleepless vigilance, go forward and give us victories.

Yours, very truly,
A. LINCOLN.

January 27th we received General Hooker's address to the army, also General Sumner's farewell, he having been relieved of the command of the right grand division at his own request. January 29th, our Major, James H. Barker, also at his own request, received an honorable discharge, and on the following day he left for his home in Massachusetts. He was a faithful officer, a man of sterling integrity, of upright life, and his departure we greatly regretted.

On Thursday, February 5th, we received orders for the Ninth Corps to proceed forthwith to Fortress Monroe, under General Smith. On the following day the Third Division took cars for Aquia Creek. On Sunday, February 8th, General Willcox assumed command of the First Division, General Burns having been ordered West. In the afternoon Colonel Ward, of the Fifteenth Massachusetts, who was in command of Camp Wool during the organization of the Thirty-sixth, visited our camp, and was cordially greeted by officers and men. February 10th, about noon, orders came for us to pack up and be ready to move immediately. At ten o'clock we marched to the station, the Thirty-sixth leading the brigade. The cars left at five o'clock, and at half-past six we were at Aquia Creek, where we embarked on steamer "South America." About eight o'clock the next morning we started down the Potomac; but, on account of a storm, the captain found it necessary to anchor in the middle of the afternoon at the mouth of the St. Mary's river. The next morning we started again; and at night, just at dark, we arrived off Fortress Monroe, and anchored. Early the next morning Colonel Bowman went ashore with the captain of the steamer, and reported our arrival. On their return, about ten o'clock, we weighed anchor, passed the steam-frigate "Minnesota" and the iron-clad "Nahant," and landed at Newport News, a few miles above. About the middle of the afternoon we went into camp about a mile and a half from the landing, and on a high bluff overlooking the James river. All of the regiments of the corps were furnished with A tents, and the camp throughout was the most perfect in its arrangements of any that we occupied during the war. The quarters of the Thirty-sixth were regarded by the men with especial pride.

Here the regiment remained for six weeks. During this time much attention was given to regimental, brigade, and division drills. About five hours each day were devoted to these exercises, and they were of great value in perfecting the discipline and adding to the efficiency of the regiment.

On Wednesday, February 18th, we learned that Captain Goodell, of Company C, had been commissioned major of the regiment, vice Barker, resigned. February 25th, General Dix, who was in command at Fortress Monroe, reviewed the Ninth Corps. The day was a beautiful one, and the review a most brilliant and successful affair. Colonel Bowman and Lieutenant-Colonel Norton both being absent, Major Goodell commanded the regiment,—his first appearance in his new rank.

On Sunday, March 1st, Chaplain Canfield preached on the character of Washington. It was our first religious service since New Year's. March 11th, with other regiments in our brigade, we attended a flag presentation at the quarters of the Eighth Michigan. Unexpectedly, on the evening of March 18th, we received orders to be in readiness to move with five days' cooked rations.

Great had been our enjoyment of the sunny side of a soldier's life which we experienced at this place; and it was not without regret that we received the order to leave the comfortable quarters on which so much time and labor had been expended. Many pleasant circumstances had combined to make this a most desirable encampment. In the first place, we were in convenient communication with our friends at home; some of them visited us, also the wives of several of the officers, and the camp had quite a home-like appearance. Then, too, we received, from time to time, many well-filled boxes, and numerous other tokens of regard which friends at home had prepared for us. A severe and protracted storm delayed our departure, and some of these boxes which had been anxiously awaited, and which we should have failed to receive had it not been for the delay, made the closing days of our camp-life at Newport News almost a continual feast. The scenes that followed the arrival of these boxes were often amusing as well as touching. For example: a day or two before our departure several boxes were received by a squad of about fifteen men from one town. At the opening of the boxes all were present, and as their contents were distributed these sun-browned and apparently rough men, in the gladness of their hearts, laughed, sung, and chatted like children. Impromptu speeches were made, abounding in the most extravagant praise of those who had joined in filling these richly-laden boxes. In the midst of this hilarity one proposed seriously that God should be acknowledged in this reception of these generous gifts. In a moment all heads were uncovered and bowed in reverent silence, while one of the number gave thanks to the Giver of all good for favors so kindly bestowed; and then, in tenderest words and choked utterance, commended to His protection and care, the loved ones at home who had been so thoughtful of them.

The storm having passed, we struck our tents on the afternoon of March 22d, and marched to the landing at Newport News. There seven of the companies embarked on the steamer "Kennebec," the remaining three companies,—B, C, K,—on the steamer "Mary Washington," with the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania.

CHAPTER IV.
THE KENTUCKY CAMPAIGN.

We left Newport News early the next morning, March 23d, and sailed up the bay to Baltimore, where we arrived about three o'clock on the morning of the 24th. The "Kennebec" hauled in at Pier No. 1, but we did not land until afternoon. Cars then were in waiting for us, and we learned that we were to go west by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, Cincinnati, Ohio, being our destination. At Eutaw street soft bread was issued to the men, and then, about six o'clock, we started on our long journey. The freight-cars in which we were packed were crowded with rough board seats, so that there was no room in which to lie down; but the scenery through which we passed was of the wildest and grandest description, and the journey throughout was one of thrilling interest to all. In the early part of it we passed through Point of Rocks, Berlin, Sandy Hook, and Harper's Ferry,—all familiar places. At Harper's Ferry, where we arrived early in the morning of the 25th, we had bread and coffee. For miles beyond the track had been torn up by the rebels in the preceding year, and here and there the rails, twisted by fire, lay in heaps by the roadside, unfit for further use.

The country grew mountainous as we advanced. We reached Cumberland about four o'clock in the afternoon. At Piedmont, which we reached at six o'clock, we were most cordially entertained by the Fourteenth Virginia regiment, which was guarding the railroad at this point. The utmost good feeling was manifested; and, as we left our Virginia comrades, to resume our journey, all joined in three rousing cheers. After a most fatiguing ride, with little rest or sleep, we arrived at Parkersburg on the Ohio river, about five o'clock in the afternoon of the following day, March 26th. There we embarked on the steamer "Bostonia," a fine, commodious boat. We left the landing about ten P.M. It was a beautiful moonlight evening, and all greatly enjoyed the change from the crowded cars. The next day was cool, but pleasant, and we were delighted with the charming scenery through which we passed as we rapidly glided down the river. At almost every place on the Ohio side, and at some points on the opposite shore, we were greeted with much enthusiasm. The people flocked en masse to the banks of the river, cheering and waving flags, and bidding us God-speed in our efforts to win victory and peace.

We reached Cincinnati about seven o'clock in the evening. The regiment remained on the boat during the night, only the officers being allowed to go ashore. Nor were the men allowed to land the next day. That they were moved to indignation by this restriction was a natural result. Other regiments of the corps, which had preceded us, had been most cordially received by the citizens, and most hospitably entertained. The sons of Massachusetts resident in the city were prepared to give the Thirty-sixth a no less hearty welcome, and had provided a breakfast to which the regiment was invited on the morning of the 28th. Expectation ran high, and the regiment was putting on its finest airs in anticipation of the reception, and especially at the prospect of one good "square meal" after the long and tedious journey, when, for some then unaccountable reason, the colonel declined the invitation, and peremptorily refused to allow the men to go ashore. When this became known the indignation of the men was almost unbounded, and their disappointment found expression in words of bitter complaint, more especially as this refusal seemingly cast a reflection on the good name and discipline of the regiment. In this feeling of disappointment the citizens most heartily shared, many of them visiting the boat, and expressing their regrets. It was afterwards ascertained that, on account of the bad conduct of some regiment that preceded us, General Burnside had issued an order that no more regiments should stop in the city. This relieved Colonel Bowman of the responsibility for the disappointment of the men of his command; but the disappointment was no less keenly felt.

March 28th we crossed the river to the Kentucky shore, and landed at Covington. There was some delay in procuring transportation; and, as there was a large amount of whiskey near the station, some of the men became not a little demoralized. One of this number had complained for some time of severe lameness, and the surgeon, who had been puzzled by his case, after watching him carefully, was about to secure his discharge from the service. But, under the exhilaration of the hour, forgetting his lameness, the man marched off so smartly that Colonel Bowman informed him that the game was up; and, providing him with a gun, ordered him back to his company.

Leaving Covington at night, we found ourselves the next morning, Sunday, March 29th, at Lexington, ninety-eight miles from Covington. Here we encamped in a grove of black walnut trees, adjoining the beautiful cemetery, in which a magnificent monument has been erected over the remains of Kentucky's illustrious son, the brilliant orator and statesman, Henry Clay. The shaft is of gray limestone, one hundred and thirty-two feet in height, and is surmounted by Clay's statue. Ashland, the residence of Henry Clay, is about a mile and a half distant.

Colonel Leasure, commanding the Third Brigade, was assigned to the command of the post. In the days that followed, the Thirty-sixth was engaged in doing provost duty in the city, and in building a fort. The camp, although very attractive, and kept scrupulously clean, did not prove a healthy one. The cold April weather, and the naturally moist ground, as we were without fires in our tents, caused much sickness from colds, chills, and intermittent fevers.

On the 30th of March a pleasant surprise was given to the colonel, in the presentation of an elegant equipage for his horse, by the sergeants of the regiment. The horse had previously been presented to the colonel by the commissioned officers.

Nothing of especial interest occurred until Sunday, April 5th. On that day a brigade service had been appointed, and at three o'clock in the afternoon the Thirty-sixth and the One Hundredth Pennsylvania assembled. In the midst of the service, orders came for us to break camp immediately. We struck our tents, and marched to the depot, where cars were in waiting. Our baggage was put on board, and we were off for Cincinnati at half-past five. We reached Covington shortly after midnight, but remained in the cars until morning. We then marched to an open field near the station, and stacked arms. The colonel reported the arrival of the regiment to General Burnside, and learned that it was election day in Cincinnati, and we were there to quell any disturbance that might arise at the polls. But no disturbance occurred. We remained all day in the field near the depot, suffering not a little from the cold, bleak wind. Tuesday morning, about half-past seven o'clock, we left Covington, and reached Lexington about half-past three in the afternoon, when we marched to our old camp-ground, and spent the rest of the day in rearranging our quarters. On the journey we received a hearty greeting from the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania, at Paris, where the regiment was stationed, and also from the One Hundredth Pennsylvania, at Lexington, on our return.

The next morning, April 8th, greatly to our surprise, we received orders, about eight o'clock, to strike tents. All was soon in readiness, and the brigade, the One Hundredth Pennsylvania in advance, marched through Lexington. The Thirty-sixth never made a better appearance than in the streets of Lexington that day. We reached Nicholasville about five o'clock in the afternoon, and encamped just beyond the town. The next morning we resumed our march, about seven o'clock. The men became quite footsore as we advanced, and many fell out. About one o'clock we crossed the Kentucky river. The scenery was most attractive, high rocky cliffs overhanging the river. We reached Camp Dick Robinson, near Bryantsville, about four o'clock. The camp had been occupied by the rebel General Bragg, who retreated on the approach of the Union troops, having been informed by a citizen that a large force was approaching.

April 13th, General Welch, formerly colonel of the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania, but recently promoted, arrived at Camp Dick Robinson, and assumed command of the First Division. On the same day, Rev. C. M. Bowers, of Clinton, Mass., reached our camp, on a visit to the company from that town. When he returned home, a few days after, many of the men sent by him money which the paymaster had just left in their hands, and most kindly and faithfully he attended to the many little details of business thus confided to him.

The Forty-fifth Pennsylvania rejoined the brigade at this place. April 20th, Colonel Norton, who had been home on leave of absence, arrived in camp. The next day, April 21st, Colonel Bowman received orders to select four hundred men from his command, and to be ready to move the next morning in light marching order. The battalion, commanded by Colonel Bowman, left camp about six o'clock A.M., April 22d, in a drenching rain, which continued until noon, when the sun came out very warm, and made the march in the mud a fatiguing one. But the change from the routine of camp-life to a march through a wild and beautiful country was most exhilarating. At about three o'clock in the afternoon the battalion reached Harrodsburg, an aristocratic town, largely in sympathy with the rebellion, and encamped for the night on a beautiful green slope just outside of the town. In the morning we marched through the town again, exciting much curiosity and some enthusiasm. From Harrodsburg the march was continued ten or twelve miles, through a most delightful country, to the beautiful town of Danville, where we arrived about two o'clock in the afternoon, and halted for dinner. A leisurely march of about eight miles brought us, in the early evening, to our quarters at Camp Dick Robinson. The purpose of this march has never been disclosed. Colonel Bowman was not told. He was ordered to move; the roads, the halting-places, etc., were designated, but concerning the end in view he was not informed.

The regiment, with the brigade, remained at Camp Dick Robinson until April 30th, when we were aroused at four o'clock A.M., with orders to move at six. At the appointed time we were on the march. It was a beautiful day, and the roads were in excellent condition. We passed through Lancaster about noon, and halted for dinner. Later in the afternoon we encamped about a mile beyond Stanford. On the next day, May 1st, we remained in camp until one o'clock P.M., when we continued our march, and encamped about a mile beyond Hustonville. May 2d we advanced about ten miles in the afternoon, and encamped at Middleburgh, which is situated on a branch of the Green river.

On these marches amusing incidents were of frequent occurrence. One day the Twenty-seventh Michigan, a new regiment, had the advance; and, like all new troops, the men marched too fast, and too long a distance without rest. The next day the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania had the lead, and the Twenty-seventh Michigan was sandwiched in between the Forty-fifth and the Thirty-sixth. These two regiments had an agreement in reference to the day's march. The Forty-fifth started off with a long swing, and the Thirty-sixth followed up "right smart," in rear of the Twenty-seventh. The result was that the Twenty-seventh had a hard day of it. Many of the men fell out on the march, and laid down by the roadside, exhausted. Of course it was a good pull for the old regiments. One man in the Thirty-sixth fell down and fainted apparently. His eyes closed, and he seemed to be in a bad way. However, his case was not considered a serious one. The next morning the surgeon, who had some suspicions that the man was "playing it," asked him some amusing questions, and dismissed him without giving any decision in his case. "What shall I mark him?" asked the sergeant; "excused from duty, or not?" "Mark him for the land of Canaan," said the surgeon.

May 3d, the day after we reached Middleburgh, two colored boys came into camp, one of whom Captain Raymond hired, and the other was hired by the non-commissioned staff. The boys had just been arrayed in United States blue when the master of Captain Raymond's boy made his appearance with a cavalry officer, and, showing a writing, demanded his slave. The boy was frightened at the sight of his master, and said he would rather be shot where he was than go back to the whipping that awaited him. But we had no authority to detain him, and the master took him by the collar, and led him off. After he had gone, the other boy, finding that we could give him no protection, thought he had better go home voluntarily. So he started. Such, at that time, was the "peculiar institution" in Kentucky.

On the same day a Mr. Markham and three daughters—refugees from East Tennessee—visited our camp. In September, 1861, they were living in Scott County. One day a party of rebels approached the house in search of the father, who was a Union man. One of the rebels came forward to reconnoitre, and asked one of the daughters where her father was. She declined to answer. He then advanced toward her with bayonet fixed. To defend herself she seized an axe, and endeavored to parry his thrusts, but he succeeded in forcing the bayonet into her skull, just above the eye, putting out the eye, and causing the brain to protrude. The father, hearing her cries, rushed from his hiding-place, and shot the rebel dead. He then made his escape immediately. One of the sisters ran to the house to warn her cousin to flee also; but, the rest of the rebels coming up, he was soon killed. Two of their neighbors they hung, and left on the tree. This was a new side of the war to us,—a side of which we were to see more at a later period, when the regiment was in East Tennessee.

May 4th we moved our camp forward about a mile, in order to get upon better ground. On the following day our regimental baggage was reduced. Only three tents were allowed at head-quarters, while the line officers had five tents instead of ten, as heretofore. Wednesday, May 6th, at dress-parade a despatch from General Willcox to General Welch, announcing cheering news from the Rappahannock, was read. Not until two days later did we receive the tidings of Hooker's defeat at Chancellorsville. On Sunday, May 10th, there were rumors of the capture of Richmond. The first came early in the afternoon. Not long after dress-parade Colonel Bowman received a despatch, stating that Hooker, reinforced, had recrossed the Rappahannock, and that Stoneman and Dix had raised the stars and stripes on the rebel capitol. The news was at once communicated to the regiment, and was received with the wildest enthusiasm. Fires were built on a high hill near the camp, candles were issued to the men, and soon the camp of the Thirty-sixth was all ablaze. Then the several companies, under command of Captain Smith, with candles fixed on their bayonets, marched to the camp of the Twenty-seventh Michigan and One Hundredth Pennsylvania, cheering and receiving cheers from both regiments, which were in line to receive us. When the regiment returned to camp there were congratulatory speeches by Colonel Bowman, Acting Adjutant Hodgkins, Captain Warriner, Lieutenant Brigham, and others. It was a fourth of July occasion. We soon learned that we had exulted too soon.

On Wednesday, May 13th, rumors of a rebel raid by Morgan reached us. The pickets were strengthened and thrown farther out. Two days later a limited number of furloughs were granted in each company, and the men under Captain Raymond left for Stanford on their way home. There was no further information concerning the rebel raid. The division supply-trains moved back to Hustonville, also Edmunds' Battery.

We remained at Middleburgh until Saturday, May 23d. On that day, at noon, orders were received to move. The Thirty-sixth led the brigade column. We encamped at night, about nine miles beyond Liberty, on the banks of the Green river. There we remained over Sunday. On Monday, May 25th, the bugles called us out at half-past three in the morning, and at five we were on the road. Our march was through a thick forest during a greater part of the day. About three o'clock in the afternoon we encamped a short distance from Neatsville. On the following day, May 26th, the reveillé was sounded at half-past two in the morning, and we marched at half-past three. As on the preceding day, our route lay through an almost unbroken forest. At half-past nine o'clock in the forenoon we encamped about a mile from Columbia.

May 27th we had orders to be in readiness to march at seven P.M., in light marching order. At that time we left camp, with the One Hundredth Pennsylvania and a section of Edmunds' Battery, Colonel Leasure in command. Before reaching Columbia a squadron of cavalry joined us. It was understood that we were in pursuit of Morgan's guerillas. Passing through the town, we took the Waynesburgh road; but, after marching a mile or so, we faced about, returned to town, and took the road to Glasgow. It was a beautiful moonlight evening. The road was somewhat rough, and mostly through woods. We reached Gradyville about one o'clock on the morning of the 27th, and bivouacked for the rest of the night. Later in the morning we marched to a grove of magnificent beeches, on a hillside near by. There we remained all day, while the cavalry scoured the neighborhood. About noon they brought in two rebel officers. At night it commenced to rain, but we made ourselves as comfortable as possible.

The next day, Friday, May 29th, we marched about eight o'clock, and found the road very rough as we advanced. Notwithstanding the rain, we pushed on to Breedingsville, fourteen miles from Columbia and sixteen from Burkesville, on the Cumberland river. Weary and wet, we sought shelter for the night in the out-buildings of a farm-house, while our cavalry scouts set out for the river.

The next day, May 30th, the scouts having returned, we turned our faces toward Columbia, which we reached between eleven and twelve o'clock in the evening, having marched forty-seven miles during our absence from camp, and captured twenty-five prisoners.

Meanwhile a serious accident had occurred at the camp. The armorer was repairing some guns. One, which was not supposed to be loaded, he put into the fire for some purpose, and the gun was discharged. The ball entered the tent of Quartermaster-Sergeant Joseph H. Sawyer, and struck one of his knees. The wound was so severe that amputation was deemed necessary, and the operation was skilfully performed by Surgeon Prince.

Monday, June 1st, Colonel Bowman was assigned to the command of the brigade, which now consisted of the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts, Forty-fifth Pennsylvania, Seventeenth and Twenty-seventh Michigan regiments. That night we received orders to march, and at once proceeded to Jamestown, commonly called "Jimtown," on the Cumberland river. It was twenty miles from Columbia, and we reached the place about four o'clock Tuesday morning. We had hardly stacked arms on a wooded hillside near the town when a sharp skirmish fire was heard on the road at our right, and presently a squad of our cavalry dashed up the road toward the town, followed closely by a company of rebel horsemen. Our men were quickly in line of battle, under a ridge running parallel with the road, and Companies A and F were thrown out as skirmishers. But the rebels, at the first sight of our men, wheeled and made good their escape. They had evidently intended to make a dash into the town, but the timely arrival of our brigade was an unexpected episode in the morning's adventure.

One of the rebels a citizen soon brought in as a prisoner. It was found that he had been thrown by his horse, and that the horse had escaped. The citizen met the rebel as he was crossing a brook, after losing his horse, and kindly offered to hold his gun—one of Colt's revolving rifles—until he was over. The rebel innocently handed the gun to the citizen, who at once informed him that he was his prisoner, and marched him into our camp. Colonel Bowman gave the citizen the rifle as a reward for his strategy. According to the prisoner, his party consisted of three hundred men. He was a conscript from East Tennessee, he said, and belonged to Pegram's command.

Upon assuming command of the new brigade, which had been formed in consequence of the reorganization of the division, Colonel Bowman appointed First Lieutenant Raymond as acting assistant inspector general, and Second Lieutenant Hodgkins as acting assistant adjutant general of the brigade. The last-named officer had performed the duties of adjutant of the regiment during the illness of Adjutant Ranlett, from January 19th, until his appointment upon the brigade staff, when the latter resumed his duties as adjutant.

We remained at Jamestown until Thursday, June 4th, when at noon, to the surprise of all, we received orders to proceed at once to Lebanon, which was sixty miles away, our nearest railroad connection with the North. Although we had had little or no rest for a week, in forty-eight consecutive hours, including halts and sleep, we made the sixty miles, arriving at Lebanon at noon, June 6th. And this long journey was accomplished in heavy marching order, under a scorching sun, and in dust which was almost insufferable.

As his limb had not sufficiently healed, we were obliged to leave Quartermaster-Sergeant Sawyer at Columbia. Private James E. Spear, of Company B, remained with him, and both eventually succeeded in reaching our lines in safety, having been paroled by John Morgan, who, with his cavalry, drove out our cavalry two days after we left.

At Lebanon we learned that our destination was Vicksburg, Miss., Grant being in need of reinforcements. On the afternoon of the following day, June 7th, we took the cars for Louisville, where we arrived late at night, and the regiment was paid off in the depot. The next day we crossed the Ohio, by ferry, to Jacksonville, Ind. There cars were in waiting, and we proceeded to Cairo, Ill., by way of Seymour, Ind., and Sandoval, Ill. All the way we were received with kindest attentions, in many instances ladies remaining all night at the stations to serve us with refreshments, and cheer us with loyal words. We reached Cairo on the 9th of June.

CHAPTER V.
IN THE REAR OF VICKSBURG.

Late in the afternoon of Wednesday, June 10th, the fine steamer "Meteor," with the regiment (numbering about 760 officers and men), all its camp equipage, and horses, cast off from the levee at Cairo, and steamed down the river. The boat, though large, was somewhat crowded, and deeply laden. A large part of the regiment was quartered on the hurricane deck, which was the most comfortable part of the boat. The officers had the use of the state-rooms and the cabin, and had no reason to find fault with their accommodations.

Many of the regiment had provided themselves with little maps of the river, and, with true Yankee curiosity, studied the various points of interest with the skill and style of veteran tourists. And truly these points were not rare, for this region had already become famous in the war's history. Before sunset the boat had passed the battle-field of Belmont, Mo., the scene of General Grant's first battle of the war, and Columbus, Kentucky. At the latter place the boat was brought to by a shell across its bows, the captain, through neglect or ignorance, failing in compliance with the rules of the river to report to the commander of the place before passing. A short distance below Columbus the boat was moored to the shore for the night, it not being considered safe, at this season of low water, to move a heavily laden boat at night.

The following day passed somewhat slowly, the country through which the Mississippi winds being low, monotonous, and with few features of interest, Island No. 10 alone being worthy of note. Officers and men amused themselves in various ways,—reading, writing, cards, etc. All military duties being necessarily abandoned, it was a season of welcome rest to all.

At nine o'clock P.M. the boat arrived at Memphis, Tenn., where it remained three days to await the remainder of the corps, which was delayed up the river. This time passed rather heavily. On two occasions the regiment landed, and the boat was thoroughly policed, the change serving as a rest for all. General Potter, with his staff, came aboard at Memphis. At six P.M. of June 14th the boat cast off, and steamed down the river until dark, and then lay to for the night. All day of the 15th moving rapidly South we reached Helena, Ark., where a brief landing was made for forage and provisions. At night the boat stopped near White River; and, being now in a thoroughly hostile region, a picket was posted on shore, Captain Sawyer, of Company H, being in command. Not long after dark, by some nervous sentry, an alarm was given, which proved needless. "All quiet on White River" was the watchword as the men lay down to rest for the night.

The fleet, on leaving Memphis, consisted of five heavily laden steamers, carrying the entire First Division of the corps, with all its artillery, baggage, and animals. As the river, at certain points, is narrow and densely wooded, affording excellent positions for ambuscades of hostile parties, a guard was mounted on the upper deck of each boat, with loaded rifles, and orders to scan the shore carefully at such points. This was called the "guerilla guard."

On the morning of the 16th, when the fleet got under way, a river gun-boat joined us as escort, bringing up the rear of the line. Its importance was soon felt by all. These boats were iron-clad, having roofs slanting like the gable-roof of a house, with port-holes, out of which grimly peeped the muzzles of some 10-pounder Parrott guns. About eleven A.M., while in the neighborhood of Columbus, Ark., the "Meteor," being in the van of the fleet, suddenly received from the western shore a sharp volley, the bullets striking the boat in several places, fortunately doing no serious injury. The boat following the "Meteor," at the same time, was also fired on, and was less fortunate, one man of the Seventeenth Michigan being wounded, and two horses killed. The gun-boat and the "guerilla guards" immediately opened a heavy fire. The enemy found the place rather hot, and soon their gray-clad forms could be seen running "helter-skelter" from their ambush. Whatever damage was done them we never knew; but it is doubtful if they all escaped the Minies and bursting shells which for a few minutes flew in volleys after them. This incident tended to vary the monotony of life on board, and the usual good fortune of the Thirty-sixth seemed to attend it still. Late in the afternoon the fleet arrived at Lake Providence, and remained over night. This place was famous for the feat of engineering which, by means of a short canal, had shortened the river very much, by diverting the channel from one of its great bends. The First Kansas and Sixteenth Wisconsin regiments were stationed here, and the Massachusetts boys were soon fraternizing with the hardy Western pioneers, armed in the same good cause.

June 17th the boat entered the Yazoo river, and, at eleven A.M., arrived at Snyder's Bluff, where the regiment debarked, and then marched about four miles, passing Haines' Bluff. On every hand were fortifications crowned with cannon, encampments of troops, army wagons, etc., etc.

This day, to a part of the regiment, was one of peculiar import. Company B, of Charlestown, had in its ranks many who were lineal descendants of the men who made the 17th of June glorious in our history; and to them the booming of the cannon, heard from early in the day, was a grim reminder of many a holiday at Bunker Hill, where, to use a trite expression, "the day was ushered in with the ringing of bells and firing of guns."

The first impressions of the men upon landing, far from favorable, were never changed, except for the worse. In many places the soil was so dry and parched with the heat that it seemed to have cracked open like a blistered skin beneath the tropical rays of the sun. The wind blew hot from every point of the compass, bringing clouds of dust along with it. Gnats and flies made night hideous, and drove sleep from the weary. Venomous snakes and other reptiles infested the woods and thickets. Lizards soon became no novelty, and even the resort of keeping them out of one's boots, by wearing them day and night, would not prevent their crawling down one's back occasionally, causing a sensation like an animated icicle.

But these were minor inconveniences. It is not pleasant to have a thunder-squall burst almost from a clear sky and find the guys of one's tent slacked up for air. Any old soldier knows the result of such negligence. It means a sudden breaking up of house-keeping, and a wet day to move.

During the 18th, 19th, and part of the 20th of June, the regiment lay quietly in camp in a wood somewhere in the township of Milldale, a very pleasant and picturesque spot. The wild magnolia trees, now in full bloom, filled the air with their fragrance. From many of the trees hung the "Spanish moss," which was gathered in large quantities and used for beds, and it proved an agreeable variation from the hard, limestone beds of Kentucky. At three o'clock P.M., of June 20th, the regiment marched about three miles, and went into camp at a cross-road, which proved to be its permanent location during the rest of the siege of Vicksburg. The One Hundred and Fourteenth Illinois Regiment, which had been stationed here, gave way to the Thirty-sixth, and went down into the trenches at Vicksburg.

This point was considered an important one, and the camp of the regiment was arranged in a kind of semicircle, crossing the road leading to Vicksburg, with a strong picket thrown out for about a mile through the forest road which led to the Big Black river. Rifle-pits were dug, and trees cut away to give sweep for a long distance to the artillery. At this point Durrell's Battery of the First Division was placed in position commanding the different approaches. These precautions were rendered necessary by the presence of a large rebel force, under General Joe Johnston, just across the Big Black; and it appeared that to the Ninth Corps was assigned the important duty of watching him and protecting our men before Vicksburg from an attack in the rear. Grant's army, therefore, presented the singular and rather precarious military spectacle of facing in two directions, the one portion attacking Pemberton, shut up with over thirty thousand in Vicksburg, and the other facing Johnston, who, with a force estimated at between thirty and forty thousand, was manœuvring to break in and raise the siege. The latter was liable to be heavily reinforced at any moment, and there was no little anxiety in the mind of the commanding general lest this should come to pass.

As the Thirty-sixth Regiment was not a part of the line attacking Vicksburg, it is not perhaps necessary to say much concerning the city and its defences.

The Mississippi river, about six miles above Vicksburg, bends suddenly to the north-east, runs in this direction six miles and then turns as suddenly to the south-west. By this bend in the river a tongue of land reaches out from the Louisiana shore, and near the end of this tongue, just below the bend, on the left bank of the river, stands Vicksburg, on a bluff of some two hundred feet or more in height. Being also higher than any ground in its rear, it was a position of unusual strength, completely controlling the river, though Admiral Porter had succeeded, with considerable loss, in running the batteries with a part of his fleet. Stretching away from Vicksburg to the north-east is a range of hills, called Walnut Hills, which terminate at Haines' Bluff, on the Yazoo river. Here the rebels had erected heavy batteries commanding the river, and had forced General Grant to approach Vicksburg from the south. In the great battles at Champion Hill, Raymond and Baker's Creek, Grant had succeeded in separating the forces of Pemberton and Johnston; and, following up the former, had driven him into Vicksburg, at this time getting possession of Haines' Bluff. This gave him a good base for supplies, and direct communication by river with the north. Before commencing a regular siege, it was determined to try and carry Vicksburg by assault. It was thought that the demoralized condition of Pemberton's army, whipped from place to place, would render them hopeless of success, and a long and tiresome siege be avoided. The commanding general, officers, and men, were all of one mind in this matter, and the soldiers were eager for the assault.

On the 22d of May an attempt was made along the entire line to storm the city, but without success. The rebels, at last driven to desperation, and protected by their ramparts, fought well, and after heavy loss it was found impossible to break through at any part of their lines.

Regular approaches were now commenced by sappers, and General Grant, finding his ranks thinning by the severity of the trench service, the increasing heat of summer, and Johnston, with a large force, threatening his rear, called for reinforcements. Such, briefly, was the condition of affairs, and such were the reasons which found the Ninth Corps and the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts in their present position.

The history of the regiment for the fortnight ending with the fall of Vicksburg can be briefly written. It is a story of discomforts, from causes before enumerated, against which the men fortified themselves by all the means possible. Tents were made comparatively comfortable by cane-pole shades and beds of moss and grass. No duties were required except picket and such as were absolutely necessary. Parties were detailed from time to time to help dig rifle-pits, for it was thought best to be well prepared for any sudden and violent attack of Johnston. A large part of the line held by the Ninth Corps was fortified in this way. But the work was done as much as possible during the cooler parts of the day, morning and night. There was not a dress-parade of the regiment during the Mississippi campaign. Not much can be said of the rations, though they were, perhaps, as good as the men had been in the habit of receiving. On the 26th of June Quartermaster Francis B. Rice was discharged, and Lieutenant Cutter, of Company D, was appointed quartermaster.

June 29th the whole First Division, with the exception of the Thirty-sixth Regiment and Durrell's Battery, moved out several miles to the front, and the head-quarters of the brigade were about five miles distant. Company F was at this time on duty at corps head-quarters. Cases of sickness became more numerous every day. Captains Bailey, Sawyer, and Lieutenant Howe, were all sick at this time, the latter with small-pox, which he was supposed to have contracted in visiting a hospital at Memphis. He died July 7th. He was a graduate of Amherst College, where he achieved distinction in the department of mathematics. In character and conduct, during his connection with the regiment, he showed that he was a true man and a faithful soldier. When it became known that this dire disease had broken out among us there was much anxiety and alarm in the regiment, for the possibility of its spreading was great, and there was no way to meet it with usual precaution, the medical department being poorly supplied. A hospital was established at some distance from the regiment, and as soon as any man showed symptoms of the disease he was removed to it. In this way the spread of the disease was checked.

July 2d, burial service, with military honors, was performed over the remains of Private Boswell, of Company C, who died in the regimental hospital, July 1. Each day seemed to have some event of more or less importance to vary the monotony of camp life, which was now about to be disturbed by events of great moment, and from the dull routine of daily life to be changed to the more severe duties of the march and battle-field. Even now, in the distant North, the two great armies of the Potomac and Northern Virginia, under Meade and Lee, were grappling with each other on the soil of Pennsylvania, and the fate of the nation was trembling in the balance on the slopes of Cemetery Ridge, at Gettysburg. Massachusetts was pouring out her blood freely on that now historic field, while far away, in the south-west, her sons stood ready to uphold her fame and carry her white flag, side by side with the stars and stripes, to victory. The moment pregnant with heroic effort and sacrifice was at hand.

For a week prior to the 4th of July rumors of the impending surrender or storming of Vicksburg prevailed in the camp. The last extremity of famine was nearly reached by the beleaguered rebels, who boasted from their ramparts of the tenderness of mule steaks. No hope remained for them save from without, and Lee was too closely occupied with his movement into Pennsylvania to despatch any of his force to Pemberton's relief. Johnston clung to the east bank of the Big Black river. General McPherson's corps had pushed the lines of investment up under the very forts of the enemy, and there seemed to be nothing left but to carry their works by assault, or wait for famine to do its work. The roar of artillery was incessant. Day and night, with scarcely a moment's interval, the heavy booming of the siege guns was heard, and a thick cloud of smoke hung ever like a pall over the doomed city. If a rebel showed so much as a hand above the fortifications he became the target of our vigilant riflemen, and the enemy found it impossible to man and serve his artillery, so deadly was the fire. If morning revealed some place where the rebels had repaired the ramparts and brought some guns into position, ten minutes sufficed for our artillery utterly to destroy the work of the night. Their works were mined; but, wherever they suspected a mine, resort was had to countermining, and for a time spades were trumps at Vicksburg.

At three o'clock P.M., of July 3d, Generals Grant and Pemberton met under a flag of truce. Pemberton proposed that his army be allowed to march out with the honors of war, carrying their muskets and field-pieces, but leaving their heavy artillery. Grant smiled at this proposal. The interview terminated in an hour, with the understanding that Grant should send in his ultimatum before ten o'clock that night. This ultimatum was, that Pemberton should surrender Vicksburg with all its property, his officers being allowed to retain their side-arms, and the officers and men should be paroled as prisoners of war. It was accepted, and, on the morning of the 4th of July, General Logan's division of McPherson's corps took possession of the works of Vicksburg, the rebels marching out, stacked their arms, and laid their colors on the stacks. The Forty-fifth Illinois Regiment marched at the head of Logan's column, and placed its flag upon the Court-House. The magnitude of this victory is apparent from the fact that it comprised in its results 31,600 officers and men (2,153 of whom were officers, and 15 of these generals), munitions of war sufficient for an army of 60,000, 172 cannon, many locomotives, cars, and steamboats, and large quantities of cotton and other valuable merchandise.

CHAPTER VI.
THE MOVEMENT ON JACKSON.

Hardly had the news of the surrender become known to the regiment, however, before orders came to break camp and prepare for field service in light marching order.

This was in accordance with an order which General Sherman had received directing him to take his own corps, the Fifteenth, the Ninth Corps, to which was temporarily assigned General Smith's division of the Sixteenth Corps, and the Thirteenth Corps, now under General Ord, pursue Johnston, and capture or destroy his army. General Grant's order read as follows: "I want you to drive Johnston out in your own way, and inflict upon the enemy all the punishment you can. I will support you to the last man that can be spared."

Before ten o'clock A. M., July 4th, Sherman's army was in motion, and by various roads moving rapidly toward the Big Black river. Johnston, finding himself suddenly an object of particular interest, commenced a precipitate retreat toward Jackson, feebly disputing our advance in some places where the ground was favorable. Upon the receipt of marching orders the picket of the Thirty-sixth was hastily called in, and the regiment was soon on the march to overtake the brigade, which it did not do, however, until the next day.

A considerable part of the 6th was occupied by the regiment, and men of other regiments in the brigade, in constructing a bridge across the Big Black river at a place called Birdsongs Ferry. This was a good, strong piece of work, and over it a large part of the army passed in safety. General Ord's two divisions crossed at the railroad some distance below, and the Fifteenth Corps at Messenger's Bridge.

From the 4th to the 10th of July the army pushed steadily on, overcoming many obstacles, skirmishing sharply day and night with Johnston's rear guard, and encountering sufferings from the heat and exposure to sun and tempest and malarial swamps, that are well-nigh indescribable. The rebels, as they retreated, poisoned the wells, or killed animals in the ponds or streams, their putrid carcasses rendering the water unfit for use. Such acts only reacted upon themselves, for it enraged the army from the commanding general down to the private soldier, and they would have saved themselves the pillage and devastation that marked our line of march, had they adopted the rules of honorable warfare. But it seemed, in their case, as if the old proverb was true, that "whom the gods wish to destroy, they first make mad."

The rapid advance of the army made it impossible for the supply-trains to keep up, and for days the rations consisted of the unripe corn, roasted in the husks. All fared alike, officers and men. The tents and all the baggage, save blankets, had been left behind, and, during this campaign of three weeks, the regiment slept with the sky for a canopy, exposed to the deadly night-air and frequent tempests. Nights when no humane man would drive a dog out of doors found this entire army in the open field. Late in the afternoon of July 7th, while on the march, a thunder-storm burst upon us that no man of this regiment, then present, will ever forget, and one that the natives call the severest known in that region for years. The storm came apparently from all directions, and lasted over two hours. The lightning struck all around, and the roar of thunder was incessant. The horses became terrified, and officers were forced to dismount and lead them. The mud was ankle-deep, and finally impeded the movement of the artillery, which stuck in the roads up to the hubs and blocked the passage of the infantry. About 10 P.M. the storm lulled, and the regiment went into bivouac in an open field, and the men were ordered to make themselves comfortable. Then came a second edition of the storm,—if possible, worse than the first,—and there, shelterless in that open field, the boys stood in grim despair and let it pelt. Finally, with the stolid indifference of desperation the men laid down in the mud of that old stubble-field and made themselves comfortable. But all things come to an end, and so at last did the storm, when the field was quickly ablaze with camp-fires, and a dipper of hot coffee, innocent of milk or sugar, revived the spirits of the men.

Jackson, the capital of Mississippi, is situated on the west or right bank of the Pearl river, in a very fertile and pleasant region. Being at the juncture of the Vicksburg and Meridian and Mississippi Central Railroads, it is a position of great strategical importance. The State House, which cost half a million dollars, Executive Mansion, State Lunatic Asylum, and Penitentiary are the principal buildings; but being the seat of government, as well as a considerable commercial mart, there are many fine residences in the town and its suburbs. The site of the town itself is rather level, but back of it the country is undulating and well adapted for defence. It was expected that Johnston had been preparing for the present emergency, and had fortified the place extensively. The moral effect of the loss of the town would be great, and the idea was quite prevalent that it would be desperately defended. Indeed, as the army approached it, the more stubborn resistance of Johnston's forces indicated that they intended to dispute possession of their capital.

In the afternoon of July 10th the Ninth Corps came out into open country in sight of the town. As the different regiments and batteries debouched from the woods the colors were unfurled. It was a beautiful sight, that "battle's magnificently stern array." The sun was about an hour high, and its slanting rays glanced brightly from the muskets and the brass field-pieces. A gentle breeze stirred the silken folds of the standards, and made them float proudly and defiantly. Conspicuous among them could be seen the white flag of Massachusetts, carried by the Twenty-ninth, Thirty-fifth, and Thirty-sixth regiments. Sloping away in front was the valley along which extends the track of the Mississippi Central Railroad. Beyond, the ground rose gradually for about an eighth of a mile, and the crest was crowned with a dense wood, in the edge of which could be seen the rebel gray uniforms, and the gleaming of bayonets. The lines were formed. The Thirty-sixth Massachusetts held the extreme right of the First Division, having on its left the remainder of the First Brigade, the Seventeenth and Twenty-seventh Michigan, and the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania deployed as skirmishers along the entire brigade front. On the right was Smith's division of the Sixteenth Corps, and connecting with the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts was the Forty-sixth Ohio. What a glorious sight! The old Bay State, with Ohio on her right, and Michigan on her left, Pennsylvania leading, about to close in conflict with Mississippi, and far away on the right stretch the dark blue lines of Sherman's veterans, famous in later times from "Atlanta to the Sea." And now there was a pause, a silence that was ominous. Meanwhile, the intervals were closed, and alignments rectified. Curiously we peered into the distant wood, wondering whether it masked the rebel artillery. Where could they find a better place to use grape and canister? In the rear the splendid battery of the First Division was preparing for action. Lieutenant Benjamin's famous twenty-pounder rifled Parrotts, Battery E, Second United States Artillery, whose iron throats had carried dismay and death into the rebel ranks in other fields, far away in Virginia, Maryland, and North Carolina, were about to speak. Breathlessly all awaited the puff and the angry flash. It came, and over the valley, with a scream and whir-r-r, was hurled the iron messenger of death. It struck exactly on the crest of the hill, and exploded. Scarcely had the reverberation ceased, when the order was passed along the line: "Battalion forward! Guide centre, march!" With a simultaneous movement the lines advanced, slowly at first, but more rapidly as they approached the railroad. Behind us the Parrotts were talking in thunder tones that shook the very earth, and the shells were screaming overhead. The gallant Forty-fifth crossed the railroad, and their thin line was soon seen pushing up the hill. The Thirty-sixth followed in steady line of battle. The suspense was awful. Why don't they open fire? On the rebel side, save a few scattering Minies, that sang harmlessly by, all was silent. Suddenly the men became enthusiastic. With a "Hurrah," the men rushed up the hill. The rebels fired a scattering volley, and fell back upon their second line. The wood was gained, and with no loss. A few moments sufficed to re-form the lines, which again moved forward, passing the State Lunatic Asylum,—a large, white marble building, whose inmates, wild with the excitement of the unusual scene, raved at the regiment from the iron-barred corridors. A guard was placed upon the building, to protect the unfortunates. The lines moved cautiously forward, until the skirmishers were checked, and the rebel line developed. But the shades of night were now darkening the landscape, and orders were received to establish a strong picket, and hold the position until morning. Weary with the march and exciting close of the day, all gladly improved the opportunity for rest, laid down with loaded rifles by their side, or gathered in groups, and discussed the events of the day, or speculated upon the morrow. And some, alas! laid down that night to happy sleep, who, ere another came, were lying in a soldier's grave. Save occasional sharp firing by the pickets, the night passed quietly.

At three o'clock A.M. of the 11th the men were noiselessly aroused, and coffee, prepared by the company cooks, was served out. With the earliest streak of dawn the lines again moved forward, and the skirmishing opened sharply. The rebels yielded ground stubbornly, but were forced back into their main line of defence,—a formidable work constructed of cotton bales. Here they opened a heavy fire of grape and canister, against which it was impossible to advance. But not an inch was yielded. The brigade laid flat on the ground, and the iron storm passed over, doing little damage. The line was formed in a wood, in front of which was an open field, the other side of which, about two hundred yards distant, was held by the rebels, and their riflemen were in trees, picking off our men, wherever exposed. The skirmishers of the Forty-sixth Ohio suffered considerable loss, being less sheltered by the wood than those of our brigade. Nothing farther could be done until artillery could be brought up; but the ground was unfavorable for it, and matters came to a pause.

Lieutenant Benjamin reconnoitred the ground and the position of the enemy, but could not find any position which gave him room to work his guns. All day the regiment lay under a constant and galling fire awaiting orders.

Companies A and F were sent out to skirmish, relieving the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania. Captain Draper was ordered to connect with the skirmishers of Smith's division, who were said to be in position in a wood at our right, and several hundred yards to the front. In our own front was an open field, sloping toward the enemy's position. The two companies promptly deployed, and went forward on the double-quick, driving in the rebel pickets, only to find that the line supposed to be General Smith's skirmishers was the rebel main line. They opened fire, killing two and wounding six of Company F, who, with Company A, returned the fire. Seeing that some mistake had been made, and to prevent needless sacrifice, Captain Draper ordered a retreat, halting at a point midway between the enemy's line and our own, where the ground afforded some protection. Here the two companies held their position nearly all day until relieved.

The rebels during this time were unable to send out any more pickets, owing to our fire; but several adventurous men among them tried to observe our movements, and take an occasional shot by climbing trees inside their lines. Our boys had the good fortune to bring two or three of them to the ground during the day, Sergeant Daniel Wright, afterwards lieutenant, making one of the successful shots. The loss in Company F was two killed and six wounded. George H. Ellis, of Milford, one of the killed, was shot through the breast. This young man, the only son of a widowed mother, was a favorite in his company and with all who knew him. He had been acting as clerk at head-quarters until just prior to the commencement of this movement, and by his cheerful and gentlemanly conduct had won the regard of all the officers there. His death was deplored by all. Amos Hoyt was also killed, shot through the stomach. O. Howard, James Smith, T. L. Ellsworth, J. C. Higgins, D. Perham, and E. W. Anson, were wounded. Company A, being less exposed, met with no loss, though it also received a heavy fire from the rebel sharp-shooters.

This loss in Company F can only be considered as an unnecessary one. No impression was made upon the enemy; the main line was not advanced, for the First Division was now close upon the enemy, and any advance would have brought on a general engagement, which, it seems, General Sherman did not desire. There was evidently some misunderstanding between Generals Sherman and Parke, for the latter had made all his disposition for an assault on the morning of the 11th. This may have been caused by the check met with by the Thirteenth Corps, on the right. One division of this corps, General Lauman's, had been roughly handled, and repulsed with a loss of over five hundred men and some colors. The position of Johnston's forces was stronger than had been expected, and his troops fought well. There was much anxiety on the part of both Colonel Bowman, commanding the brigade, and Lieutenant-Colonel Norton, commanding the Thirty-sixth Regiment, when Companies A and F were ordered out without supports, and only positive orders prevented Colonel Norton from going out with his regiment to the support of these companies when it was learned what their position was. If a reconnaissance was the object it was eminently successful; but otherwise the brave advance of Company F can only be cited as a proof of the good fighting qualities of the men, and a credit to their discipline.

The skirmishers upon the right of the First Brigade were not more than two rods in advance of the position held by the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts, and it was with this line that Companies A and F were to connect. There were some very dangerous intervals between the different brigades, considering the near proximity of the rebel force, and only good luck, or the concealment afforded by the woods, prevented their being observed and taken advantage of by the enemy.

Toward night a thunder-squall came up, and for over an hour the battle raged with even greater fury, the booming of man's artillery seeming to vie with Heaven's. It was a perfect pandemonium of sound. The rain fell in torrents, the lightning flashed, thunder pealed incessantly, and shot and shell from the rebel guns fell and burst around. It seemed as if "man fought on earth, and fiends in upper air." At four P.M. Companies A and F were relieved by E and K. The latter had hardly taken position when they were handsomely charged upon by the rebel skirmishers, who were as handsomely repulsed, Captain Warriner being in command of the picket. That night the men lay on their arms quietly, and on the morning of the 12th the brigade was relieved by a brigade of the Second Division, and marched to the rear, taking a position near the Lunatic Asylum.

The movement now settled down into the nature of a siege. General Sherman, being desirous of saving life, resolved upon regular approaches by rifle-pits to force a surrender of the city. During the 12th and 13th the regiment lay quietly in the rear, resting and keeping as cool as possible in the shelter of a piece of wood. Occasionally the rebels would throw a thirty-two pound shot over into our neighborhood, creating some excitement, but doing no harm.

On the 14th and 15th the regiment was again at the front, and occupied the rifle-pits, Major Goodell being in command. No loss was suffered during these two days, the men having good shelter and having learned not to expose themselves unnecessarily. The heaviest fighting seemed to be upon the extreme right, the lines of investment having the Pearl river on both flanks.

Some exciting incidents occurred, from time to time, to vary the monotony. One day the men of the Second Michigan lost their temper; and with the idea, perhaps, of taking Jackson alone, made a gallant charge, breaking through two lines of rebels, greatly to the astonishment of the second line, whose arms were stacked and the men here and there, not expecting callers. Not being supported, they were compelled to fall back, which they did, very coolly, bringing their killed and wounded.

Even a battle is not without its laughable side. One day, while the regiment was in reserve, the men occupied in various ways to kill time, suddenly shouting and firing were heard on the right. The noise rapidly increased and approached, and, its cause being doubtful, the men fell in on the stacks. Presently there came dashing along a black pig, one of the semi-wild species which wander about in this region, and had rashly approached the lines, not being aware that pork was a favorite dish. He met with a warm reception. A sharp fusillade was opened upon him, and piggy fell, covered with glory, having almost attained the honor of breaking through the lines of the Fifteenth Corps. Ere the echo of his dying squeal had fairly ceased he was broiling in steaks over the camp-fires.

July 12th news was received of the fall of Port Hudson, the battle of Gettysburg, and the defeat of Lee. The cheering along the lines was deafening, and the drooping spirits of all were roused by the glorious tidings. Early on the morning of the 13th the rebels made a sudden and vigorous sortie in front of Colonel Griffin's command. They were repulsed with severe loss, and did not repeat the attempt.

On the 16th General Potter, with the Second Division and Smith's division, made a reconnoissance. They advanced until the enemy opened heavily with shell and canister, when they fell back, having accomplished the desired end of discovering the exact position and strength of the enemy. This day General Sherman received a large supply of ammunition, of which he had run very short, and it was determined to bombard the works and assault them on the 17th; but during the night the enemy's artillery and wagons could be distinctly heard moving through the town, and, when morning dawned, a white flag was seen on the rebel earthworks. General Ferrero's brigade, in which was the Thirty-fifth Massachusetts, entered Jackson, placed guards over the public property, and sent out parties to pick up stragglers from the retreating rebels. One thirty-two pounder was found in their works, about one thousand stand of arms, and a large quantity of munitions of war. One officer and one hundred and thirty-seven men were captured. The railroad depot, and a few buildings containing public property, were destroyed. The flag of the Thirty-fifth Massachusetts waved from the dome of the capitol of Mississippi.

General Johnston, in his "Narrative" (page 209), says his army retreated east, to Brandon, where some soldiers, who had been asleep when he evacuated Jackson rejoined him late in the day, "and reported that at the time they left Jackson, at seven or eight o'clock, the enemy had not discovered his [Johnston's] retreat." This is incorrect. In the report of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts, 1863, the Thirty-fifth Massachusetts reports as follows: "At about daylight, discovering that the enemy's works were evacuated, moved forward," etc. The writer of these pages recorded, in a diary written on the spot, the following: "At daylight this morning the Second Division, being in front, heard loud cheering, and learned that the rebels had evacuated Jackson." In a letter written home at the time, I also find these words: "At six o'clock this morning it was found that the enemy had abandoned Jackson, and General Ferrero's brigade at once entered the city." Certainly this should dispose of the charge of lack of vigilance on our part. It seems that these men did not report how they got across Pearl river, the bridges of which were destroyed by Johnston's rear guard before daylight, and if they were not aroused by their own comrades movements it is not very strange that the retreat was not discovered by our pickets. In this engagement Johnston had about 28,000 by his own admission,[3] though the rebel Secretary of War reported his force at 34,000. Johnston reported his army drawn from different commands, as follows: From Pemberton, 9,831; Bragg, 7,939; Beauregard, 6,283; in all, 24,053. He also had a force of about 2,500 cavalry under General Jackson. These figures are no doubt nearly correct. The lines around Jackson were defended by these troops in four divisions,—the right, under General Loring, extending from Pearl river to the Canton road; General Walker's division, from the Canton road to across the Clinton road; General French's division, from the Clinton road to the New Orleans Railroad, and the left, under General Breckenridge, extended from the railroad to the river. That part of the line held by General Walker was in front of the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts.

[3] Johnston's "Narrative," page 195.

General Johnston reported his loss in the battle 71 killed, 504 wounded, and 25 missing. As we captured 138 prisoners, there seems to be a wide discrepancy between their missing and our captures. It is, therefore, quite probable that the rebel losses were much greater than their general admits in killed and wounded.

The losses on our part, according to General Sherman's report, were as follows: Thirteenth Corps, 762 killed wounded, and missing; Ninth Corps, 37 killed, 258 wounded, 33 missing; Fifteenth Corps, a few; number not stated. General Sherman also adds that he captured, in all, over 1,000 prisoners during the battle. These captures must have been made by the Thirteenth and Fifteenth Corps. The latter, Sherman's own corps, consisted of the First and Third Divisions, under Generals Steele and Tuttle, and held the centre; the Thirteenth Corps, as before remarked, being on the right. Why this fine corps, the Fifteenth, was held back, and allowed to take so little part in this battle, as is evident from their slight loss, is among the mysteries of the war. The battle seemed to be one of disjointed attacks, first in one place and then another. It was the general opinion among the officers that a simultaneous and vigorous assault of Johnston's lines on the first day of the fight would have carried them. It is possible that General Sherman feared to risk the consequences of a repulse so far from any base or reinforcements. The movement up to the attack upon Jackson was a bold one, and boldly pushed. Much dissatisfaction was expressed that an affair that might have been settled in a day should have dragged along a week in this most trying season of the year for such work. General Johnston felt well satisfied to be able to draw off his army safely from what might have been made a second Vicksburg.

It was hoped that the capture of Jackson would be the close of the campaign, the impolicy of pursuing a demoralized enemy further at this season being apparent to all. But there was hard work yet to do. Scarcely was it known that the city was in possession of our forces ere marching orders were received, and together with the other regiments of the First Division the Thirty-sixth marched about eight miles north, to a place called Grant's Mills, where we bivouacked for the night. Early on Saturday, the 18th, we marched five miles and struck the Mississippi Central Railroad. During this day and until ten A.M. of the 19th the regiment was engaged in destroying this railroad. Tough work it would have been, even in the coolest weather and under the most favorable circumstances; but under a burning July sun, with no shelter, the work was terribly exhausting. The method of proceeding was to tear up the rails and lay them crosswise with alternate rows of sleepers. When a pile was built as high as the rails could be lifted, a fire was kindled beneath, and the rails, red-hot, were warped and ruined by the weight of the mass of rails and sleepers above. Another way was to heat the middle of a rail red hot and twist it around a tree. In this way about ten miles of this railroad were destroyed by the division in two days, rendering a main line of transportation useless and seriously crippling the rebel communications.

At noon of the 19th, after setting fire to a depot which burned like a tinder-box, we commenced the return march to Jackson. The fatigues and sufferings of this march were partially forgotten in the glad tidings which there awaited us, that the Ninth Corps was under orders to proceed North at once.

At three A.M., July 20th, the regiment was on the march, and with the exception of a halt from eleven A.M. to three P.M. marched till dark, in all a distance of eighteen miles.

In recalling this day and the one following no man of the Thirty-sixth can fail to be overcome with the memories to which it will give rise. The regiment was a mere wreck. When it halted for the night, on the 20th, one man of Company E dropped down and died of exhaustion, and while on the march one of Company H died from the same cause in an ambulance. When the regiment halted at noon of the 21st it did not stack one hundred guns, and, for no apparent reason whatever, on these two days, the regiment marched a distance of thirty-two miles. The heat and dust were overpowering, and officers forgot all discipline and straggled with the rest. The ambulance and teams were crowded with exhausted men. At nine P.M. of the 21st the regiment halted about a mile from the Big Black river, bivouacking in a cornfield; a delightful place in some respects, because lying between the hills one could not easily roll out of bed, and the savory diet on which the regiment had regaled for about three weeks could be picked in all its luxuriance from the bed-posts. The single objection to cornstalks two or three inches in diameter for bedding is that they have a depressing influence upon the bones of the hips and back.

July 22d the regiment did not move until noon, and then only four miles, crossing the Big Black river, and camped in a shady wood, with plenty of water at hand. It appeared to have dawned upon some one in command of this division or corps that there is a limit to man's endurance. July 23d reveillé was sounded at two A.M. and, marching at four, we pushed on rapidly, the day being unusually comfortable, and at eleven o'clock A.M., after a march of fourteen miles, arrived at the old camp at Milldale.

The condition of the regiment at this time was miserable indeed. Sixteen cases of small-pox and varioloid, three being officers, were under treatment, and the regimental hospital was filled with sick. The adjutant's morning report of July 24th was as follows: 6 officers and 98 men present sick, and 63 men absent in hospitals, 25 officers and 343 men present for duty.

It was a season of general depression among all, and the only thing to relieve the gloom was the prospect of a speedy departure for the North,—an event most anxiously awaited and desired. To add to the general discouragement, a number of officers of the regiment who had resigned received their discharge. Colonel Bowman, Lieutenant-Colonel Norton, and Lieutenants Tucker and Holbrook left for the North August 2d, making six officers lost to the regiment since its arrival in Mississippi. Major Goodell took command of the regiment July 30th. The resignation of Colonel Bowman left the brigade in command of Colonel David Morrison, of the Seventy-ninth New York "Highlanders," and the brigade was now composed of the Seventy-ninth New York, Forty-fifth Pennsylvania, Eighth and Seventeenth Michigan, and Thirty-sixth Massachusetts,—the entire brigade numbering hardly five hundred men fit for service.

CHAPTER VII.
THE RETURN TO KENTUCKY.

The days between our arrival at Milldale and the departure for the North were devoted to rest and recruiting the shattered strength of the men. Never was rest so welcome, never so necessary, as now. Various diseases prevailed. Mumps and chills and fever spread rapidly, and it is safe to say that there was not an officer or man in the regiment who could call himself well and hearty. Whiskey, doctored with quinine, was served out at this time as a protection against chills. Although it was of the genuine "lightning" brand "commissary" it probably did little good, the mischief being already done, and the "ounce of prevention" came too late.

August 2d all the sick who could be moved were sent off to a hospital boat, and Surgeon Prince went in charge of them. On this day also the following Special Order was received from General Grant:—

Head-quarters Department of the Tennessee,
Vicksburg, Mississippi, July 31st, 1863.

Special Order No. 207.

In returning the Ninth Corps to its former command, it is with pleasure that the general commanding acknowledges its valuable services in the campaign just closed. Arriving at Vicksburg opportunely, taking position to hold at bay Johnston's army, then threatening the forces investing the city, it was ready and eager to assume the aggressive at any moment. After the fall of Vicksburg it formed a part of the army which drove Johnston from his position near the Big Black river into his entrenchments at Jackson, and, after a siege of eight days, compelled him to fly in disorder from the Mississippi valley. The endurance, valor, and general good conduct of the Ninth Corps are admired by all, and its valuable coöperation in achieving the final triumph of the campaign is gratefully acknowledged by the Army of the Tennessee. Major-General Parke will cause the different regiments and batteries of his command to inscribe upon their banners and guidons "Vicksburg and Jackson."

By order of Major-General U. S. Grant.
T. S. BOWERS, A. A. General.

At eight o'clock A.M., August 4th, orders were received to break camp and proceed to the landing. Never was an order obeyed with more joy and alacrity than this. The regiment was quickly on the march, and, though the day was hot and the road dusty, the march of seven miles was cheerfully borne, for we could not be sufficiently thankful to get away from Mississippi. Upon arriving near the landing, it was found that the boats had not arrived, but were taking in fuel at Vicksburg, and another night must be spent here. A worse, more uncomfortable night the regiment did not experience in Mississippi. As if to improve their last opportunity, swarms of gnats, of the most savage description, attacked the regiment, and few will ever forget that sleepless night. It was indeed a fitting close of the campaign.

The boat arrived in the night, and the forenoon of the 5th was employed in loading her with the baggage, horses, and guns, of Battery E, Second United States. At three o'clock P.M. the regiment marched aboard the fine steamer "Hiawatha," in company with the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania, Twenty-seventh Michigan, and the regulars of Battery E, which crowded the boat most uncomfortably, though her accommodations were large. About four P.M. the boat cast off, and, steaming down the Yazoo, entered the Mississippi at sunset, and as her course was directed northward a worn but happy band of the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts laid down to rest, thankful, after all their trials, to have been spared through that short but fatal campaign.

All night of the 5th the boat moved slowly North, being very heavily laden, and her crowded condition made it very tedious for all. Late in the afternoon of the 6th the boat passed Columbus, Ark., noteworthy as the place where the regiment received a "guerilla" salute, on its way down the river.

August 7th, all day we were moving slowly up river, and at sunset we stopped about twenty minutes at Helena, Ark., for provisions.

We arrived at Memphis on the forenoon of the 8th, and the men were landed on an island a short distance above the city, where they remained while the boat was thoroughly cleansed, and at five P.M., we reëmbarked, and were off again. August 9th was Sunday, and in the forenoon divine services were held by the chaplain of the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania. Private M. H. Fay, of Company G, died this day on board, and at night the boat stopped at New Madrid, Mo., while his body was buried ashore.

Monday, August 10th, at nine o'clock A.M., two months to a day from the time the regiment left Cairo, it arrived there and landed, glad enough to step once again on Northern soil. Late in the afternoon the regiment was transferred to cars of the Illinois Central Railroad, rode all night, all the next day, and late in the evening reached Vincennes. All along the road the troops were received with great enthusiasm. The well-known old Ninth Corps, fresh from its new triumphs, received the cordial greeting of a grateful people. This was most gratifying to the soldiers, and partially repaid them for their sufferings. Flowers were literally showered by fair ladies upon the bronzed veterans, collations were provided wherever the cars stopped, and the course of the regiment through Illinois was one continuous ovation.

At noon, August 12th, the regiment arrived at Cincinnati, and after a bountiful collation at the Fifth-street Market, provided by generous citizens, we crossed the river to Covington, Ky., and went into quarters in some barracks. The baggage was delayed, and many of the officers slept this night on as soft a board as they could find, with no covering, and did not suffer with the heat.

Major Goodell, having left for home "on leave" for twenty days, the regiment was now under command of Captain Barker, of Company A. For four days the regiment lay in camp at Covington, and had its first dress-parade for a period of three months. The adjutant's walk from the right to the centre was a very short one.

Every day the effect of the southern campaign was shown in the increasing number of the sick. Many were sent to hospitals, and the regiment rapidly decreased. Chills and fever were most prevalent, and a disease similar to scurvy broke out, and caused the death of several, whose flesh actually fell from their limbs before death relieved them from their sufferings. All complained of a feeling of exhaustion, and officers and men dragged themselves painfully and slowly about the camp.

Of the officers who had been left behind on account of sickness two died. Second Lieutenant Frederick H. Sibley, of Company A, died in hospital at Louisville, Ky., August 17th. He had been commissioned First Lieutenant, but died before receiving his commission. Captain Christopher S. Hastings, of Company I, died September 8th, in hospital at Mound City, Ill. Both were true, faithful men, and their loss was deeply lamented.

August 17th the regiment took cars, and, after riding all night, arrived at Nicholasville at daylight. Marching out about three miles from the town, we encamped in a fine shady grove, with plenty of water at hand. Here we remained ten days, and enjoyed a most welcome rest.

The paymaster arrived, and paid off the regiment, August 19th, and more than $3,000 of their pay was sent to Worcester, by the men, for their families. Dr. Bryant, the only surgeon present, being sick, the surgeon of the Seventy-ninth New York was detailed to attend the sick of the Thirty-sixth.

The regimental musicians, from the ravages of small-pox and other diseases, were now all gone, and for a time it became necessary to obtain the services of musicians of the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania to sound the calls for the Thirty-sixth.

August 27th reveillé sounded at three A.M., and at half-past five the regiment was on the march, a large number being left behind, too weak to march. We passed through Bryantsville at half-past nine o'clock A.M., and when the regiment halted for a rest, at ten o'clock, it stacked ninety-eight muskets.

One year ago this day the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts was mustered into the United States service, 1,040 strong. At eleven o'clock we went into camp, at Camp Dick Robinson where the regiment was encamped in the spring.

August 28th we were early on the march, and a very hard one it was for what was left of the regiment, and that was not much. We marched eleven miles, passing through Lancaster with colors flying, and the regiment stacked sixty-eight guns, when it halted at noon four miles beyond Lancaster.

This bare fact seems to render needless all further comment as to the condition of the regiment. It was no longer a regiment, but a worn and weary band, a squad of each company struggling on, fighting bravely against fatigue, and heat, and illness. But what was now left may well be called the very heart and soul of the Thirty-sixth,—men who had never flinched; who had borne all, thus far, cheerfully and bravely, with indomitable spirit. Very many were gone; but enough still remained to guard the colors, to escort them on many a long and weary march, and carry them in the front of many a battle yet to come.

August 29th the march was continued about six miles, to Crab Orchard, where the regiment encamped in the edge of a wood, and remained until September 10th. This brief period was occupied in various camp duties, and preparations for an active campaign, for the corps was under marching orders for Tennessee, and this halt was only to allow the remainder of the corps to come up. Each day there were drills and dress-parade, and men who had been left behind were constantly rejoining the regiment until it began again to present quite a respectable front.

Saturday, September 5th, the regiment was inspected by Captain Simcoe, Division Inspector General, and the report thereon was briefly: "Equipments much worn, and clothing poor, but muskets in fine order." With the cooler weather of autumn, better rations, and rest from fatiguing marches, the men rapidly improved in health and spirits. Crab Orchard is quite a favorite resort of the people of Kentucky, and is celebrated for its mineral springs, and as a very healthy region. Whether the men tried the waters of the springs or not the writer cannot say; they certainly were not delectable to the taste, and it is very doubtful whether they were used medicinally. Twenty very happy men left here for home, on a furlough for twenty days, greatly envied by their comrades.

It was long ere any of these rejoined the regiment, and some never returned. Lieutenant-Colonel Goodell, having exchanged the golden leaves of Major, for the well-earned silver leaves, rejoined the regiment, August 31st, and was heartily welcomed, as was also Major Draper, upon whom the golden leaves had deservedly fallen, and who returned September 9th, with Dr. J. H. Prince.

CHAPTER VIII.
IN EAST TENNESSEE.

At an early hour in the morning of September 10th, the familiar call of "assembly" sounded once more. Camp was quickly broken, and at eight o'clock the regiment was on the march for Tennessee. Having the head of the column we did not find the march a severe one, though the roads were rough; and at five o'clock P.M., after a tramp of eleven miles, we halted for the night at Mount Vernon. More than one hundred and fifty of the regiment were left at Crab Orchard on the sick list, too feeble to march, but most of them rapidly gaining strength; and if the regiment could have remained there a week longer many of them would have been in the ranks again, for active service.

September 11th reveillé was sounded at half-past three o'clock A.M., and we marched at five. The sun was hot and the roads rough; country mountainous, and thinly settled. We marched fifteen miles, and at night bivouacked on the bank of Little Rockcastle river. A courier from General Burnside brought stirring news from the front, of the capture of Cumberland Gap, and its garrison of over two thousand rebels.

September 12th the regiment marched eight miles, and went into camp at noon. A severe thunder-shower came up at night; the baggage being far behind, and the field and staff without any tents, Lieutenant Tuttle, in charge of the division ambulance corps, kindly provided a tent for the use of the head-quarters.

September 13th, Sunday, we lay quietly in camp,—a very welcome rest,—for the men were getting very footsore from the rough Kentucky roads. It would be hard to find worse ones even in rocky New England.

September 14th we were on the march at five A.M., and moving rapidly until after one P.M., a distance of fourteen miles. Between eleven and twelve o'clock the regiment halted by the roadside and witnessed the passage under guard of the rebel prisoners captured at Cumberland Gap. They numbered about twenty-two hundred, and consisted of the Sixty-second and Sixty-fourth North Carolina, Fifty-ninth Georgia, and a Virginia regiment of infantry and some artillery. It was generally conceded that they were a very forlorn-looking set, and would fare much better as prisoners than as fire-eaters. General Frazer, their commander, was with them, riding in an ambulance. It appeared that they had been led to believe that the Ninth Corps had surrounded them, and they were much disgusted to find they had surrendered to the Twenty-third Corps, which was composed of new troops.

Between sunrise and noon of the 15th we marched fourteen miles, and encamped at Barboursville, on the Cumberland river. Before marching this morning, a detail of three officers (Captain Holmes, Lieutenants Hodgkins and Davis), and six men left us, for the purpose of returning to Massachusetts, and bringing out the conscripts assigned to the Thirty-sixth Regiment, according to orders received at Nicholasville.

September 16th the regular order for some days had been reveillé at half-past three and move at five A.M., and this day was no exception to the rule. The march was slow and quite easy,—only ten miles. The regiment was in camp by ten o'clock A.M., and had a good long day to rest.

There is very little level ground in Eastern Kentucky, and the luck of the regiment seemed to be to camp on side-hills, where some care had to be exercised to avoid rolling off. To prevent sliding down hill endwise, a log or rail was laid at the foot of the tent and secured. This proved a very good foot-board. We remained at this place until the 19th, and the paymaster arrived. No person was more welcome in camp, or received such general attention. The adjutant gave checks, on the city banks of Worcester, for the large sum of $3,917.50. This fact is very creditable, and a good index of the solid, frugal character of the men, who, though their wants were numerous and our popular sutler was present with a good stock, did not forget the little family of loved ones at home; but in many cases, to the writer's knowledge, sent home their hard-earned pay to the last dollar.

September 18th it rained in torrents all day, and seemed very much like the equinoctial storm. The order to march at six this morning was countermanded, though the regiment was up at half-past four o'clock, and all ready.

September 19th, on the march at six A.M. The roads were badly washed by the storm, or rather the places where the roads were; for they could be called little better than cow-paths. We crossed the Cumberland river at Cumberland ford, and encamped at noon. The weather began to be cold and raw as we approached the high region of the Cumberland mountains.

Sunday, September 20th, as usual we were in line at six A.M., and marched until noon, much of the distance up hill, a rather toilsome march of nine miles. Passed through Cumberland Gap at half-past eleven A.M., and encamped in Tennessee at noon. The march was relieved of much of its tediousness by the grandeur of the scenery. As the regiment moved from one height to another of the ranges of hills the scene in every direction was magnificent; and when, at length, the Gap was reached, there was an universal expression of admiration. Standing in the Gap is a large, square, white stone, of the native limestone, which marks the corner boundaries of three States, and at this point the view is grand; the ranges of hills and the valleys of Tennessee stretching away as far as the eye could reach, the great Smoky range of North Carolina bounding the southern horizon. It seemed incredible to all that this place, a perfect Gibraltar, should have been surrendered as it was. Fortified extensively with bomb-proofs, having only a narrow, winding approach on either side, it seemed as if a few resolute men could hold it against an army. And so they could; but, alas for the South, Frazer was no Leonidas!

Between five A.M. and five P.M. of the 21st, with a rest of two hours at noon, the regiment marched nineteen miles, and camped near the Clinch river. We passed through Tazewell, a considerable town, but showing signs of its recent occupation by the rebel and Union troops alternately. The absence of the top rails in this region was especially remarked, now that the season for evening camp-fires had arrived.

A long march of twenty-two miles was made on the 22d (a mile for every day of the month), and during the day the Clinch and Holston rivers were forded. This was a very interesting sight, especially to those who had got safely over and looked back to see some luckless wader lose his footing and take an involuntary bath, which, the water being shallow, was attended with no great peril. The bare-legged "Highlanders" seemed to enjoy the temporary necessity for their native costume. The line of march this day was through the most attractive part of East Tennessee. No State in the Union can boast of more beautiful scenery, and the regiment must have been inspired by it; for though one of the longest day's marches on its record, up hill and down and across broad rivers, there was no straggling, and the entire command stacked arms at sunset at Morristown, Tennessee, on the line of the Virginia and East Tennessee Railroad.

On the 23d and 24th the regiment made an unnecessary march of twenty miles, owing to the blunder of a telegraph operator, and at ten A.M. of the 24th reëntered Morristown, where it was found that the division had gone to Knoxville, and the Thirty-sixth was ordered to remain and garrison the town in company with the Twelfth Michigan Battery, which it did until the afternoon of the 26th, when it was relieved by the Twelfth Kentucky.

At ten o'clock P.M. the regiment embarked in the cars, and, riding all night, arrived at Knoxville, marched a half mile, and encamped in a wood in the suburbs, where we remained until October 3d. Captain Smith, of Company K, rejoined the regiment here on the 28th of September, and was warmly received. Rumors prevailed of a severe battle at or near Chattanooga, and the defeat of Rosecrans; and it was also reported that a large force of rebels was concentrating at Greenville for an attack upon Burnside. The few days of rest here were enjoyed by all, and the men improved them in repairing their wardrobes and preparations for more hard work.