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Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

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This volume contains references to the previous six volumes of this work. They can be found at:

THE WORKS
OF
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

VOLUME VII.

HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
Vol. II. 1530-1800.

SAN FRANCISCO:
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1883.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1883, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

All Rights Reserved.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.
PIZARRO AND PERU.
1524-1544.
PAGE.
Origin and Character of the Conqueror—The Triumvirate Copartnershipof Pizarro, Friar Luque, and Diego de Almagro for Continuing theDiscovery of Andagoya—Departure—Attitude of Pedrarias—SlowDevelopment of their Plans—Return and Reëmbarkation—Persistenceof Pizarro—Sufferings on Gallo Island—Fate Defied—Discoveryof Tumbez and the Coast Beyond—Return to Panamá—Pizarro VisitsSpain—A New Expedition—Aboriginal History of Peru—TheRival Incas—Establishment of the Spaniards at San Miguel—Atahualpaat Caxamalca—The Spaniards Visit Him there—Seizure ofthe Inca—Pacification of Peru—Arrival of Almagro—Death ofFather Luque—Judicial Murder of the Inca—A King's Ransom—Downfallof the Peruvian Monarchy—Disputes and Violent Deathsof the Almagros and Pizarros[1]
CHAPTER II.
CASTILLA DEL ORO.
1527-1537.
Administration of Pedro de los Rios—He is Superseded by the LicentiateAntonio de la Gama—Barrionuevo's Reign—A Province inNueva Andalucía Granted to Pedro de Heredia—He Sails for Cartagena—Conflictswith the Natives—Treasure Unearthed—TheDevil's Bohío—Prosperity of the Settlement—Alonso Heredia Sentto Rebuild San Sebastian—Is Opposed by Julian Gutierrez—Captureof Gutierrez—The Golden Temple of Dabaiba Once More—Expeditionsin Search of the Glittering Phantom, Francisco Césarand Others—Audiencia Established at Panamá—Maleadministration—Complaintsof the Colonists—Destitution in the Province—Bishopsof Castilla del Oro—Miraculous Image of the Virgin—Bibliographical[44]
CHAPTER III.
THIRD ATTEMPTED COLONIZATION OF VERAGUA.
1535-1536.
The Dukes of Veragua—María de Toledo Claims the Territory for herSon Luis Colon—Felipe Gutierrez Appointed to the Command—Landingon the Coast of Veragua—Sickness and Famine—TheCacique Dururua Enslaved—He Promises to Unearth his BuriedTreasures—Messengers Sent in Search of It—They Return Empty-handed—ButWarn the Chief's Followers—He Guides the Spaniardsto the Spot—They are Surrounded by Indians—Rescue of theCacique—Cannibalism among the Christians—Sufferings of the FewSurvivors—The Colony Abandoned[63]
CHAPTER IV.
THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.
1525-1526.
Alvarado Sets forth to Honduras to Join Cortés—Mutiny among hisMen—Gonzalo de Alvarado Appointed Lieutenant-governor—HisMeeting with Marin and his Party—The Second Revolt of theCakchiquels—Gonzalo the Cause of the Insurrection—Massacre ofthe Spaniards—Alvarado Returns to Guatemala—He Captures thePeñol of Xalpatlahua—He Marches on Patinamit—His Return toMexico—His Meeting with Cortés[74]
CHAPTER V.
SUBJUGATION OF ZACATEPEC AND CAPTURE OF SINACAM'S STRONGHOLD.
1527-1528.
Puertocarrero in Charge of Affairs—Revolt at Zacatepec—Escape of theSpanish Garrison—The Place Recaptured—Execution of the HighPriest Panaguali—Sinacam's Stronghold—Its Siege and Capture—Jorgede Alvarado Appointed Governor—The City of SantiagoFounded in the Almolonga Valley—Prosperity of the new Settlement[87]
CHAPTER VI.
INDIAN REVOLTS AND CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.
1529-1530.
Alvarado Returns to Spain—He is Arraigned before the Council of theIndies—His Acquittal—His Marriage—He Returns to Mexico—HisTrial before the Audiencia—Francisco de Orduña Arrives atSantiago—And Takes the Residencia of Jorge de Alvarado—TheConfederated Nations in Revolt—Juan Perez Dardon's Expeditionto the Valley of Xumay—The Spaniards Attack the Stronghold ofUspantan—Their Repulse and Retreat—The Place Afterward Capturedby Francisco de Castellanos—The Circus of Copan Besiegedby Hernando de Chaves—Gallant Conduct of a Cavalry Soldier—Alvarado'sReturn to Santiago—Demoralized Condition of the Province[100]
CHAPTER VII.
ALVARADO'S EXPEDITION TO PERU.
1531-1536.
Ship-building in Guatemala—Alvarado Prepares an Expedition to theSpice Islands—But Turns his Attention toward Peru—Opposition ofthe Treasury Officials—The Pilot Fernandez Brings News of Atahualpa'sRansom—Strength of Alvarado's Armament—He Lands atPuerto Viejo—Failure of his Expedition—His Return to Guatemala—NativeRevolts during his Absence—The Visitador MaldonadoArrives at Santiago—He Finds No Fault in the Adelantado—But isAfterwards Ordered to Take his Residencia—Alvarado in Honduras[122]
CHAPTER VIII.
THE ECCLESIASTICS IN GUATEMALA.
1529-1541.
Francisco Marroquin Arrives at Santiago—He is Appointed Bishop—Godlessnessof the Colonists—The Prelate Invites Las Casas to JoinHim—Marroquin's Consecration in Mexico—The Church at SantiagoElevated to Cathedral Rank—Difficulty in Collecting the ChurchTithes—The Merced Order in Guatemala—Miraculous Image of OurLady of Merced—Bibliographical[133]
CHAPTER IX.
AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.
1527-1536.
Diego Mendez de Hinostrosa Appointed Lieutenant-governor—SalcedoReturns to Trujillo—His Office Usurped by Vasco de Herrera—Deathof Salcedo—Three Rival Claimants for the Governorship—Expeditionsto the Naco and Jutigalpa Valleys—Diego Mendez Conspiresagainst Herrera—Assassination of the Latter—A Reign of Terror—Arrestand Execution of the Conspirator—Arrival of Governor Albitezat Trujillo—His Death—Andrés de Cereceda at the Head of Affairs—Distressof the Spaniards—Exodus of Settlers from Trujillo—TheyEstablish a Colony in the Province of Zula—Cereceda Appeals forAid to Pedro de Alvarado—He is Roughly Used by his own Followers—AlvaradoArrives in Honduras—He Founds New Settlements—HisDeparture for Spain[144]
CHAPTER X.
ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
1531-1550.
Malefeasance of Castañeda—Diego Álvarez Osorio the First Bishop ofNicaragua—A Convent Founded at Leon—Las Casas Arrives—Castañeda'sFlight—Arrival of Contreras—Proposed Expedition to ElDesaguadero—Opposition of Las Casas—Departure with All theDominicans—The Volcano of El Infierno de Masaya—Fray Blas Believesthe Lava to be Molten Treasure—His Descent into the BurningPit—Exploration of the Desaguadero—Doctor Robles Attemptsto Seize the New Territory—Contreras Leaves for Spain—His Arrest,Trial, and Return—His Son-in-law Meanwhile Usurps the Government—Antoniode Valdivieso Appointed Bishop—Feud between theEcclesiastics and the Governor—Alonso Lopez de Cerrato Takes theResidencia of Contreras—Missionary Labors in Nicaragua[166]
CHAPTER XI.
EXPEDITION OF DIEGO GUTIERREZ TO COSTA RICA.
1540-1545.
Diego Gutierrez Appointed Governor—Desertion of his Soldiers—He Proceedsto Nicaragua—The Advice of Contreras—The Expedition Sailsfor the Rio San Juan—Friendly Reception by the Natives—His MenDesert a Second Time—Reënforcements from Nicaragua and Nombrede Dios—The Historian Benzoni Joins the Party—Gutierrez asan Evangelist—He Inveigles Camachire and Cocori into his Camp—HeDemands Gold under Pain of Death—Noble Conduct of the CaciqueCocori—The Spaniards March into the Interior—Their Sufferingsfrom Hunger—They are Attacked and Massacred—Benzoni andFive Other Survivors Rescued by Alonso de Pisa[187]
CHAPTER XII.
ALVARADO'S LAST EXPEDITION.
1537-1541.
The Adelantado's Match-making Venture—Its Failure—Alvarado's Commissionfrom the Crown—He Lands at Puerto de Caballos—AndThence Proceeds to Iztapa—His Armament—He Sails for Mexico—HisDefeat at Nochistlan—His Penitence, Death, and Last Will—Characterof the Conqueror—Comparison of Traits with Those ofCortés—While above Pizarro He was far beneath Sandoval—His Delightin Bloodshed for its own Sake—The Resting-place and Epitaph—Alvarado'sProgeny[201]
CHAPTER XIII.
THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.
1520-1529.
Origin of the Chiapanecs—They Submit to the Spaniards after the MexicanConquest—But Rise in Arms when Required to Pay Tribute—CaptainLuis Marin Undertakes the Conquest of the Province—HisBattles with the Natives—The Panic-stricken Artillerymen—Captureof the Stronghold of Chiapas—The Chamulans Rise in Revolt—TheirFortress Besieged—Repulse of the Spaniards—Bernal Diaz in Peril—Flightand Surrender of the Chamulans—Marin Returns to EspírituSanto—Second Revolt of the Chiapanecs—Their Subjugation byDiego de Mazariegos—Third Rebellion—Their Self-destruction—PedroPuertocarrero in the Field—His Discomfiture—Founding ofVilla Real—Juan Enriquez de Guzman Takes the Residencia ofMazariegos—His Maleadministration[213]
CHAPTER XIV.
THREATENED DESTRUCTION OF THE INDIES.
1526-1543.
Decrease of Indian Population at the Isthmus—And in Honduras—Treatmentof Spanish Allies in Guatemala—Torture and Butchery ofHostile Natives—Terror Inspired by Alvarado—Early Legislation—ItsNon-observance—The New Laws—The Audiencia of PanamáAbolished—The Audiencia of Los Reyes and Los Confines Established—DisgustCaused by the New Code—The First Viceroy ofPeru Arrives at the Isthmus—He Takes Charge of Treasure Acquiredby Slave Labor—And Liberates a Number of Indians[232]
CHAPTER XV.
PANAMÁ AND PERU.
1538-1550.
Administration of Doctor Robles—Interoceanic Communication—ProposedChange of the Site of Panamá—Nombre de Dios and itsTrade—The Isthmus the Highway of Commerce between the Hemispheres—VascoNuñez Vela Lands in Peru—Gonzalo Pizarro at theHead of a Rebellion—Dissolution of the Audiencia of Los Reyes andArrest of the Viceroy—His Release—His Defeat and Death at Añaquito—Gonzalo'sDreams of Conquest—He Despatches Bachicao toPanamá—Hinojosa's Expedition—His Bloodless Conquest of theProvince—Melchor Verdugo's Invasion—Pedro de la Gasca—HisNegotiations with the Revolutionists—Gasca Lands in Peru—Executionof Gonzalo Pizarro[245]
CHAPTER XVI.
REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS.
1550.
Cause of the Revolt—Preparations of the Conspirators—Assassination ofBishop Valdivieso—The Rebels Defeat the Men of Granada—TheirPlan of Operations—The Expedition Sails for Natá—Gasca Arrivesat the Isthmus with the King's Treasure—Capture of Panamá—Blundersof the Rebel Leaders—Hernando de Contreras Marches toCapira—He is Followed by his Lieutenant Bermejo—Gasca's Arrivalat Nombre de Dios—Uprising of the Inhabitants of Panamá—Bermejo'sAttack on the City—His Repulse—His Forces Annihilated—Fateof Hernando and his Followers[274]
CHAPTER XVII.
AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.
1537-1549.
Francisco de Montejo Appointed Governor—Revolt of the Cacique Lempira—DastardlyArtifice of the Spaniards—Establishment of NewColonies—Condition of the Settlements—Mining in Honduras—Returnof Pedro de Alvarado—Montejo Deposed from Office—Alonsode Maldonado the First President of the Audiencia of the Confines—Maltreatmentof the Natives—Rival Prelates in Honduras—TheirDisputes—Las Casas Presents a Memorial to the Audiencia—He isInsulted by the Oidores—His Departure for Chiapas—Maldonado'sGreed—He is Superseded by Alonso Lopez de Cerrato—The Seat ofthe Audiencia Moved to Santiago de Guatemala[289]
CHAPTER XVIII.
PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.
1541-1550.
Mourning for Alvarado—Grief of Doña Beatriz—An Anomalous Government—AFemale Ruler—A Beautiful but Treacherous Mountain—ANight of Horrors—Death of Doña Beatriz—Destruction of Santiago—ARuined City—Burial of the Dead—Gloom of Conscience-strickenSurvivors—Joint Governors—Removal of the City Resolvedupon—A New Site Discussed—Another Santiago Founded—MaldonadoAppointed Governor—Action of the Audiencia Relative toEncomiendas—Controversies and Recriminations—Removal of theAudiencia to Santiago—President Cerrato Offends the Settlers—HisMode of Action[311]
CHAPTER XIX.
THE ECCLESIASTICS IN CHIAPAS.
1550.
A Convent Founded by the Merced Order—Ciudad Real Appointed aCathedral City—Las Casas a Bishop—He Attempts to Enforce theNew Laws—He Refuses Absolution during Holy Week—His Controversywith the Audiencia of the Confines—He Departs for Spain—HisDispute with Sepúlveda—His Appeal to the Conscience ofPhilip—The Audiencia Transferred from Panamá to Guatemala—Deathof the Apostle of the Indies—His Character—The Dominicansin Chiapas[328]
CHAPTER XX.
MARROQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA AND VERA PAZ.
1541-1550.
A New Cathedral Wanted—A Poor Prelate and Unwilling Tithe-payers—TwoContentious Bishops—Charitable Institutions Founded—DominicanConvent Organized—Franciscans Arrive—Their Labors—MotoliniaFounds a Custodia—Disputes between Franciscans andDominicans—La Tierra de Guerra—Las Casas' System—His FirstEfforts in Vera Paz—He Goes to Spain—Decrees Obtained by Himand an Indignant Cabildo—Las Casas Returns—Progress in VeraPaz—Peaceful Submission and Heavy Tributes—Cancer's Expeditionto Florida—Ominous Opinions—An Indifferent Captain—ADominican Martyr[341]
CHAPTER XXI.
GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.
1551-1600.
Quesada's Administration—The Oidor Zorita Gathers the Natives intoTowns—Expedition against the Lacandones—Its Failure—LandechoAppointed Quesada's Successor—His Residencia Taken by the LicentiateBrizeño—Famine, Pestilence, and Earthquake in Guatemala—TheAudiencia of the Confines Removed to Panamá—And AgainTransferred to Guatemala—Gonzalez Appointed President—He isSucceeded by Villalobos—Changes in Church Affairs—Death ofBishop Marroquin—Quarrels between the Dominicans and Franciscans—BishopsVillalpando and Córdoba—Fracas between two Ecclesiastics—Administrationof President Valverde, Rueda, Sandé,and Castilla—Industrial Condition of the Province[358]
CHAPTER XXII.
AFFAIRS IN PANAMÁ.
1551-1600.
Revolt of the Cimarrones—Pedro de Ursua Sent against Them—ASecond Revolt—Bayano Caught and Sent to Spain—Regulationsconcerning Negroes—Commercial Decadence—Restrictions on Trade—HomeIndustries—Pearl Fisheries—Mining—Decay of Settlements—ProposedChange in the Port of Entry—Its Removal fromNombre de Dios to Portobello—Changes in the Seat of the Audiencia—TierraFirme Made Subject to the Viceroy of Peru—Defalcationsin the Royal Treasury—Preparations for Defence against Corsairsand Foreign Powers[386]
CHAPTER XXIII.
DRAKE AND OXENHAM'S EXPEDITIONS.
1572-1596.
Drake's Attack on Nombre de Dios—Panic among the Inhabitants—Storesof Treasure—Retreat of the English—They Sail for Cartagena—AndThence for the Gulf of Urabá—Visit to the Isle of Pinos—TheShips Moved to the Cabezas Islands—Second Expedition to Cartagena—Marchto the Isthmus—Drake's First Glimpse of the SouthSea—Ambuscade Posted near Cruces—The Bells of ApproachingTreasure Trains—The Prize Missed through the Folly of a DrunkenSoldier—Capture of Cruces—Thirty Tons of Gold and Silver Takennear Nombre de Dios—Voyage on a Raft—The Expedition Returnsto England—Oxenham's Raid—Drake's Circumnavigation of theGlobe—His Second Voyage to the West Indies—His Final Expedition—HisDeath and Burial off Portobello[404]
CHAPTER XXIV.
NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.
1551-1600.
Revolt of Juan Gaitan—His Defeat by the Licentiate Juan de Caballon—Expeditionof Caballon and Juan de Estrada Rábago to Costa Rica—SettlementsFounded—Distress of the Spaniards—Juan VazquezCoronado Comes to their Relief—Further Expeditions—Flight ofthe Natives—Capture of the Stronghold of Cotu—Administration ofDiego de Artiega Cherino—The Franciscans in Costa Rica—Martyrdomof Juan Pizarro—The Ecclesiastics in Nicaragua—Fray Juande Torres—Condition of the Settlements—Slow Growth of Trade[424]
CHAPTER XXV.
NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.
1601-1700.
Leon Abandoned—Another Site Selected—Description of the New City—TheSacrilegious Mouse—The Trade of Granada—Freebooters in Nicaragua—ChurchMatters—The Jesuits Enter the Province—They areRecalled—The Diocese Subject to the Archbishop of Lima—Successionof Prelates—Eruption of El Infierno de Masaya—Massacre ofSpaniards in Costa Rica—Maldonado's Expedition to Talamanca—Verdelete'sMission to Tologalpa—Its Failure—His Further Attemptsto Christianize the Natives—Massacre of Soldiers and Ecclesiastics[439]
CHAPTER XXVI.
BUCCANEERS AND BUCCANEERING RAIDS.
1518-1664.
Buccaneers at Santo Domingo—Tortuga the Head-quarters of the Pirates—TheirModes of Life—François L'Olonnois the Filibuster—His VesselCast on the Shore of Campeche—He Escapes to Tortuga—AndReappears in the Bay of Honduras—He Captures San Pedro—HePlans a Raid on Guatemala—His Comrades Desert Him—His VesselWrecked off Cape Gracias á Dios—His Expedition to Desaguadero—Andto Costa Rica—He is Hacked to Pieces—MansveltCaptures the Island of Santa Catarina—And Attacks Cartago—SantaCatarina Retaken by the Spaniards[451]
CHAPTER XXVII.
PANAMÁ, PORTOBELLO, AND PIRACY.
1601-1670.
An Audiencia again Established in Panamá—Its Presidents—CaptainParker's Raid on Portobello—Growth of Portobello and Decadence ofPanamá—Malefeasance of Officials—Interoceanic Communication—ContrabandTrading—Church Matters in Panamá—Disputes betweenthe Bishops and the Oidores—The Ecclesiastics in Evil Repute—DestructiveConflagration—Bazan's Administration—His Downfall andits Cause—The Annual Fair at Panamá[464]
CHAPTER XXVIII.
MORGAN'S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.
1664-1671.
Morgan's Early Career—He Resolves to Attack Portobello—The Castleof Triana Blown into the Air—Capture of the City—AtrocitiesCommitted by the Buccaneers—The President of Panamá Marchesagainst Them—He is Driven Back—Morgan Sends Him a Specimenof his Weapons—Ransom of the City and Return to Jamaica—TheBuccaneers Prepare Another Armament, and Resolve to Attack Panamá—Captureof Fort San Lorenzo—March across the Isthmus—MorganArrives in Sight of Panamá—Cowardice of the Governor—Battlewith the Spaniards—Burning of the City—Torture of Prisoners—Braveryof a Captive Gentlewoman—The Buccaneers Recrossthe Isthmus—Division of the Booty[482]
CHAPTER XXIX.
CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.
1671-1682.
The New City of Panamá—Portobello Sacked by Pirates—A BuccaneerFleet Assembles at Boca del Toro—The Corsairs Plan a Raid on Panamá—TheyCapture Santa María—And Thence Sail for PlantainIsland—Massacre of their Captives—Desperate Conflict in PanamáBay—Some of the Marauders Return across the Isthmus—The RemainderProceed to the Island of Taboga—And there Capture SeveralPrizes—They are Asked to Show their Commissions—The Answer—TheySail for the Coast of Veragua—Their Repulse at PuebloNuevo—Their Operations on the Coast of South America—Some ofThem Return to England—They are Tried and Acquitted[517]
CHAPTER XXX.
FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.
1681-1687.
Dampier and his Comrades on the Santa María River—They Meet withSpanish War Vessels—Their March to the North Sea—They Fall inwith a French Ship—And Sail round Cape Horn to the South Sea—TheyAttack Realejo—They Sail for the Island of La Plata—HereThey are Reënforced—They Proceed to the Coast of South America—Wherethey Gain Intelligence of the Treasure-fleet—ThePirates Sail for the Pearl Islands—Their Defeat in the Bay of Panamá—Raidson Leon, Realejo, and Granada—Piety of the Filibusters—FurtherOperations of the Pirates[543]
CHAPTER XXXI.
PANAMÁ.
1672-1800.
The Scots Colony—They Propose to Establish Settlements in Darien—Subscriptionsfor the Enterprise—Departure of the Expedition—ItsArrival at Acla—Sickness and Famine among the Colonists—TheyAbandon their Settlement—A Second Expedition Despatched—ItsFailure—Cartagena Sacked by Privateers—Indian Outbreaks—Conflagrationsin Panamá—Pearl Fisheries—Mining—Spanish CommerceFalling into the Hands of the British—Seizure of British Vessels andMaltreatment of their Crews—Jenkins' Ears—Declaration of War—Vernon'sOperations on the Isthmus—Anson's Voyage round theWorld—Vernon's Second Expedition—Its Disastrous Result[570]
CHAPTER XXXII.
MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
1701-1800.
The Sambos of Mosquitia—Their Territory—A Mosquito ChieftainCrowned King—Treaties between Spain and England—The BritishOccupy Mosquitia—Galvez Captures an English Settlement on theBlack River—An Armament Despatched from Jamaica to Mosquitia—Surrenderof the Spaniards—Colonists Ordered to Leave theCoast—The Governors of Nicaragua—The British Defeated at FortSan Cárlos—They Capture Fort San Juan—But are Compelled toRetreat—Church Matters—Missionary Expeditions to Talamanca—Affairsin Costa Rica[595]
CHAPTER XXXIII.
BELIZE.
1650-1800.
Buccaneer Settlements in Yucatan—The Pirates Engage in Wood-cutting—GovernorFigueroa Ordered to Expel them—Raid of the Wood-cutterson Ascension Bay—They are Driven Back by the Governor—TheirSettlement in Belize Destroyed by Figueroa—They Return inStronger Force—Further Expeditions against Them—The Wood-cuttersunder British Protection—They are Attacked by GovernorRivas—The Boundaries of Belize Defined by the Treaty of Versailles—Stipulationsof a Later Treaty—Further Encroachments ofthe English[623]
CHAPTER XXXIV.
HONDURAS.
1550-1800.
Piratical Raids on Trujillo and Puerto de Caballos—Condition of theSettlements—Church Matters—Missionary Expedition to Tegucigalpa—Martyrdomof the Missionaries—Labors of the Franciscans inHonduras—Interference of the Bishop—Trujillo Destroyed by theDutch—Fort San Fernando de Omoa Erected—Its Capture by theEnglish—And Recovery by President Galvez—Roatan Several TimesOccupied by Buccaneers—Their Final Expulsion[637]
CHAPTER XXXV.
GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.
1601-1700.
President Castilla—Port Santo Tomás Founded—Factions—A GamblingPresident—Condition of the Colonists—Grievances—Patronage ofthe Crown, the Audiencia, and the Cabildo—Disputes—DefensiveMeasures—Rule of President Caldas—Reorganization of the Audiencia—PresidentBarrios and Bishop Navas—Political Dissensions—ATroublesome Visitador—The Berropistas and Tequelies—A Line ofBishops—Wealth of the Regular Orders—A Prelate Bewitched—TheBethlehemites—Royal Order concerning Curacies—The New Cathedraland Festivities—Succession—The Progress of Chiapas[649]
CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.
1601-1700.
Early Efforts at Pacification—Priests and Soldiers Sacrificed—Massacreof Mirones and his Party—El Prospero Expedition—Indifference ofthe Orders—Bishop Navas in the Field—A Tripartite CampaignDetermined upon—Expedition of President Barrios—Meeting withMazariegos—Velasco's Operations—The Expeditions Return—FurtherExpeditions—Fate of Velasco and his Command—Failure—Ursua'sEnterprise—Progress of Paredes—Negotiations with theCanek—Opposition of Soberanis—Ursua Takes Command—TreacherousAllurements—The Itzas Conquered—Peten Garrisoned—Jealousyof Soberanis—Unsatisfactory Operations—Questionable Possession[672]
CHAPTER XXXVII.
GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.
1701-1800.
The Tzendal Rebellion—A New Miracle—Atrocities—A Novel Hierarchy—TheTzendales Repulsed—Segovia's Operations—PresidentCosío Assumes Command—Fall of Cancuc—Spread of the Rebellion—ItsSuppression—Decadence of Chiapas—Earthquakes—Riots—Venality of the Clergy—Establishment of the Archbishopric—Heresy—Boundariesof Provinces—Abolition of Corregimientos—AnotherGreat Earthquake—Quarrels over Removal—Expulsion ofthe Jesuits[696]

HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

CHAPTER I.
PIZARRO AND PERU.
1524-1544.

Origin and Character of the Conqueror—The Triumvirate Copartnership of Pizarro, Friar Luque, and Diego de Almagro for Continuing the Discovery of Andagoya—Departure—Attitude of Pedrarias—Slow Development of their Plans—Return and Reëmbarkation—Persistence of Pizarro—Sufferings on Gallo Island—Fate Defied—Discovery of Tumbez and the Coast Beyond—Return to Panamá—Pizarro Visits Spain—A New Expedition—Aboriginal History of Peru—The Rival Incas—Establishment of the Spaniards at San Miguel—Atahualpa at Caxamalca—The Spaniards Visit him There—Seizure of the Inca—Pacification of Peru—Arrival of Almagro—Death of Father Luque—Judicial Murder of the Inca—A King's Ransom—Downfall of the Peruvian Monarchy—Disputes and Violent Deaths of the Almagros and Pizarros.

In a society like that of Panamá, where politics were so unjust and morality so diabolical, we could expect nothing else than that the worst men should prove the most successful. Among those who came early to Darien, and whom we have frequently encountered in the wars upon the natives, was one who now enters the arena as the conqueror of Peru. His origin was of the lowest. Born in bastardy, he was laid by his mother on the church steps, whence he was taken by a swine-herd to be suckled by a sow. Escaping this master he fled to Seville and lived no one knows how, until he took ship to Santo Domingo, no one knows when. Thenceforward to the day of his assassination, his merciless courage found congenial occupation; neither his ignorance nor his beastly instincts nor his infamous cruelty and treachery standing in the way of fame and fortune.

He was now not far from fifty-three, having been born at Trujillo, in Estremadura, about 1471. After both had become famous a distant kinship was traced between Pizarro and Hernan Cortés. The development had been, in every respect, in keeping with the origin and environment. Except Pedrarias there was not a man in all the Indies more detestable. Innately he was the coarsest of all the conquerors. I have not seen of his a single noble sentiment expressed or a single noble action recorded. The Christianity which as a Spaniard he was obliged to wear had in it not the slightest tincture of piety or pity, and the civilization under which his genius grew developed in him only the savage cunning which he afterward displayed when in pursuit of human prey. Under this same influence Cortés and other captains of a generous, lordly nature might wade through horrors to a determined goal, while appalling tragedies and blood-reeking treacheries were not what their souls delighted in. But incarnate vulgarity was Francisco Pizarro, and a devouring sea of iniquity, beside whom beasts were heavenly beings; for when man sinks to his lowest, we must enter the domain of hideous fancy to find his prototype.

Up to this time Pizarro had displayed little of that signal ability, that marvellous determination and readiness of resource which carried through one of the most remarkable undertakings of any age. Soldier of fortune and petty farmer were the only distinctions he could boast. No talents of a higher order than those exhibited by the other captains in Darien had as yet appeared, except perhaps a cooler cruelty in his treatment of the natives, and a more selfish heartlessness in his intercourse with his comrades. He was made of admirable stuff for an executioner, brave, obedient, merciless, remorseless; and as he had not manifested sufficient ambition to excite the jealousy even of Pedrarias he had been a useful tool of the governor. Great deeds do not always spring from greatness of soul. It may have been merely owing to the decline of physical powers with advancing age that Pizarro's mind was led to serious reflection on what at various times he had heard of the region southward of the Isthmus, of what Panciaco had said, and the Pearl Islanders, and Tumaco, and last of all of what Andagoya had reported concerning Birú. It was known what Cortés had done in the north; might not the same feat be accomplished in the south?

ORGANIZATION OF AN EXPEDITION.

Whencesoever sprang the purpose, on the return of Andagoya unsuccessful from Birú, Pizarro determined if possible to undertake an expedition in that direction. Notwithstanding a long career of successful robbery he had little to venture, except that worthless article his life. Two requirements were necessary, money and the consent of the governor, both of which might be obtained through Fernando de Luque, acting vicar of Panamá, and formerly school-master of the cathedral of Darien. Father Luque, or Loco as he was later called for this folly, had influence with Pedrarias, and the proceeds of his piety thus far amounted to twenty thousand castellanos. He joined with himself a comrade, Diego de Almagro, and winning over the priest and the governor by a promise of one fourth each, the company was complete. Almagro was a few years older than Pizarro, and with an origin perhaps as low, for he was likewise a foundling. Ill-favored by nature, the loss of an eye but increased a sinister expression that had played from infancy over his features. It is but faint praise to say of him that his impulses were nobler than those of Pizarro. Though fiery he was frank, and abhorred treachery; nor could he nurse a wrong more easily than his colleague. Pizarro was to command the expedition; Almagro to take charge of the ships; the vicar, besides his money, was to contribute his prayers, while the governor was to have an eye watchful for himself.

In a small caravel with about a hundred men and four horses,[I‑1] Pizarro sailed from Panamá November 14, 1524, leaving Almagro to follow as soon as he could equip another vessel. After touching at Toboga and at the Pearl Islands, Pizarro coasted southward past Puerto de Piñas where terminated the voyages of Vasco Nuñez and Andagoya, and entered the river Birú in search of provisions, but finding none put to sea, and after buffeting a storm for ten days again landed, and again failed to procure food. The ground was soft, and the foragers suffered severely. At a place subsequently called El Puerto del Hambre he waited for six weeks with part of the men, all on the verge of starvation, while the ship, in command of Gil de Montenegro, went back to the Pearl Islands for supplies. When his forces were again united he put to sea and landing at various points found food and gold abundant. Presently the vessel required repairs, and fearful lest if he should return the expedition would be broken up, Pizarro caused himself and all his followers, save only those needed to manage the ship, to be put ashore, while Nicolás de Ribera, the treasurer, went with the vessel and the gold collected to Panamá.

Three months after the departure of Pizarro from Panamá, Almagro followed with seventy men, and after some search, and the loss of an eye in fighting savages, he found his colleague, left with him his surplus men, and returned with his vessel to the assistance of Ribera. By this time Pedrarias, although he had invested nothing, was dissatisfied and sullen over the result. The ships were wanted for Nicaragua, he said, and half the men embarked in this mad southern venture were dead. Almagro was finally glad to get rid of him by paying him a thousand pesos. Pizarro was obliged to return, and the three associates bound themselves by oath, solemnized by the sacrament, that the entire returns and emoluments of the expedition should be equally divided; Father Luque dividing the wafer into three parts and each partaking of one.

SECOND EXPEDITION.

Nearly two years were thus occupied when the two captains, made equal by the new contract, and each in command of a ship, embarked a second time with Bartolomé Ruiz as pilot and one hundred and sixty men, and standing well out sailed directly to the Rio San Juan, the farthest point yet discovered. Meeting here with fair success, Almagro was sent to Panamá with the plunder; Pizarro with most of the men remained on shore; while Ruiz with the other vessel continued the discovery beyond the equator, and returning reported a more opulent people with a higher culture than any yet found in the Indies. Among other wonderful objects which he had seen was a large trading balsa, or raft, made by lashing together with vines porous timbers, which were overlaid with a floor of reeds, and navigated by lateen cotton sails. The people of the raft displayed spun and raw wool, and scales for weighing gold, while those upon the shore ran to and fro leaping and shouting to the homeless wanderers, the hairy exiles, children of the sea-foam, descendants of the sun, as they called the glittering serpents that were so soon to envenom their land.

Soon afterward Almagro appeared. He too had been successful. Pedrarias was deposed; and with Pedro de los Rios, the new governor, had come fresh aspirants for adventure and a grave, eighty of whom were soon launched with Father Luque's blessing in the Peruvian expedition.

During the absence of the vessels death had taken fourteen of Pizarro's men, and the remainder now clamored loudly to be carried to Panamá. But this was not to be considered. Refreshed by Almagro's stores and cheered by Ruiz' tale hope revived, the phantom of despair took flight, and joyous expectation thrilled the hearts of those who had so lately dreamed of death.

How happy was Pizarro as he went to prove the golden report of good Ruiz! A storm which drove him under the lee of Gallo Island, and obliged him to repair at San Mateo Bay, only made the populous cities and cultivated fields of maize and cacao the more beautiful to behold. And the gems and precious metals that glistened everywhere, how they made the black blood of the pirate to tingle! But little could be done with such a force as his against ten thousand warriors that opposed his landing; for with increase of wealth and intelligence was increased power to defend possession. The soldiers were not pleased to have the ships go back to Panamá without them, and the leaders came almost to blows over the quarrel; but it was finally arranged that Pizarro should remain with the men on Gallo Island, while Almagro with one of the ships should seek a stronger force. Some sent letters denouncing the commanders, and begging that the governor might be informed of the miserable condition of the men; which letters, of course, were not delivered, none save one which Juan de Sarabia inclosed in a ball of cotton which was to be presented to the wife of the governor as a specimen of native industry.[I‑2]

A MOMENTOUS DECISION.

Fearful lest the men might seize the remaining ship, Pizarro despatched it also to Panamá for recruits, leaving himself with only eighty-five men. But the missile projected by the verse-maker struck home. The governor was indignant that the king's subjects should be held in continued jeopardy of their lives by their unprincipled leaders, ordered the expedition stopped, and sent the licentiate Tafur with two ships to bring the wanderers home. Father Luque, however, wrote to Pizarro not to abandon the enterprise. The arrival of Tafur at the island places Pizarro in a most trying position. And we can almost forget the hideousness of the man's nature, which assumes yet darker deformity as we proceed, when he rises under the inspiration of his energy in defiance of destiny. The very impudence of his obstinacy commands our admiration. What is the situation? Here stands a single Spaniard. Yonder are the organized armies of Peru with their tens of thousands of fighting men. The rupture between the ruling powers, preliminary to yet more dire convulsions, has not yet occurred. Humanly regarded it as insensate folly for Pizarro to dream of seizing this powerful realm, or any part of it, with his handful of vagabonds as would be his attempt to drink the ocean dry, or to pocket Parnassus. Yet what shall we say in view of the result? And sure I am it is no upright deity that aids him.

When Tafur landed and told the men to get on board the ships, Pizarro cried "Stop!" Drawing his sword he marked a line from west to east. Then pointing toward the south he said: "Countrymen and comrades! Yonder lurk hunger, hardships, and death; but for those who win, fame and wealth untold. This way is Panamá, with ease, poverty, and disgrace. Let each man choose for himself. As for me, sooner will I hang my body from some sun-smitten cliff for vultures to feed on, than turn my back to the glories God has here revealed to me!" Thus saying he stepped across the line, and bade those who would to follow. The pilot Ruiz was the first; then Pedro de Candia; and finally eleven others. All the rest went back with Tafur to Panamá. Ruiz was ordered to accompany him and lend the associates his assistance. Pizarro then crossed his army of twelve on a raft to the small island of Gorgona, at a safer distance from the main shore, and there awaited Almagro. Alone, anchored on a cloud-curtained sea, near a fearfully fascinating shore, they waited five months.

This rash act of the now thoroughly inspired Pizarro was viewed differently by different persons at Panamá. The governor was angry at what he deemed suicidal obstinacy. Father Luque was enthusiastic, and Almagro was not idle. The general sentiment was that in any event these Spaniards, so chivalrous in the service of their king, should not be abandoned to certain destruction. To permit it would be infamous on the part of the governor, and a disgrace to every man in Panamá. Thus forcibly persuaded, Pedro de los Rios permitted Luque and Almagro to despatch a vessel to their relief, but stipulated that unless it returned within six months they should be subject to heavy penalties.

Peru.

COASTING SOUTHWARD.

We may well imagine that Pizarro was glad to see the faithful Ruiz, although his force was not greatly increased thereby. And now he would go forward; with an army of ten thousand or alone he would match his destiny against that of Peru. Passing Gallo, Tacames, and the Cabo Pasado, the limits of former discovery, twenty days after leaving Gorgona they anchored off an island sacred to sacrificial purposes, opposite the town of Tumbez. More brilliant than had been their wildest hopes was the scene surrounding them. Stretching seaward were the bright waters of Guayaquil, while from the grand cordillera of the Andes, Chimborazo and Cotopaxi lifted their fiery front into the regions of frozen white. Tame enough, however, were a new earth and a new heaven to these souls of saffron hue, without the evidences of wealth that here met their greedy gaze, of wealth weakly guarded by the unbaptized. All along the shore by which they had sailed were verdant fields and populous villages, while upon the persons and among the utensils of the inhabitants, seen principally in the trading balsas that plied those strange waters, were emeralds, gold, and silver in profusion.

ARRIVAL AT TUMBEZ.

Two natives captured in the former voyage and kindly treated for obvious reasons, were put on shore to pave the way, and soon maize, bananas, plantains, cocoa-nuts, pineapples, as well as fish, game, and llamas were presented to the strangers by the people of Tumbez. Shortly afterward a Peruvian nobleman, or orejon, as the Spaniards called him, from the large golden pendants which ornamented his ears, visited the ship with a retinue of attendants. Pizarro gave him a hatchet and some trinkets, and invited him to dine. Next day Alonso de Molina and a negro were sent on shore to the cacique with a present of two swine and some poultry. A crowd of wonder-stricken spectators surrounded them on landing. The women were shy at first, but presently could not sufficiently admire the fair complexion and flowing beard of the European, and the crisp hair of the ebony African, whose laugh made them dance with delight. Never were pigs so scrutinized; and when the cock crew they asked what it said. Molina was promised a beautiful bride if he would remain, and he was half inclined to accept the offer. The cacique of Tumbez was equally pleased and astonished. He lived in some state, having vassals at his doors and gold and silver among his utensils. Conspicuous among the buildings of Tumbez was the temple built of rough stone. There was a fortress surrounded by a triple row of walls. In the valley without the town was a palace belonging to Huayna Capac, the reigning inca, near which was a temple with its sacred virgins, glittering decorations, and beautiful gardens dedicated to the sun.

More witnesses to such facts as these must be obtained before leaving this place. So next day Pedro de Candia was permitted to go ashore armed cap-à-pie. Candia was a Greek cavalier of extraordinary size and strength; and when he presented himself in bright mail, with his clattering steel weapons, and arquebuse vomiting fire and smoke, there is little wonder these simple people should take him for one of their children of the sun. Returning to the ship Candia testified to the truth of all Molina had said, and more. He was received as a heavenly guest, and conducted through the temple which he affirmed was laid with plates of gold; whereat the Spaniards were wild with delight, says an ancient chronicler. Pizarro thanked God that it had been permitted him to make this great discovery, and he cursed the luckless fortune which prevented his landing and taking immediate possession. But God did for Pizarro better than Pizarro could do for himself. Had the five hundred he then so desired been five thousand, the probability is all would have been lost as soon as ventured.

Continuing southward some distance beyond the site of Trujillo, a city subsequently founded by him, the evidences of wealth and intelligence meanwhile diminishing, and the reports of an imperial city where dwelt the ruler of all that region becoming fainter, Pizarro returned to Panamá, carrying back with him two native youths, one of whom, called by the Spaniards Felipillo, became notorious during the conquest. The men had been ordered to treat gold with indifference, that the future harvest might be greater.[I‑3]

The pirate's paradise was found; it next remained to enter it. Pizarro reached Panamá late in 1527, and instantly the town was wild with excitement. Father Luque wept tears of joy. But although Pedro de los Rios forgot his threats of punishment he did not regard with favor another expedition, which would tend to depopulate his own government and establish a rival colony. This selfish policy of the governor hastened the defeat of its own aims. Unable to do more at Panamá, early in 1528 Pizarro set out for Spain. Through the aid of Father Luque fifteen hundred ducats had been raised to defray his expenses. It was not without misgivings that Alamagro saw him go, and the ecclesiastic himself was not without his suspicions that foul play might come of it. "God grant, my sons," he said at parting, "that you do not defraud yourselves of his blessing." Pedro de Candia accompanied Pizarro, and they took with them specimens of the natives, llamas, cloth, and gold and silver utensils of Peru.

THE DISCOVERER IN SPAIN.

Two notable characters were encountered by Pizarro immediately on his arrival in Spain. One was Hernan Cortés, revelling in the renown of an overthrown northern empire as Pizarro was about to revel in the overthrow of a southern. Cortés told Pizarro how he had conquered Mexico and gave him many valuable hints in empire-snatching.[I‑4] The other was no less a personage than the Bachiller Enciso, who, still nursing revenge, seized the now famous discoverer of Peru and imprisoned him on the old charge of injuries at Antigua. Released by royal order, Pizarro presented himself before the emperor at Toledo with all the impudence of unlettered merit, and received the appointment of governor, captain general, and alguazil mayor of all lands which he had discovered or might discover for a distance of two hundred leagues south from Santiago. His government was to be independent from that of Panamá, with the right to erect fortresses, maintain forces, grant encomiendas, and enjoy the rights and prerogatives of absolute authority. His salary was to be 725,000 maravedís, to be drawn from the resources of his own government and without cost to the crown. In return for these privileges he was to enlist and equip for a Peruvian expedition two hundred and fifty men, one hundred of whom he was at liberty to draw from the colonies. For his associates he was satisfied with much less; though it had been stipulated that for Almagro should be asked the office of adelantado, thus dividing the honors. As it was, he obtained for Almagro only the post of captain of the fortress of Tumbez, with an income of 300,000 maravedís, and for Father Luque the bishopric of Tumbez, with a salary of one thousand castellanos. Bartolomé Ruiz was to be grand pilot of the South Sea; Pedro de Candia, commander of artillery, and the brave thirteen who so gallantly stood by their captain at the Isle of Gorgona were elevated to the rank of knights and cavaliers.

Pizarro's commission was signed at Toledo July 26, 1528. Thence he proceeded to Trujillo, his native place, where he was joined by four brothers, Fernando, Juan, and Gonzalo Pizarro, and Francisco Martin de Alcántara, all except the first like himself illegitimate, all poor, ignorant, and avaricious. Fernando, however, possessed some superiorities, and played a conspicuous part in the conquest. He was a man of fine form, repulsive features, and infamous character. As arrogant, jealous, and revengeful as he was capable, he soon acquired unbounded influence over his brother, and was the scourge of the expedition.

Small as was the force required by his capitulation with the crown, Pizarro was unable to raise it. With the assistance of Cortés he managed to make ready for sea three small vessels, in one of which, by eluding the authorities, he embarked, and awaited his brothers at the Canary Islands. By liberal bribery and the solemn assurance of Fernando that all requirements of the king had been complied with, and that the specified number of men were with his brother who had gone before, the other two ships were allowed to depart, and the three vessels arrived at Nombre de Dios in January 1530. There Pizarro was met by Almagro and Father Luque, who when they learned how the royal honors had been distributed, and saw the insolent bearing of the vulgar brothers, upbraided him for his perfidy; and it was with difficulty that Almagro was prevented by fresh promises from withdrawing from the partnership and engaging in conquest on his own account.

Crossing to Panamá, an expedition was organized with one hundred and eighty men, thirty horses, and three ships, though all had been procured with no small difficulty. On the day of St John the evangelist imposing ceremonies were held in the cathedral; the royal banner and the standard of the expedition were unfurled and consecrated; a sermon was preached, and to every one of the pirates the holy sacrament was administered, thus giving this marauding expedition the color of a religious crusade. The Pizarros set sail early in January 1531, leaving Almagro, as in the first instance, to follow with reënforcements. Tumbez was their objective point; but turned from their purpose by adverse winds, and eager for a trial of their steel, the Spaniards landed at a bay which they called San Mateo, surprised a village in the province of Coaque, and secured, besides provisions, gold, silver, and emeralds to the value of twenty thousand pesos, which enabled them to send back the ships at once, one to Nicaragua and the other to Panamá, for reënforcements.

The Spaniards then continued their course toward Tumbez by land; and burdened as they were by weapons and armor, marching over hot sands under an equatorial sun, the journey soon became painful in the extreme. To add to their torments, an ulcerous epidemic broke out among them, from which many died, with curses on their commander. But their hearts were gladdened one day by the approach of a ship from Panamá having on board the royal officers appointed to accompany the expedition, whom Pizarro in his haste had left in Spain, and soon they were joined by thirty men under Captain Benalcázar. Meeting with no resistance from the natives, Pizarro continued his march until he arrived at the gulf of Guayaquil, opposite the isle of Puma. Possession of this island was deemed desirable preparatory to the attack on Tumbez. While meditating on the best method of capturing the island, Pizarro was gratified by a visit from its cacique, who invited the Spaniards to take up their abode with him. It appears that there existed an hereditary feud between the people of Puma and those of the mainland; and although forced to submission by the powerful incas, the islanders never ceased to inflict such injuries as lay in their power on the town of Tumbez. The friendship of the strangers would give them great advantages; hence the invitation. Pizarro gladly accepted the proffered hospitality, and passing over to the island with his army he awaited the arrival of reënforcements before attacking Tumbez.

By their arrogance and apparent intimacy with the people of Tumbez, the strangers soon became intolerable to the islanders, who caught in a conspiracy were attacked and driven to hiding-places by their guests. Nevertheless, but for the opportune arrival of Fernando de Soto with one hundred men and some horses it would have gone hard with the Spaniards. Pizarro now resolved to cross at once to the mainland and set the ball in motion.

CIVIL WAR IN PERU.

Not least among the speculations that stirred the breast of the Spanish commander was the rumor that from time to time had reached his ear of discord between the rival candidates for the throne of the monarch lately deceased. Civil war would be a providence indeed at this juncture, not less kind than that which gave Montezuma's throne to Cortés.

Tradition refers the aborigines of Peru to a time when the entire land was divided into petty chiefdoms, composed of wild men who like wild beasts roamed primeval forests. After the lapse of ages, time marking no improvement, there appeared one day on the bank of Lake Titicaca two personages, male and female, Manco Capac and Mama [Ocollo], of majestic mien and clad in glistening whiteness. They declared themselves children of the sun, sent by the parent of light to enlighten the human race. From Lake Titicaca they went northward a few leagues and founded the city of Cuzco, whither the chiefs throughout that region assembled and acknowledged the sovereignty of the celestial visitants. Under the instruction of Manco Capac the men became skilled in agriculture; Mama Ocollo taught the women domestic arts, and the migratory clans of the western slope of the cordillera thus became cemented under the beneficent rule of the heavenly teachers. Originally the dominion of Manco Capac extended no more than eight leagues from Cuzco, but in the twelve succeeding reigns, which formed the epoch prior to the advent of the Spaniards, the empire of the incas, or lords of Peru, was greatly extended.

ABORIGINAL HISTORY.

It naturally followed from their celestial origin and superior intelligence that the incas were adored as divinities, as well as obeyed as sovereigns. Not alone their person, but everything coming beneath their touch was sacred. Their blood was never contaminated by mortal intermixtures, and their dress it was unlawful for any to assume. The empire under Huayna Capac, twelfth monarch from the foundation of the dynasty, embraced more than five hundred leagues of western sea-coast, and extended to the summit of the Andes. This politic and warlike prince died about the beginning of the year 1526. His father, Tupac Inca Yupanqui, during whose reign the imperial domain had been enlarged by the addition of Quito on the one side and of Chile on the other, exhibited martial and administrative talents of a high order. This vast inheritance, together with the wisdom and virtues of the father, descended to the son. In addition to a wife, who was also his sister, Huayna Capac had many concubines. The lawful heir to the throne, son of his sister-wife, was named Huascar, next to whom as heir apparent stood Manco Capac, son of another wife who was his cousin. But his favorite son was Atahualpa, whose mother was the beautiful daughter of the last reigning monarch of Quito, and concubine of Huayna Capac. From boyhood Atahualpa had been the constant companion of his father, who on his death-bed, contrary to custom, divided the realm, or ordered rather that Quito, the ancient kingdom of his vanquished ancestors, should be given to Atahualpa, while all the rest should belong to Huascar. Four years of tranquillity elapsed, and the impolitic measure of Huayna Capac bid fair to prove successful. Huascar was satisfied, and his brother appeared content. But now a martial spirit was manifest in Atahualpa. Gradually drawing to his standard the flower of the Peruvian army, he marched against Huascar, overthrew him near the base of Chimborazo, and pressing forward again defeated the Peruvians before Cuzco, captured his brother, and took possession of the imperial city of the incas.

It was in the midst of this struggle that the Spaniards gathered before Tumbez bent on plunder. We see clearly now, that had they attempted invasion before the opening of the war between the rival brothers, their effort would have been what it appeared to be, chimerical and absurd. But these few swift years had ripened this land for hellish purposes, and the demons were already knocking at the door. Crossing to the mainland, not without some slight opposition, Pizarro found Tumbez deserted. Gone were the gold of the temple and the rich ornaments of the merry wives. "And is this your boasted Tumbez?" exclaimed the disappointed cavaliers. "Better far and richer are the elysian fields of Nicaragua; better have remained at home than to come so far for so barren a conquest." After some search the cacique was found. He charged the destruction of the town to the islanders of Puma. As he professed willingness to submit to the Spaniards, and as Pizarro deemed it prudent to hold Tumbez peaceably, he gave the cacique his liberty. This was in May 1532. Keeping a watchful eye on his disaffected soldiers, Pizarro set about planting a colony. He selected for his operations the valley of Tangarala, some thirty leagues south of Tumbez and near the sea, and thither repairing with his men erected a fortress, church, and other buildings, partitioned the adjacent lands, distributed repartimientos, organized a municipality, and called the place San Miguel. So thoroughly had the work of devastation been carried on by the islanders on one side, and the soldiery of Atahualpa on the other, that the Spaniards met with little opposition.

But these were not the men to waste time in establishing friendship upon a devastated seaboard when there was a world of wealth somewhere thereabout. One thing troubled Pizarro, however. By late arrivals he had been informed that Almagro still thought seriously of establishing for himself a colony. Pizarro needed Almagro's aid, and he wanted no rival there. So drawing in his talons he wrote Almagro begging him for the love of God and the king, if such were his plans to change them and come to his assistance. This letter with the gold thus far collected he despatched by ship to Panamá.

FATAL DISRUPTIONS.

Meanwhile the rumors of battle between the rival princes become more defined. It is known that when the Spaniards landed at San Mateo the war was raging. While Pizarro was marching southward toward Tumbez with one hundred and eighty men, Atahualpa was also marching southward toward Cuzco with 140,000 men to meet Huascar with a force of 130,000. And Atahualpa the victor now rests in the vale of Caxamalca, beyond the cordillera, but not more than twelve days' journey hence. Pizarro resolves to visit him; peradventure there to throw the die which is to determine many fates.[I‑5]

It is the 24th of September when Pizarro sets out from San Miguel with one hundred and ten foot-soldiers, sixty-seven horsemen, and two Indian interpreters. Atahualpa is well aware of the presence of the Spaniards, of their works within Peruvian domain, and of their approach. And he is curious to behold them. There is nothing to fear, unless indeed they be gods, in which case it were useless to oppose them. Along the way the natives cheerfully provide every requirement for the courteous strangers.

Arrived at the western base of the cordillera the sixth day, permission is given to all who may choose to withdraw from the hazardous venture beyond. Nine, four foot and five horsemen, avail themselves of the opportunity and return to San Miguel. On the march next day Pizarro is informed that the general in charge of Atahualpa's forces garrisoned at Caxas, a village lying directly on the route to Caxamalca, is prepared to question his progress should he attempt to pass that way. Hernando de Soto, with a small detachment, is sent forward, while the main body of the little army await results at Zaran. Proceeding wonderingly by the great upper road or causeway of the incas, which extends along the rugged Andes the entire length of the empire from Quito to Cuzco, and so wide that six horsemen can ride there abreast, Soto finds the Peruvian general, recites the stale story of the world's greatest monarch who sends his master information of the maker of the universe and this earth's saviour, and begs permission on behalf of the Spanish captain to proceed on his heavenly and peaceable errand. At this juncture a messenger arrives with an invitation from the inca for the Spaniards to visit him. While on the way presents are exchanged by the heads of the respective powers, and, as the Spaniards draw near the Peruvian encampment, another messenger from the inca wishes to know on what day the strangers will enter Caxamalca, that a suitable reception may be prepared.

ARRIVAL AT CAXAMALCA.

At length from the terraced heights above Caxamalca, through the openings of the foliage, the white tents of the Peruvian host are seen stretching for miles along the fertile valley. It is a sight at which the heart of the stoutest cavalier might beat despondingly, and that without prejudice. But these audacious Spaniards halt only to don their brightest armor, and unfurling their banner they march down the mountain. Next day, the 15th of November, Pizarro divides his force into three companies and enters the town about the hour of vespers. Some two thousand houses surround a triangular plaza of extraordinary size, walled in by solid masonry and low adobe barracks, and entered from the streets through gates. From a large stone fortress broad steps descend to the plaza on one side, while on the other a secret staircase leads to the street. Without the now deserted town stands the temple of the sun, and on an eminence near by is another and more formidable fortress of hewn stone. A spiral wall, which thrice encloses the citadel, renders the place impregnable to native soldiery, while ascent from the plain is made by a winding staircase. Between the village and the Peruvian encampment, a league distant, a causeway runs, forming a fine road over the soft fertile lands intervening.

As with heavy tread the Spaniards march through the silent streets in which no living thing is visible save a few knots of ancient, witch-like crones who predict in low mournful regrets the destruction of the strangers, the adventure at this point assumes ghostly shape, like the confused manœuvrings of a dream and Caxamalca a phantom city. Quartering his troops in the plaza, Pizarro sends Hernando de Soto with fifteen horsemen,[I‑6] and the interpreter Felipillo, to ask the inca the time and place of the approaching interview; and lest accident should befall the embassy Hernando Pizarro is ordered to follow and assist as occasion requires. Over the causeway toward the imperial camp rushes first one cavalcade and then the other, past manly men and modest women who gaze in mute astonishment as the apparitions emerge from the murky twilight and sweep by and disappear midst clatter of hoofs and clang of arms never before heard in this quarter of the earth. Presently is encountered the Inca's army drawn up in distinct battalions, archers, slingers, clubmen, and spearmen, standing expectantly.[I‑7] The royal pavilion occupies an open space near the centre of the encampment. Within a short distance are the bath-houses, and a rustic dwelling, with plastered walls colored in various tints and surrounded by corridors. On one side is a stone fountain, and a reservoir into which flows water, both hot and cold, from rivulets and springs through aqueducts which intersect the valley in every direction. On the other side are the royal gardens and pleasure-grounds.

MEETING WITH ATAHUALPA.

As the horsemen draw up before the royal quarters the inca is discovered seated on an ottoman in front of his tent and surrounded by groups of courtiers, while beautiful damsels in brilliant attire flit about the grounds. Elegance, discipline, and the profound deference of the nobles toward their chief are apparent at the first glance. The inca, although arrayed less gaudily than his attendants, is easily distinguished by the famous imperial head-dress, or borla, worn by Peruvian monarchs in place of a crown, consisting of a crimson woollen fringe, which Oviedo describes as a tassel of the width of the hand, and about one span in length, gathered upon the crown in the form of a flat brush, the fringe descending over the forehead down to the eyes, and partially covering them, so that the wearer can scarcely see without raising the lower part of it with his hand. The Christians who have heard many tales of his craft and ferocity, look in vain for traces of extraordinary passion or cunning. The borla, according to Jeres, throws a shade of melancholy over the features of Atahualpa; aside from this, however, his face is grave, passionless, and cold. With a single horseman on either side, Hernando de Soto rides forward a few paces, and without dismounting respectfully addresses the inca through Felipillo, the interpreter. "I come, most mighty prince, from the commander of the Christians, who through your courtesy now rests at Caxamalca, ardently longing to kiss your royal hand, and deliver you a message from his puissant master, the king of Spain." Immovable, silent, with eyes downcast, sits the inca as if listening he hears not, as if unaware of any extraordinary occurrence. After an embarrassing pause, a nobleman who stands nearest the august monarch answers, "It is well."

At this juncture Hernando Pizarro rides up and joins in the parley. When informed that a brother of the Spanish captain has arrived, Atahualpa raises his eyes and speaks: "Say to your commander that to-day I fast, but to-morrow I will visit him at Caxamalca." Hereupon the ambassadors turn to depart; but the inca, slow to speak, is slower still to cease speaking, and the Spaniards are motioned to pause. "My cacique Mayzabilica informs me," continues Atahualpa, "that the Christians are cowards, and not invincible as they would make us believe; for on the banks of the Turicara he himself had killed three Spaniards and a horse in revenge for outrages on his people." Checking his rising choler with the thought of the stake for which he played, Hernando Pizarro explains: "Your chieftain tells you false when he says that the Christians dare not fight, or even that they can be overcome. Ten horsemen are enough to put to flight ten thousand of the men of Mayzabilica. My brother comes to offer terms of amity. If you have enemies to be subdued direct us to them, and we will prove the truth of this I say." With an incredulous smile Atahualpa drops the subject and offers refreshments to his visitors. But at this moment the attention of all is directed to another scene.

Hernando de Soto is an expert horseman and superbly mounted. He marks the smile of incredulity with which the broad boast of his comrade had been received by the Peruvians, and in order to inspire a more healthful terror, he drives his iron heel into the flanks of his impatient steed, and darting off at full speed, sweeps round in graceful curves, prancing, leaping, running; then riding off a little distance he wheels and dashes straight toward the royal pavilion. The nobles throw up their hands to shield the sacred person of the inca; a moment after they fly in terror. But when with one more bound the horse would be upon the monarch, the rider reins back the animal to a dead stop. Not the twitching of a muscle is discernible in the features of the inca; though for their cowardice in the presence of strangers, we are told that the nobles next day suffered death. The cavaliers decline food, saying that they, too, are holding a fast; but chicha, or wine of maize, being offered them in golden goblets by dark-eyed beauties, and Atahualpa brooking no refusal, the Spaniards without dismounting drink it off, and then slowly ride back to Caxamalca.

PREMEDITATED TREACHERY.

As the night wears away, while Atahualpa lies dreaming of the twilight apparition, Francisco Pizarro matures his plans. Little as there was in the brief survey of the inca's camp to inspire confidence in attempting here the seizure trick, the Spaniards nevertheless determine to venture it. The details of the proposed perfidy and butchery are arranged with consummate audacity and executed with a cool indifference to human rights and human suffering which would do honor to the chief of anacondas. In issuing to his officers their instructions for the day, which are nothing less than to seize the inca and murder his attendants, Pizarro says: "The project is more feasible than at first glance one might imagine. To administer to us the rites of hospitality, the Indians will not come arrayed in hostile humor. No more can be admitted to the plaza than may be easily vanquished; and with the inca, whom his soldiers worship as a god, within our grasp, we may dictate terms to the empire. Farther than this our case is desperate. Atahualpa has permitted our insignificant force, which he could crush at pleasure, to advance even to the border of his sacred presence; he will scarcely suffer us to depart in peace, did we wish it. Of your hearts make a fortress; for though we be few in number, God will never forsake those who fight his battles."

Mass, attended by pious chants, follows the early clarion call the 16th of November, and dread-dispelling action soon clears the atmosphere of every gloomy foreboding. Arms and armor are put in order and burnished; the horses are decorated with bells and jingling trappings, that they may present a terrifying appearance. A sumptuous repast is spread in one of the halls opening into the plaza in which the inca is to be received. The cavalry is divided into three squadrons under Hernando de Soto, Hernando Pizarro, and Sebastian de Benalcázar, and stationed within the halls on the three sides of the plaza. The foot-soldiers, with the exception of twenty men reserved by Pizarro as his body-guard, occupy rooms adjoining the court, but few being visible. Two small field-pieces are planted opposite the avenue by which the Peruvians approach. Near the artillerymen are stationed the cross-bowmen, and in the tower of the fortress a few musketeers are placed. Thus the Spaniards await their victim till late in the afternoon, when from the tower they behold that which causes trepidation not less than courage-cooling delay. Three hundred warriors in gay uniforms clear the way of sticks or stones or other obstruction for the royal procession, which is headed by Atahualpa, seated on a throne of gold, in a plumed palanquin garnished with precious stones, and borne on the shoulders of his vassals. On either side and behind the royal litter walk the counsellors of the realm, and behind it follows battalion after battalion of the forces of the inca until thirty thousand soldiers in martial array occupy the causeway from the Peruvian camp half way to Caxamalca. Surely the projected seizure in the midst of such a host were madness, and without a miracle it would seem that the Christians must abandon their pious purpose. The miracle, however, is not wanting. Just before reaching the entrance in the city, Atahualpa pitches his tents with the intention of passing there the night and entering Caxamalca the next morning. This, the death-blow to the high hopes of the day, Pizarro determines if possible to prevent. Despatching a messenger to the inca, he beseeches him to change his purpose, and to sup with him that night. The inca assents, saying that in view of the lateness of the hour he will bring only a few unarmed attendants. And to his subjects he remarks, "Arms are unnecessary in our intercourse with those engaged in so holy a mission." Hence the miracle.

VISIT OF ATAHUALPA.

Though few in comparison with his entire army, the attendants of Atahualpa numbered several thousands, as just before sunset, slowly and with measured tread, they march up the main avenue toward the plaza keeping step to the sonorous music of the singers and with the dancers who amble before the royal litter. Nearest the person of the monarch are the orejones, as the Spaniards styled the Peruvian noblemen, richly attired with armor and crowns of gold and silver, some walking, others in litters, according to their several ranks. Around his neck over a sleeveless waistcoat, the inca wears a band of large emeralds; under the magic borla, the dull, cold, listless look of the preceding evening had given place to an expression of enkindled majesty. Entering the plaza the royal procession deploy to right and left, Atahualpa and his nobles taking their station in the centre, and the Peruvian soldiery filling the remaining space. Profound quiet fills the place, and so hidden behind the forms of his own swarthy warriors are the few Spaniards appearing that Atahualpa, without descending from the litter, casts about him an inquiring glance and asks an attendant, "Have the strangers fled?"[I‑8] At this moment a priest, Vicente de Valverde, accompanied by the interpreter, emerges from one of the halls. In one hand he bears a bible and in the other a crucifix.[I‑9] Approaching the royal litter, the ecclesiastic harangues the inca, beginning with the doctrines of the trinity, creation, redemption, and delegation of authority,[I‑10] and ending with faith, hope, and charity, as manifest in the person of the pirate Pizarro.

The contemptuous smile which mounts the features of the inca at the opening of the address, changes to looks of dark resentment as he is told to renounce his faith and to acknowledge the sovereignty of the king of Spain. "Your sovereign may be great," he exclaims, fire flashing from his eye, "but none is greater than the inca. I will be tributary to no man.[I‑11] As for your faith, you say your god was slain and by men whom he had made. Mine lives," pointing proudly to the setting sun, "omnipotent in the heavens.[I‑12] Your pope must be a fool to talk of giving away the property of others."[I‑13] Then after a moment's pause he demands, "By what authority do you speak thus to me?" The priest places in his hand the bible. "In this," he says, "is given all that is requisite for man to know." The inca takes the book and turns the leaves. "It tells me nothing," he exclaims. Then exasperated by what he deems intentional insult he throws the book upon the ground,[I‑14] saying, "You shall dearly pay for this indignity, and for all the injuries you have done in my dominions." It is enough. God and the king rejected, and the holy evangelists trampled under foot.[I‑15] "Why do you delay?" cries the enraged monk to Pizarro as he picks up the sacred volume. "In God's name at them! Kill the impious dogs!"[I‑16]

SEIZURE OF THE INCA.

The zealous commander needs no second exhortation. Unfurling a white banner, the signal for assault, he springs from his retreat; the sentinel in the tower discharges his musket, and loud rings the war-cry Santiago! as every Spaniard rushes to the charge. To their brutal instinct was added a spiritual drunkenness which took them out of the category of manhood and made them human fiends. We wonder how men could so believe; but greater still is our wonder how men so believing could so behave. The guns fill the place with reverberating noise and smoke; with shrill blast of trumpets and jingling of bells the horsemen ride upon the panic-stricken crowd; the infantry with clang of arms appear and all unite in quick succession in sheathing their sharp swords in the unprotected bodies of the natives. At first they turn to fly, but at every point they are met by a blood-thirsty foe. Those nearest the gates escape, but soon the passages are blocked by heaps of dead bodies. The carnage is fearful. And above all the din of slaughter is heard the shrill voice of the man of God crying to the soldiers, "Thrust! thrust! thrust with the point of your swords, lest by striking you break your weapons."[I‑17] When the first fierce charge is made, Pizarro, who with twenty chosen men had assumed the task of capturing the inca, rushes for the royal litter, but quick as are their movements the devoted followers of Atahualpa are before him, and crowding round their imperilled sovereign, struggle to shield his person. As one drops dead another hastens to take his place. Each one of Pizarro's guard strives for the honor of the capture; but for a time they are prevented by the surges of the crowd which carry the monarch hither and thither and by the desperate defence made by the Peruvians.

AT THE BANQUET.

Fearful lest in the darkness which is now coming on the victims should escape, one of the Spaniards strikes with his sword at the inca. In warding off the blow, Pizarro receives a slight wound in the hand; then threatening death to any who offer violence to Atahualpa, he hews his way through the fortress of faithful hearts which guard the royal person, and thrusting his sword into the bearers of the litter brings down the monarch, whom he catches in his arms. The borla is torn from Atahualpa's forehead and he is led away to the fortress, where he is manacled and placed under a strong guard.[I‑18] Meanwhile the butchery continues in and beyond the plaza. And in the slaughter of about five thousand men which occupied not more than half an hour it is said that no Spanish blood was spilled save that drawn from the hand of Pizarro by one of his own men.[I‑19] Following their instincts these fiends incarnate spend the night in rioting and drunkenness.[I‑20] Thus during the swift glimmer of a tropical twilight, the conquest of Peru is accomplished; the sun of the inca sets lurid, blood-colored; true to their engagement, Pizarro and Atahualpa sup together that night![I‑21]

We have seen how the opulent empire of Peru was found; how its powerful chieftain was treacherously taken captive by a crew of Spanish invaders; now witness for a moment how peace was made by ambassadors of the Prince of Peace.

So suddenly fell the blow that Atahualpa failed to realize his situation. It was but an affray of the hour; the idea of his subjugation had not yet even occurred to him. At the banquet he praised the skill with which the bloody work was done, and to his lamenting followers he said, "Such are the vicissitudes of war, to conquer and to be conquered." By Pizarro and his comrades the august prisoner was treated as a dish fit for the gods. His women and his nobles were permitted to attend him, and for his life or prolonged imprisonment he was told to have no fear. Meanwhile the Spaniards were exhorted to watchfulness; they were reminded that they were but a handful of men surrounded by millions of foes. "Our success," said Pizarro, "was miraculous, for which God who gave it us should be devoutly praised." The Peruvians made no effort to rescue their chief; and while the sacred person of their inca was a prisoner they were powerless and purposeless. Thirty horsemen were sufficient to scatter the imperial army and rifle the encampment. And while Pizarro preached[I‑22] Christianity to his chained captive, his soldiers were out gold-gathering, desecrating the Peruvian temples, killing the men, and outraging the women.[I‑23] It was quickly discovered that the wealth of the country far exceeded the wildest dreams of the conquerors, and soon gold and silver ornaments and utensils to the value of one hundred thousand castellanos were heaped up in the plaza.[I‑24]

A KING'S RANSOM.

Atahualpa was not slow to perceive that neither loyalty nor their vaunted piety was the ruling passion of his captors, but the love of gold. And herein was a ray of hope; for as the days went by a dark suspicion of their perfidy and evil intention concerning him had filled his mind. Calling Pizarro to him he said: "The affairs of my kingdom demand my attention. Already my brother Huascar, having heard of my misfortune, is planning his escape. If gold will satisfy you, I will cover this floor with vessels of solid gold, so you but grant me my freedom." Pizarro made no reply. The Spaniards present threw an incredulous glance around the apartment. The room was twenty-two feet in length by sixteen in width. Inferring from their silence that the ransom was too small and distressed at the prospect of long confinement, he exclaimed: "Nay, I will fill the room as high as you can reach with gold, if you will let me go." And to make the offer the more tempting he stepped to the wall and on tiptoe stretching out his arm made a mark nine feet from the floor. Still his tormentors were silent. At last he burst out excitedly: "And if that is not enough," pointing to a smaller apartment adjoining, I will fill that room twice full with silver."[I‑25] The proposal was accepted. It was safe enough to do so, although the infamous Pizarro never for a moment intended his royal prisoner should leave his hands alive; for by this means might the wealth of the empire be most speedily collected, and if successful a pretext for breaking the promise of liberation might easily be found. Two months were allowed the captive in which to gather this enormous treasure. Hollow vessels and all utensils were to be contributed in manufactured form, not melted down. Valuable jewels were to enrich the collection, and the friendship of the inca was to crown the visionary ransom.

Immediately after the recording of this stipulation by the notary, Atahualpa sent out in every direction messengers with instructions to gather and bring to Caxamalca with the least possible delay, the requisite articles for the ransom. The treasures of the inca were chiefly lodged in the royal palaces of Cuzco and Quito and in the temples of the sun throughout the empire. All governors and subalterns were urged to use the utmost alacrity in the execution of this order. Meanwhile the pirates were masters of the situation. Each beastly boor of them was a lord waited on by male and female attendants. They drank from vessels of gold and shod their horses with silver. Their captain was king of kings; one king his prisoner, another his prisoner's prisoner. One of the chroniclers states that shortly after his capture Atahualpa received intelligence of an important battle won by his army on the day of his fall. "Such are the mysteries of fate," exclaimed the unhappy monarch, "at the same moment conquered and a conqueror." Huascar who was at this time confined at Andamarca not far distant from Caxamalca hearing of the capture of Atahualpa and of the immense ransom offered for his release sent to Pizarro offering a much larger amount for his own liberation. Pizarro saw at once the advantage to be derived in acting the part of umpire between these rival claimants to the throne, and consequently the overtures of Huascar were encouraged. But Atahualpa although closely confined was kept fully informed of the events transpiring throughout the empire, and his word was yet law. Pizarro imprudently remarked to him one day, "I wait with impatience the arrival of your brother in order that I may judge between you and render justice where it may be due."[I‑26] Shortly afterward Huascar was secretly put to death; and Pizarro had the mortification of finding himself outwitted by a manacled barbarian.

While waiting the gathering of the gold, Hernando Pizarro with twenty horsemen raided the country with rich results. Three soldiers, it is said, were sent by Pizarro under the inca's protection to Cuzco, where after desecrating the temples and violating the sacred virgins they returned to Caxamalca with two hundred cargas of gold and twenty-five of silver, the transportation of which required no less than nine hundred Indians.

GATHERING THE GOLD.

Time passed wearily with the imprisoned monarch. The influx of gold at first rapid, soon fell off, and unfortunately for Atahualpa much of it was in flat plates which increased the bulk but slowly. Nevertheless as the matter went Pizarro felt justified in granting the prisoner an extension of time. In February 1533 Almagro arrived at Caxamalca with two hundred men, fifty of whom were mounted, and demanded for himself and company equitable participation in the spoil, according to compact. This Pizarro refused, but agreed to divide what should be thereafter taken. The dispute was finally settled by allowing Almagro for his expenses one hundred thousand pesos, and for his men twenty thousand.

Yet more slowly came in the gold; the people were now hiding it; the Spaniards desired the death of Atahualpa with the liberty to devastate and pillage after the old manner. They determined the inca should die;[I‑27] but first they would melt down and divide the gold; they determined to kill the inca, but first he should have a fair trial. It was no difficult matter to frame an indictment. Huascar's death, pretended insurrections, delay in the ransom, refusal to accept baptism; these charges, or any of them, were amply sufficient. Then Felipillo desired one of Atahualpa's wives, and did what he could to hasten his death.[I‑28]

The native artisans to whom the task was allotted were occupied more than a month in running into bars the immense mass of gold and silver collected. It was in value 1,326,539 castellanos,[I‑29] equal in purchasing power to over twenty millions of dollars at the present day. "It is the most solemn responsibility of my life," exclaimed Pizarro, as he seated himself in the golden chair of the inca, to act as umpire in the partition, "and may God help me to deal justly by every man;" after which prayer the pirate's dealings might well be watched. And first he gave himself the golden chair in which he sat, valued at 20,000 castellanos, golden bars, 57,222 castellanos, and 2,350 marks of silver. Next his brother Hernando received 31,080 castellanos of gold, and 2,350 marks of silver, nearly twice as much as was given to Hernando de Soto, his equal in rank and talent. Horsemen received 8,880 castellanos in gold and 362 marks of silver. Some of the infantry received half that amount, others less. To the church of San Francisco was given 2,220 castellanos of gold.[I‑30] Father Luque had died shortly before the departure of Almagro from Panamá; no mention is made of him or of his legal representative, Gaspar de Espinosa, in the distribution.

Hernando Pizarro and Hernando de Soto were both opposed to harsh measures with regard to the inca, treating with the contempt they deserved the thickening rumors of revolt. But Pizarro and Almagro, impatient to pursue their ambitious schemes, had long since determined Atahualpa's fate. The accusations and the trial would both be laughable were they not so diabolical. Pizarro and Almagro acted as judges. Among the charges were attempted insurrection, usurpation and putting to death the lawful sovereign, idolatry, waging unjust warfare, adultery, polygamy, and the embezzlement of the public revenues since the Spaniards had taken possession of the country! What more cutting irony could words present of the Christian and civilized idea of humanity and the rights of man then entertained than the catalogue of crimes by which this barbarian must unjustly die, every one of which the Spaniards themselves had committed in a tenfold degree since entering these dominions. The opinion of the soldiers was taken.[I‑31] It is unnecessary to say that the prisoner was found guilty. He was condemned to be burned alive in the plaza.

DEATH OF ATAHUALPA.

At the appointed hour the royal captive, heavily chained, was led forth. It was nightfall, and the torch-lights threw a dismal glare upon the scene. By the inca's side walked the infamous Father Vicente, who never ceased pouring into the unwilling ear of his victim his hateful consolations. Upon the funeral pile, Atahualpa was informed that if he would accept baptism he might be kindly strangled instead of burned. "A cheap escape from much suffering," thought the monarch, and permitted it to be done. The name of Juan de Atahualpa was given him. The iron collar of the garrote was then tightened, the Christians recited their credos over the new convert, and the spirit of the inca hied away to the sun. Thus one more jewel was added to the immortal crown of Father Vicente de Valverde![I‑32]

With the death of Atahualpa the empire of the incas fell to pieces, and the Spaniards were not slow to seize upon the distracted country. It is said that the gold and silver obtained by the conquerors at Cuzco equalled that furnished by the inca. Official statements place the amount at 580,200 castellanos of gold, and 215,000 marks of silver.[I‑33] After another distribution government was organized by the Spaniards with Manco Capac crowned inca of Peru for a figure-head, behind whom and in whose name the grim conquerors might unblushingly pursue their work of destruction. Sebastian Benalcázar took possession of Quito, where he was shortly afterward confronted by Pedro de Alvarado, one of the conquerors of Mexico and governor of Guatemala.

ALVARADO IN PERU.

It appears that Alvarado, having fitted out a fleet of twelve ships for a voyage to the Spice Islands, was turned from his purpose as will be hereafter related, by the reported marvellous successes of the Peruvian adventures. Believing or affecting to believe that the province of Quito was without the jurisdiction of Pizarro, he determined to conquer that country for himself. His army on landing presented the strongest front of any in Peru, but the march across the snowy sierra was one of the most disastrous in Spanish colonial history.[I‑34] Although the distance was short the entire way was strewn with the dead; more than one hundred Spaniards and two thousand Indians perished. Enough however survived to enable Alvarado to make equitable arrangements with Almagro and Benalcázar. A portion of the vessels and the entire forces of Alvarado were transferred to the associates for one hundred thousand castellanos. Alvarado then visited Pizarro at Pachacamac, where the latter was awaiting the development of events at Quito; after which Alvarado took his departure. Benalcázar remained at Quito and eventually became governor of that province.

After this in the history of Peru comes the feud between the associate conquerors; for here as elsewhere no sooner are the savages slain than their destroyers fall to fighting among themselves. Almagro and Pizarro are old men, old friends, copartners; yet instead of dividing their immense acquisition and devoting the brief remainder of their days to peaceful pursuits, so deadly becomes their hatred that each seems unable to rest while the other lives. Hernando Pizarro reports proceedings in Spain, and Almagro is placed in command of Cuzco, while Pizarro founds his capital at Lima. The king confirms Pizarro in his conquest and makes him Marqués de los Atavillos, and grants Almagro two hundred leagues along the sea-shore commencing from the southern limit of Pizarro's territory. Hernando Pizarro takes Almagro's place at Cuzco. While Benalcázar is at Quito, Almagro in Chile, and the forces of Pizarro divided between Cuzco and Lima, the inca, Manco Capac, revolts. With two hundred thousand men he besieges Cuzco, Lima, and San Miguel simultaneously, and massacres the settlers on plantations. The Spaniards are reduced to the greatest extremity. Cuzco is laid in ashes, and Pizarro, unable to coöperate with his brother Hernando, despatches ships to Panamá and Nicaragua for aid.

The chief point of dispute between the associates is the partition line dividing their respective governments. Each claims the ancient capital of Cuzco as lying within his territory. Almagro, returning from a disastrous expedition into Chile, makes overtures to gain the friendship of Manco Capac; failing in this he defeats the inca in a pitched battle, takes possession of Cuzco, makes Hernando Pizarro his prisoner, and captures his army. Instead of striking off his head as urged to do by Orgoñez, and marching at once on Lima, Almagro falters and thereby falls.

Meanwhile Hernan Cortés sends his imperilled brother-conqueror a vessel laden with provisions; a kingly gift. Gaspar de Espinosa, Father Luque's successor, presents himself about this time in Peru, and is sent to Almagro by Pizarro to effect a settlement of their difficulties, but the latter remains firm, and the sudden death of Espinosa terminates the present overtures. Finally by many solemnly sworn promises, which are broken immediately, his point is gained, Francisco Pizarro obtains the release of his brother; then with seven hundred men, on the plain before Cuzco, he engages and defeats Almagro's force of five hundred men under Orgoñez, captures Almagro, whom he places in chains, and after a mock trial puts him to death. Hernando Pizarro is afterward arrested in Spain for the murder of Almagro, kept confined a prisoner for twenty years, is liberated, and dies at the age of one hundred years.

BLOODY TERMINATION.

And now appears on the scene, as heir to the feud, Almagro's illegitimate son Diego, who henceforth lives but to avenge his father's death. There are those who will not serve the murderer of their master, 'men of Chile,' they are called, and so they see distress and carry thin visages and tattered garments about the streets of Cuzco. These to the number of twenty, with Juan de Rada their leader, meet at the house of young Almagro, and bind themselves by oath to kill Francisco Pizarro on the following Sunday the 26th of June 1541. Almagro's house adjoins the church, while Pizarro's is on the other side of the plaza. They will slay him as he leaves the church after mass. But the governor does not attend church that day; so they cross the square and enter through an open gate into the court-yard, from which stairs lead to an upper room, where Pizarro is at dinner with several friends. Suddenly the diners hear a shout from below, "Long live the king! Death to tyrants!"

Accustomed to danger Pizarro acts on the instant, directs his chief officer Francisco de Chaves to make fast the door, and steps into an adjoining room with his half-brother, Martinez de Alcántara, to arm himself. Chaves springs forward and closes the door, but instead of securing it he parleys with the assailants who are now at the top of the stairs. A sword thrust into the officer's breast cuts short the conference, and the body is flung below. Perceiving blood, most of the guests fly, climbing over a corridor and dropping to the ground; two or three who had come forward with Chaves are quickly despatched by the conspirators. Although his armor is ill-adjusted Pizarro springs forward sword in hand. "How now, villains! would you murder me?" cries this veteran of a hundred fights. Then to Alcántara, "Let us hold bravely against these traitors, for I swear to God we two are enough to slay them all." The men of Chile fall back before him, but only for a moment; again crowding forward one after another of the conspirators is stretched on the ground. The conquest however is too unequal to continue; yet after Alcántara, the two pages of the governor, and every person present except the chief lie dead upon the floor, Pizarro still fights on. At length Rada, exasperated, grasps one of his comrades, named Narvaez, and hurls him against Pizarro's sword. It is death to Narvaez, but it is victory for Almagro; for while the sword of Pizarro is sheathed in the body of the luckless conspirator, the weapon of another strikes him in the throat, and brings him to the floor. "Kill him! kill him!" cry the assailants as they close round the fallen chieftain, thrusting into his body their swords.[I‑35] True to his religious instincts, the expiring hero raises himself on his arm, traces with his own blood upon the floor the sacred emblem of his faith, sighing "Jesu Cristo!" then while he bows his head to kiss the cross which he had made, a blow more dastardly than all the rest terminates his eventful life. Thus perish in sanguinary brawl, each by the hand of the other, these renowned chieftains, whose persistent steadfastness of purpose and manly courage under difficulties were equalled only by their avarice, treachery, and infamous cruelty.

The bloody work accomplished, the conspirators rush forward and cry, "Long live the king! The tyrant is dead! Long live our lawful governor Almagro!" The Almagroists continue in power till the latter part of 1542, when they are exterminated by Vaca de Castro, sent as commissioner by the crown to quiet the country. Almagro is executed, and the name becomes extinct. Juan Pizarro is killed by the Indians while capturing the fortress of Cuzco, and after the defeat of Vasco Nuñez Vela at Añaquito had been avenged by the execution of Gonzalo Pizarro at Xaquixaguana, the affairs of Peru lapse into the hands of the viceroys.[I‑36]

CHAPTER II.
CASTILLA DEL ORO.
1527-1537.

Administration of Pedro de los Rios—He is Superseded by the Licentiate Antonio de la Gama—Barrionuevo's Reign—A Province in Nueva Andalucía Granted to Pedro de Heredia—He Sails for Cartagena—Conflicts with the Natives—Treasure Unearthed—The Devil's Bohío—Prosperity of the Settlement—Alonso Heredia Sent to Rebuild San Sebastian—Is Opposed by Julian Gutierrez—Capture of Gutierrez—The Golden Temple of Dabaiba Once More—Expeditions in Search of the Glittering Phantom, Francisco César and Others—Audiencia Established at Panamá—Maleadministration—Complaints of the Colonists—Destitution in the Province—Bishops of Castilla del Oro—Miraculous Image of the Virgin—Bibliographical.

PEDRO DE LOS RIOS.

Mention has already been made of the appointment of Pedro de los Rios as governor of Castilla del Oro in place of Pedrarias Dávila, of the arrival of his fleet at Nombre de Dios in 1526, and of the death of Pedrarias at Leon in 1530. The new governor was instructed that the conversion of the natives rather than their conquest should be his main purpose; they were to be treated indeed as vassals of the crown but not as slaves; and his Majesty the emperor Charles V. was pleased to declare that in the foundation of new colonies he had less regard for his own aggrandizement than for the spread of the holy Catholic faith. Pedro de los Rios was a man unfit to govern a community of wild and turbulent adventurers in a strange and half-settled territory. Instead of pursuing the right course at the right moment, he seemed to go out of his way to commit blunders. As occurred at his meeting with Salcedo in Nicaragua, when the mere threat of a fine made him beat a hasty retreat to Panamá, he was often found wanting in the hour of trial. His lack of ambition and ever-present regard for his own personal ease and safety, caused his administration to prove tame and uneventful.

The auri sacra fames was a vice so prevalent among the rulers of Castilla del Oro that it is but a tiresome iteration again to allude to it; but Rios' thirst for riches far surpassed the greed of all his predecessors. His avarice was only exceeded by that of his wife, who, as Oviedo tells us, held him under complete control and governed the province through the governor. He appropriated all that he could lay hands on, whether public or private property, and his malefeasance in office soon became so notorious as to attract the attention of the emperor. He was enjoined from crossing the boundaries of his province, ordered to surrender to the royal treasurer the Pearl Islands, the revenues of which, it will be remembered, were placed under his control by the crown, and to give all needful aid to Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Almagro in the prosecution of their exploring expeditions.

But it was no part of the policy of Rios to build up other territories at the expense of his own, and his neglect of these instructions, united with the malign influence of the crafty Pedrarias, whom the slender-witted Rios never ceased to persecute, soon wrought his downfall.[II‑1] Such, finally, were the complaints laid before the council of the Indies, that some time before the expiration of his three years' term of office, the licentiate Antonio de la Gama was sent to take his residencia, and the governor, dissatisfied with the result, proceeded to Spain and demanded justice. His cause came up before the council of the Indies, Oviedo acting as attorney for the city of Panamá, and Pedro de los Rios was fined, despoiled of office, ordered home, and forbidden ever to return to the Indies.[II‑2] His wife, whom he had left behind, refused to make the journey to Spain without the company of her husband, and as he declined to return for her, she remained at Panamá to the day of her death.

After the condemnation of Rios in 1529, the licentiate refused to surrender his badge of office, retaining his post as governor for about five years. Notwithstanding some complaints of his summary method of dealing with judicial matters, a few even going so far as to say that if Rios chose to return he might do so with impunity, the general verdict of the colonists was in his favor, and during his administration many public improvements were made. An inordinate craving for wealth was, as usual, the cause of his removal,[II‑3] and in the spring of 1534 he was superseded by Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo, a soldier who had gained some distinction at Cartagena. Barrionuevo had received his commission nearly two years before, and set sail from Spain in command of a force of two hundred men, furnished at the expense of the crown. He was ordered to touch at Española, where the governor was instructed to furnish all needed supplies; and the expedition arrived at Nombre de Dios with ranks somewhat thinned by disease, and by casualties incurred through rendering assistance in quelling an Indian revolt in Santo Domingo.

NUEVA ANDALUCÍA.

Amidst the throng of adventurers who, dazzled by marvellous reports of the wealth of the incas and of the fabled treasures of Dabaiba, petitioned the emperor for grants of territory south of Castilla del Oro was Pedro de Heredia, who had already done good service at the settlement of Santa Marta and elsewhere in the Indies. To him was assigned in Nueva Andalucía a province whose limits extended from the River Atrato to the Magdalena, and from the North Sea to the equator. Sailing from Spain in 1532 with three vessels and about one hundred men, he landed at a port then called Calamari, but to which he gave the name of Cartagena.[II‑4] It was hereabout that Ojeda's command was annihilated in 1509, and here that Nicuesa avenged the defeat of his late rival by putting to the sword the people.

After a brief rest the Spaniards marched inland and came ere long to a town where they met with stout resistance. The natives made good use of their poisoned arrows and clubs of hard wood, man, matron, and maid fighting side by side, and though all destitute of clothing or any defensive armor, confronted the fire-arms and swords of the Europeans without flinching. A few prisoners were taken during the skirmish, one of whom, on the return of the party to Cartagena, offered to act as guide to some of the largest towns in that vicinity, thinking that his captors must surely be there overpowered and exterminated. On the way they were attacked by a large body of natives who, after a sharp contest, were driven into a neighboring stronghold, enclosed with several thickly planted rows of trees. In hot pursuit the Spaniards followed, and forced their way into the enclosure side by side with the fugitives. Fresh bands of Indians soon arrived and, turning the scale, drove out the invaders, and in the plain beyond, where was room for the use of artillery and cavalry, even here pressed them so hard that they held their ground with difficulty. During the fight Heredia, becoming separated from his men, was surrounded, and would surely have been killed had not one of his soldiers forced his way through the enemy's ranks, and thrusting his sword through the body of one, and cutting the bowstring of another, held the foe in check till others could come to his assistance. Finally the savages were driven back, leaving their town in the hands of the captors, who found there provisions and a little gold.

Returning to Cartagena, Heredia fell in with a vessel newly arrived from Española with troops on board that raised his command to one hundred foot and as many horse. Thus reënforced, he penetrated the province as far as the town of Cenú, in the valley of a river which still bears that name. Here was found in two boxes or chests gold to the value of 20,000 pesos, and in a place which went by the name of "El bohío del diablo,"[II‑5] a pit with three compartments, each about two hundred and fifty feet in length, was a hammock supported by four human figures, and containing gold to the value of 15,000 pesos, amid which, according to Indian tradition, his sable majesty was wont to repose. In a sepulchre near by, gold-dust was unearthed to the amount of 10,000 pesos.

Well satisfied with the results of his expedition Heredia returned to head-quarters, and was soon afterward joined by a fresh reënforcement of three hundred men. The tidings of his success soon attracted numbers of dissatisfied colonists from Castilla del Oro, and toward the close of the sixteenth century Cartagena became a place of considerable note,[II‑6] the fleet that supplied the New World with the merchandise of Spain touching there on the way to Portobello. The latter was but a small village, tenanted chiefly by negroes, and possessing, next to Nombre de Dios, the most sickly climate of all the settlements in Tierra Firme. So deadly were the exhalations from its rank and steaming soil that a small garrison maintained there to guard the fleet was changed four times a year. Notwithstanding its unwholesome atmosphere an annual fair was held there lasting forty days, during which time its streets were crowded with merchants from every quarter of the Indies. Not many years afterward the Peruvian herder, climbing the mountain side in quest of his stray llama, discovered the silver-mines of Potosí,[II‑7] and the place became, for a few weeks in the year, the most redundant mart of commerce in the world. A fleet, freighted with all that was required to supply the real and artificial wants of an opulent community, called there once a year, and as soon as it appeared in sight the treasures of the mines and pearl-fisheries were conveyed by land from Panamá to Cruces, and thence down the Rio Chagre to Portobello.

Castilla del Oro.

SAN SEBASTIAN.

When the conquest and exploration of his territory had been partially effected, Pedro de Heredia despatched his brother Alonso to the gulf of Urabá to rebuild there the town of San Sebastian.[II‑8] The site selected was some leagues south of the ruins of the settlement which Ojeda had founded, and where his lieutenant Francisco Pizarro and his band suffered from hunger and pestilence before Vasco Nuñez led them to the South Sea. On a spot distant about half a league from the eastern shore of the gulf, among some hillocks near which were groves of tall cocoa-nut palms,[II‑9] the settlement was founded, sorely against the will of Julian Gutierrez, who, having married the sister of the cacique Urabá, had accumulated a fortune by bartering for gold such cheap baubles as the natives most preferred.[II‑10] Inciting the natives to harass Heredia's party at every opportunity, Gutierrez proceeded to build a fort on the banks of the Rio Caiman, at no great distance from San Sebastian. In this enterprise he was joined by a number of malecontents from Castilla del Oro, who had been on the point of embarking for Peru, but were persuaded to take service under Gutierrez. Chief among them was one Francisco César, who soon afterward figures prominently in the history of Cartagena.

Heredia at once marched with all his forces against Gutierrez, and bid him withdraw from the limits of his province. The latter replied that he was acting under instructions from the governor of Castilla del Oro and could not neglect his orders. Heredia pretended to be satisfied with this answer and withdrew his troops, but returning after nightfall stormed the enemy's camp and put most of the garrison to the sword. Gutierrez and his Indian wife were carried captives to Cartagena. César with a few of the survivors escaped to the woods and afterward took service under Heredia. News of the disaster soon reached Panamá, whereupon Barrionuevo immediately crossed over to Nombre de Dios, took ship for Cartagena, procured the release of his lieutenant, and concluded an arrangement with Pedro de Heredia by which the Atrato was made the southern boundary of Castilla del Oro.

THE GOLDEN TEMPLE OF DABAIBA.

In the vicinity of a temple in the valley of the Cenú River the colonists of San Sebastian discovered numerous tombs, some of them of such ancient date that their contents betokened the lapse of centuries. Here the natives buried their caciques in a sitting posture, side by side with their favorite wives, best trusted servants, and dearest friends; and in the vaults which contained the remains were placed all their gold, gems, and armor. This, perchance, may have been the golden temple of Dabaiba, the quest of which had already cost the lives of so many Spaniards, and was yet to cost the lives of hundreds more as they pursued this glittering phantom far south toward the verge of the province. South-east of the gulf of Urabá lay the territory of the cacique Dabaiba, whose name is still applied to the sierra that skirts the bank of the Atrato, forming a western spur of the cordillera. Between the gulf and the town of the cacique was a forest ten or twelve leagues in length, dense with palm-trees, and matted with tropical undergrowth, through which flowed to the sea mountain streams, dammed in places with fallen trees, and covering the neighborhood with vast tracts of lagoon and marsh land. Through this region the natives, with their light portable canoes, made their way with little difficulty, but to the Spaniard with his heavy armor and cumbersome accoutrements the forest was almost impervious. Beyond it lay a rugged and broken country in which roads were unknown and where the tortuous bed of a mountain torrent afforded for a brief space during the dry season the only means of access to the realms of the Indian chief. The sierra of Dabaiba had for many years barred the progress of Spanish exploration and conquest, but there, if report were true, lay hidden stores of gold that outshone even the riches of an Atahualpa or a Montezuma. Closely guarded indeed must be the treasure that could escape the keen scent of the Spaniard, and great the obstacles that could stay his path when in search of his much loved wealth.

The first to attempt the conquest of this territory was Francisco César, now a captain of infantry, and one whose skill and gallantry had gained for him the confidence of his men. Starting from San Sebastian in 1536, in command of eighty foot and twenty horse, he travelled southward through a pathless wilderness. Ten months the party journeyed, and arriving at length at the Guaca[II‑11] Valley were suddenly attacked by an army of twenty thousand natives. While thus surrounded and cut off from all hope of retreat, there appeared above them in the heavens the image of Spain's patron saint. Three hours thereafter the enemy was routed, and the Spaniards proceeded at once to look for gold. After much tedious search, a crumbling sepulchre was discovered, wherein was hidden treasure to the value of thirty thousand castellanos. The remnant of César's band then returned to San Sebastian, accomplishing their homeward journey in seventeen days.

HEREDIA'S EXPEDITION.

Less fortunate was Pedro de Heredia, who in the same year organized an expedition to invade the realms of the cacique Dabaiba and to gain possession of his treasures. At the head of two hundred and ten mail-clad men, Heredia set out from San Sebastian, and directed his course along the banks of the Atrato. He soon arrived at the verge of the forest through which he must cut his way as best he could, with frequent and vexatious delays for the felling of trees and the construction of rafts to bridge the marshy ground, impassable else for man or beast. Rain fell in torrents; poisonous snakes and swarms of wasps and mosquitoes haunted the gloomy solitudes. No fires could be kindled, and famine and pestilence soon became familiar guests in the Spanish camp. Some natives who served as guides were accused of having purposely led them astray. They answered: "We go from the river to the mountains in three days, while you and your horses require as many months."

When the storm cleared away a detachment of Spaniards was sent in advance to reconnoitre, the rest remaining in camp to await their report. After a few days' march they arrived at a spot where the smoke of expiring embers and the skins of animals indicated a recent encampment of savages. After diligent search huts were discovered built amidst the boughs of the forest-trees, the natives thus securing themselves from venomous reptiles. After a slight resistance two of the natives were captured, and from their information the party brought back news to their comrades that they were travelling in a wrong direction. Heredia and his men, too much dispirited to make any further effort, turned their faces homeward and arrived at San Sebastian empty-handed and in sorry plight, the return journey occupying forty days, and the entire expedition about three months.

FRANCISCO CÉSAR'S EXPEDITION.

The survivors of the two Spanish companies soon became clamorous for fresh adventure, and in 1538 Francisco César, with Heredia's permission, equipped a force about equal in number to his first command, resolved this time to penetrate at all hazard the fastnesses of the mysterious sierra. After leaving San Sebastian, César marched along the coast in the direction of the Rio Verde, thence turning eastward toward the cordillera. The party suffered severely, and on arriving at the Guaca Valley mustered but sixty-three men capable of bearing arms. Nevertheless César advanced boldly on the first town which fell in his way after ascending the sierra. The inhabitants, assured by interpreters that the invaders had no hostile intent, brought forth an abundant supply of roots, corn, fruit, and such other provisions as they possessed. The horses were treated with special care, and homage was paid to them as to superior beings.

While the Spaniards were enjoying here a few days of repose the chief of the district, Nutibara by name, quietly assembled an army of two thousand men, thinking to crush this presumptuous little band, for no tidings had yet reached him of the dread prowess of the strangers. A stubborn conflict ensued, terminated only by the death of Quinunchú, brother of Nutibara, who fell by the hand of César. Santiago on his white horse again appeared in behalf of his followers, and to him was ascribed the glory of the carnage that followed. The conquerors soon ascertained that the country for many leagues around was rising in arms against them, and having now secured treasure to the value of forty thousand ducats they returned by forced marches to San Sebastian.[II‑12]

News of César's expedition was soon carried to Cartagena, whence in December 1537 the licentiate Juan de Badillo set forth to explore further the region south of the gulf of Urabá. A force of three hundred and fifty men was collected, with five hundred and twelve horses, a number of Indians and negroes, and ample stores of provisions and munitions of war. Francisco César was second in command, and the treasurer Saavedra one of the captains. Starting from the port of Santa María near the mouth of the Atrato they arrived, with no adventure worthy of note, at the valley of Los Pitos[II‑13] where was a fort defended by a large force of natives. Saavedra, leading an attack on this stronghold at the head of sixty men, was beaten back, and César, coming to his support about nightfall, posted his men in readiness to renew the assault at daybreak. The defenders, perceiving their design, determined to anticipate them, and fell on the Spaniards unawares, but after some sharp fighting were repulsed.

Badillo then continued his march through the Guaca Valley, arriving at the domains of the chief Quinachi. It was here that César, on his first expedition, had unearthed treasure to the value of thirty thousand castellanos, and hence one reason for selecting this route. In June the expedition arrived at the valley of Norí,[II‑14] with ranks somewhat thinned by famine and by ceaseless encounters with the natives. Meeting with a friendly cacique they questioned him as to the whereabouts of the great treasure of Dabaiba. He replied: "There is no treasure, for they have no need of any; but when they want gold to purchase food or redeem a captive, they pick it up in dry weather from under the rocks in the river-beds." Exploring parties were sent in all directions, but with little success. They could not scale the steep sierra or cross the treacherous marshes, and they were constantly harassed by bands of Indians. Acosta relates that one detachment sent out toward the mountains in a westerly direction passed underneath a village, built amidst the overhanging boughs of forest-trees, whence the natives plied them with arrows, rocks, hot water, and lighted fagots.

The cacique of Norí, anxious to be rid of the Spaniards, presented Badillo with gold to the value of two thousand pesos, and offered to conduct him to an auriferous region, then known as the Buritica Valley. After a six days' march they came to a native stronghold, which was captured after a sharp struggle, the chieftain, with his young wife, being taken captive. The latter was released on payment of a large ransom, accompanied with a promise from her husband to act as guide to a spot where rich mines were known to exist. With a heavy iron collar round his neck, and fastened by chains between four stalwart soldiers, the cacique led the way till he came to the verge of a precipice, whence he threw himself headlong, dragging with him his guards. Unhappily the fall did not prove fatal, and the Spaniards, though sorely hurt, had yet life enough left to drag their bruised victim into the presence of Badillo, who at once ordered his slaves to burn him alive.

Want, sickness, and the ceaseless hostility of the natives had now spread havoc in the Spanish ranks. Many who had come in search of wealth had found a grave; and the survivors, worn with hardship and disgusted with the meagre results of their long-protracted toil, threatened to abandon the expedition and set their faces homeward. The discontent was greatly increased by the death of Francisco César, a much loved and well trusted officer, and one who, had fortune cast his lot in a wider or nobler sphere of action, might have become one of the foremost captains of his age. Nevertheless, the march was continued, and on Christmas-eve, after a journey lasting one year and three days, the expedition arrived at the province of Calí, in the valley of the Cauca River. Here the soldiers well nigh broke out into open mutiny. Badillo confronted them with drawn sword, exclaiming: "Let him return who chooses; I will go forward alone till fortune favors me." Nevertheless the men crowded around him still clamoring to be led back to Urabá, whereupon he ordered a division to be made of the spoil, hoping thus to put them in better heart. To complete his discomfiture it was found that the treasure-chest had disappeared. This last was a heavy stroke, for the worthy licentiate was of course suspected of the theft. Alone and broken-hearted he stole away to Popayan, some twenty leagues to the south in the same valley. Thence he made his way to Panamá, was there arrested, and after being sent a prisoner to Cartagena, the city from which he had departed in pursuit of fame and riches, ended his days at Seville, before his trial was concluded, friendless and a pauper.

The charge of peculation against Badillo proved to be unfounded, for the chest containing two thousand six hundred castellanos was afterward discovered.

The share of each foot-soldier was ascertained to be five castellanos, from which it would appear that the Spaniards lost about half their number before arriving at Calí. The remainder of the band followed the course of the Cauca River northward as far as the Indian province of Umbrá, where most of them took service under one Jorge Robledo, who made further explorations on the right bank of the Cauca in the mountainous region which now bears the name of Antioquia.

THE AUDIENCIA OF PANAMÁ.

In 1533[II‑15] the audiencia real y chancillería of the city of Panamá was established, the personnel of which included a president, four oidores, a fiscal, a relator, two secretaries, and for local government two alcaldes and three ministers of justice. The territory under the jurisdiction of the audiencia originally included Peru with the exception of the port of Buenaventura, but was afterward bounded by Costa Rica, Cartagena, and the two oceans, and was divided into the three provinces of Castilla del Oro, Darien, and Veragua, all of which were included under the one name of Tierra Firme. During the administration of Pedrarias, as we have seen, an interdict was passed forbidding lawyers and magistrates to reside in Castilla del Oro, and the minions of the governor decided civil cases always in favor of the party who paid the heaviest bribe. There was no appeal but to the governor himself except in cases where the amount exceeded five hundred pesos. A transcript of proceedings might in such cases be sent to the audiencia of Española, which at that time held jurisdiction over the inferior courts of Castilla del Oro. Some few years after the demise of Pedrarias the prohibition was removed, when there fell upon the fated land an avalanche of lawyers. "A magistrate," writes Oviedo to the emperor, "is worse than a pestilence, for if the latter took your life it at least left your estate intact." After the establishment of the audiencia of Panamá certain changes were made, but they were of little benefit to the community, for in 1537 we find the alcalde mayor holding the threefold office of presiding judge and attorney both for plaintiff and defendant, "passing sentence," as Oviedo says, "on him whom he least favored."[II‑16] The government of the three provinces was in fact little else than a legalized despotism. Complaint was sometimes made to the emperor, but the colonists soon found that the complainant was only made to suffer the more for his presumption. "Only that an ocean lay between Charles and his downtrodden subjects," exclaims Vazquez, "nineteen out of twenty would have thrown themselves at his feet to pray for justice."

The corruption extended to the municipal officers, and the provinces became rapidly impoverished. To make matters worse, multitudes of vagrants, the scum of the Spanish population, had for years been swarming into the New World settlements. At one time the hospitals and churches of Panamá were insufficient to shelter the hordes of poverty-stricken and houseless vagabonds that crowded the city. As they would not work, many were near starving.

Charles knew little of all this, if indeed he cared. As an instance of his ignorance as to the true condition of affairs in Tierra Firme, it may be mentioned that on the appointment of Fray Vicente de Peraza as the second bishop of Castilla del Oro, he was enjoined by the monarch to render aid to the faithful Pedrarias Dávila in securing the conversion and proper treatment of the natives. It is probable that the good bishop worked a little too conscientiously in the cause of the savage to suit the taste of Pedrarias, for as it has already been stated, he died of poison supposed to have been administered by that worthy ruler.

BISHOP BERLANGA'S BOX.

Of Fray Tomás de Berlanga, who filled the episcopal chair a few years after Peraza's decease,[II‑17] it is stated that during his return voyage to Spain, in 1537, being overtaken by a heavy storm, he arrayed himself in his pontifical robes, and kneeling with the rest of the company chanted a litany to the virgin. In response there appeared on the waves what seemed at first a small boat, but proved to be a box containing, as was supposed, merchandise. The gale moderated and the captain readily assented to the bishop's proposition that if the box contained a saint's image or other sacred thing, it should become the property of the prelate, but if it held anything of monetary value it should be claimed by the former. Soon the sea was calm; the box was opened, and there, sure enough, was the image of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception. On his arrival in Spain Berlanga placed the image in the convent of Medina de Rioseco, where he afterward founded a similar institution, chanting his first mass there on the 19th of January 1543.[II‑18]

CASTELLANOS, SIMON, PIEDRAHITA.

With the trio of travellers and observers, Benzoni, Acosta, and Thevet, may be classed Juan de Castellanos, whose Elegías de Varones Ilustres de Indias recount not only the glories of the military, ecclesiastic, and civil conquerors who figured in the early annals of the region extending over the Antilles, the Isthmus, and the northern part of South America, but give special histories of the New Granada provinces. Himself one of the horde which came over from Spain for glory and plunder, he had as cavalry soldier taken active part in a number of the expeditions so graphically described. With the acquisition of a fortune came a sense of the injustice exercised in its accumulation, and remorse perhaps for ill-treatment of the Indians, mingled largely with discontent at the poor recognition of his services, caused him to join the church. He received the appointment of canónigo tesorero at Cartagena, but resigned it after a brief tenure for the curacy of Tunja, erroneously assumed by some writers to be his birthplace. Here he found ample time to seek solace by unlocking the gates of a natural eloquence, and letting forth the remembrances of glorious deeds and events. The gown is forgotten, and the old soldier dons again in fancy the rusty armor, though he modestly, too modestly, refrains from intruding himself. It is in prose that he first relates his story, but finding this too quiet for his theme of heroes and battles, he transposes the whole into verse, a work of ten years.

His is not the artificial refinement of the epic writer, whose form he follows from a love of rhythm, but merely versified narrative, with a generally honest adherence to fact, though form and metre suffer:

Iré con pasos algo presurosos,

Sin orla de poéticos cabellos

Que hacen versos dulces, sonorosos

A los ejercitados en leerlos;

Pues como canto casos dolorosos,

Cuales los padecieron muchos dellos,

Parecióme decir la verdad pura

Sin usar de ficcion ni compostura.

The ease and variety of the lines indicate the natural poet, however, and even when form departs the sentences retain a certain elegance. The first part was published as Primera Parte de las Elegías, etc., Madrid, 1589, 4o, used by De Bry in his eighth part on America, and given in the fourth volume of Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 1850. The second and third parts, provided with maps and plans, and dedicated, like the first, to King Philip, remained in manuscript in the library of the Marqués del Carpio—Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 590—till issued by Ariban, together with the first part, in 1857, as a special volume of the above Biblioteca. A fourth part, perhaps the best and most important, as it must have recorded the latest and freshest recollections of Castellanos, was used by Bishop Piedrahita for his history, and has since disappeared. He found the original with Consejero Prado, and refers to "las otras tres partes impressas." Hist. Conq. Granada, preface.

The three published parts are divided into elegies, eulogies, and histories, according to the theme, though Castellanos evidently stretches a point to obtain so many subjects under the first heading, inscribing them, as a rule, 'to the death' of some noted captain. The subdivision forms octave stanzas of the Italian form, undecasyllabic triple measure, in feminine rhyme, of triple alternating lines, with a finishing couplet. Toward the end a continuous and chiefly blank verse is used. The facility for versification in Spanish can hardly find a better illustration than these sustained triplets of double rhyme, which reflect no small credit on Castellanos' patience and power of expression. The usual faults of writers of his age are, of course, to be found; incredulity, pedantry, and contradiction, chiefly due to the readiness with which he accepted statements from chroniclers and from participants in the events related. His own versions may, Muñoz' slurs notwithstanding, be regarded as faithful recitals, so far, at least, as memory and military ardor permitted, while everywhere are to be found clear, vivid descriptions of battles, scenes, and people.

An ambition with the monks and missionaries who assisted to develop the conquest was to become chroniclers of general history, of expeditions, or of provinces, and as brethren of the hood abounded narratives were numerous enough to form the most perfect record of events that could be desired; but the deplorable fact remains that so few have been preserved, in print or manuscript. New Granada, which includes the southern part of the Isthmus, was long without a public chronicle. The conqueror Quesada had prepared one, and Medrano had left a history just begun, which Aguado completed in two volumes, but neither saw the light, and Castellanos' poetical record was published only in part. They existed in manuscript, however, and with them for guide, Pedro Simon was encouraged to undertake the task anew. Born at La Parilla in 1574 he had early joined the Franciscan order, and came to New Granada 30 years later as teacher and missionary, rising in 1623 to the office of provincial. The same year he began the history for which he had during several years been gathering material and experience. Three stout folio volumes were speedily completed, each divided into seven historiales; but of these only the Primera Parte de las Noticias historiales de las Conquistas de tierra firme, Cuenca, 1627, relating to Venezuela, came to be published; the other two, on Santa Marta, and on the region adjoining Darien, remaining in manuscript at Bogotá, whence Muñoz obtained a copy for the Madrid Academy. The published volume opens with a dissertation on geographic knowledge among the ancients, and on the origin of the Indians, and proceeds with the discovery and naming of America. The Isthmus receives at first considerable attention, as one of the earliest explored portions, but soon the narrative concentrates upon the conquest and settlement of Venezuela, devoting a considerable space to the custom and condition of the natives, but entering very little upon religious affairs. The work is decidedly the most important history of the province for the sixteenth century, and the failure to publish that of the other provinces is highly to be regretted. The simple, verbose style is that common to the convent chroniclers of the period, and the only serious fault is in giving too ready credence to statements.

Simon's non-success with the printer gave the rank of leading historian of the province to Bishop Lucas Fernandez Piedrahita, who wrote 50 years later. A creole of Bogotá by birth, his whole career as priest and prelate is bound up with his native country. While yet a student he gave evidence of a literary taste by writing comedies, of which no traces remain however. His ability procured rapid advancement in the church. While governor of the archdiocese, till 1661, he incurred the enmity of a visitador and was obliged to appear in Spain for trial, but passed the ordeal, and received in compensation the bishopric of Santa Marta. It was while waiting the slow progress of the trial that he found time to write the Historia General de las Conqvistas del Nvevo Reyno de Granada, 1688. In 1676 he was promoted to the see of Panamá, where he died, 1688, at an age of over 70 years, revered for his extreme benevolence and sanctity. In the preface to the volume, just then passing through the press, Piedrahita admits that it is merely a reproduction of Quesada's Compendio, and of the fourth part of Castellanos' Elegías, both now lost, and the text shows indeed but little of the research, speculation, and variety manifest in Simon, whom he excels however in beauty and clearness of style. He confines himself more to the special history of New Granada than Simon, and instead of learned dissertations on America in general, he devotes the first two of the 12 books to an account of native customs and ancient history. He then takes up the conquest and settlement of the provinces in question and carries the history to 1563. The first title is bordered with cuts of Indian battle scenes, and the portraits of seven leading kings and caciques, while that of the first libro has 12 minor chiefs in medallions. The title-page of the third libro, again, which begins the conquest, bears the likenesses of 12 Spanish captains. At the close of the work is promised a continuation, but this never appeared.

A modern publication covering the same field and period as the preceding is Joaquin Acosta's Compendio Histórico del Descubrimiento y Colonizacion de la Nueva Granada en el siglo decimo sexto. Paris, 1843. Lacking in critique it nevertheless fills the want of a popular chronologic review, and exhibits considerable labor. Acosta was an officer of engineers in the Colombian service who had taken an active part in scientific investigations, and written several archæologic essays.

CHAPTER III.
THIRD ATTEMPTED COLONIZATION OF VERAGUA.
1535-1536.

The Dukes of Veragua—María de Toledo Claims the Territory for her Son Luis Colon—Felipe Gutierrez Appointed to the Command—Landing on the Coast of Veragua—Sickness and Famine—The Cacique Dururua Enslaved—He Promises to Unearth his Buried Treasures—Messengers Sent in Search of It—They Return Empty-handed—But Warn the Chief's Followers—He Guides the Spaniards to the Spot—They are Surrounded by Indians—Rescue of the Cacique—Cannibalism among the Christians—Sufferings of the Few Survivors—The Colony Abandoned.

Thus far in North America we have followed the Spaniards in their pacification and settlement of Castilla del Oro, Nicaragua, and Honduras. Between these territories is situated the province of Veragua, subsequently called Nueva Cartago. Though rich in metals and near to Darien, such was the indomitable fierceness of the natives, and the ruggedness and sterility of the country, that this, the spot on Tierra Firme where the first attempt at settlement was made, was the last province of Central America that became subject to European domination. The New World was informed by the council of the Indies, in 1514, that permission was granted by the crown to Bartolomé Colon to plant a settlement upon the coast of Veragua, if he were so inclined. But this recognition of the eminent services of the adelantado in that quarter came too late, as he was then prostrated by an illness from which he never recovered.

In 1526 the admiral Diego Colon died in Spain, and was succeeded by his son Luis in those hereditary rights which had been granted by Ferdinand and Isabella to the first admiral. In 1538, being then eighteen years of age, Luis Colon brought suit before the tribunal of the Indies to establish his right to his father's titles and dignities unjustly withheld by the emperor. Wearied with the interminable litigation received as an inheritance from his father and grandsire, Luis abandoned, in 1540, all claims to the viceroyalty of the Indies, receiving therefore the title of duke of Veragua and marquis of Jamaica.[III‑1] Not long after Don Luis died, leaving two daughters and an illegitimate son. From this time the lineal descendants of the great admiral were denominated dukes of Veragua, and after passing through several genealogical stages, the honors and emoluments of Columbus fell to the Portuguese house of Braganza, a branch of which was established in Spain. The heirs of this house are entitled De Portugallo, Colon, duke de Veragua, marqués de la Jamaica, y almirante de las Indias.

María de Toledo, vice-queen of the Indies and mother of the young admiral Luis Colon, after the death of her husband, Diego Colon, demanded from the royal audiencia of Española a license to colonize the province of Veragua.[III‑2] The audiencia referred the application to the emperor who ordered that the matter be held in abeyance until after the arbitration of the claim of Luis then pending before the crown. But the high-spirited vice-queen would not brook the delay. The right of her son to govern that land was beyond question; it was his by inheritance from his grandfather, confirmed by royal decree to his father.

FELIPE GUTIERREZ.

But the Lady María lacked funds for the enterprise, and to enlist men and equip an armada without the royal sanction and without money was impossible. The mother, however, was equal to the emergency. Among the ecclesiastics of Santo Domingo who, as they avowed for the glory of God and the promulgation of the true faith had left the cloisters of Spain and embarked in a mission to the New World, was one Juan de Sosa. "I knew him," says Oviedo, "several years ago, when he was a poor man in Tierra Firme." But being more solicitous for gold than for souls, he went to Peru and after serving under Pizarro came in for a share at the distribution of the gold at Caxamalca, receiving as his portion the then enormous sum of ten thousand castellanos. Thence the worthy priest returned to Spain, and settled in Seville, where he resolved to spend the remainder of his life in ease and luxury. But alas for constancy of purpose in cavalier or clérigo when women and cupidity unite to undermine his resolve! The vice-queen soon gained for herself the sympathy of the wealthy ecclesiastic, and for her enterprise his money and coöperation. He advanced the necessary funds, and though prevented by the character of his calling from taking control of the expedition, he sailed with the fleet, which was placed under the command of a wealthy and honorable young man named Felipe Gutierrez,[III‑3] son of the treasurer Alonso Gutierrez. The chief captain of the expedition under Gutierrez was one Pedro de Encinasola who had resided in Tierra Firme for about two years. "And whom," says Oviedo, "I also knew, for he had grown rich by keeping a public house half way between Nombre de Dios and Panamá." With a fine squadron[III‑4] manned by four hundred well armed men, Gutierrez embarked from Santo Domingo in September 1535.[III‑5] The pilot, whose name was Liaño, held a southerly course, and on approaching Tierra Firme turned to the westward and passed by Veragua without recognizing the coast. Continuing their search along Honduras, the vessels sailed around Cape Gracias á Dios and proceeded westward as far as Punta de Caxinas.

At length the pilot became aware that he was out of his course. The ships were put about, but soon encountered a heavy gale, during which they became separated. The fleet, once more united off the island of Escudo, cast anchor near the spot where Diego de Nicuesa suffered shipwreck. Gutierrez sent a boat's crew to reconnoitre. They returned in eight days, bringing hammocks, earthen pots, and other utensils. The exploring party affirmed that according to their belief the land was Veragua, but the pilot Liaño insisted that they had not yet reached that province. Another party went in boats to the Cerebaro Islands, where meeting an Indian they inquired by signs the direction toward Veragua. He pointed toward the west, thus indicating that they had again sailed past the ill-fated coast. The pilot treated the assertion of the Indian with contempt. In good Castilian he swore that the savage was a liar, and insisted on continuing an easterly course. Arriving off Nombre de Dios he confessed his error, and acknowledged that they had left Veragua far behind. Turning again toward the west they at length discovered a large river, which some said was the Belen; others declared it to be a stream west of the Belen.[III‑6] At the mouth of this river was a small island where Gutierrez disembarked his men, built some huts, and landed the greater portion of the cargo. On the mainland adjacent a favorable site for a town was selected and men were sent to clear away the dense forest and build houses. A large and comfortable log cabin was erected for the governor, and this was soon followed by storehouses and dwellings for the men.

A series of disasters followed this third attempt to plant a settlement upon the coast of Veragua, similar to those which had attended Columbus and Nicuesa. The goods of the colonists were damaged by heavy storms; the sudden swelling of the streams carried away their houses, drowning some of the men; and the cultivation of the soil was prevented by frequent inundations. Their supply of provisions grew daily less; the men, unaccustomed to the climate, sickened and died, and soon the four hundred were reduced to two hundred and eighty. To add to their distresses the Spaniards drank copiously from a poisonous spring, before becoming aware of the deadly nature of its waters; in consequence of which their lips became swollen, their gums diseased, and the effect proved fatal in many instances.

CONCEPCION FOUNDED.

The colonists felt greatly the necessity of an interpreter, and the clérigo Juan de Sosa with one of the vessels coasted as far as Nombre de Dios in search of one, but returned unsuccessful. Felipe Gutierrez named the town which he had built Concepcion, "but from the sufferings of the people," says Oviedo, "better to have called it Aflicion."[III‑7] It soon became evident that to remain in that locality was death to all concerned, and Gutierrez determined to remove to some more favorable spot farther from the marshy lowlands of the coast. Foraging expeditions were sent out in several directions for the double purpose of securing food and examining the country.

PISA'S PARTY.

In one of these excursions the Spaniards encountered a cacique named Dururua who received them courteously, and entertained them, after his rude fashion, with bounteous hospitality. But the followers of Felipe Gutierrez proved no exception to the rule in their treatment of the natives. One of two evils was open to the heathen, either to submit and suffer wrong and robbery, or to resist and be slain or enslaved. Dururua placed at the disposal of the Spaniards his entire wealth, but even this was insufficient to satisfy their cupidity. After his resources were exhausted their demands did not cease, but heaping up the measure of their iniquity they invaded the homes of the natives, compelled them to search for gold, and after infamously burning their cornfields returned to the settlement. Open hostilities having broken out, the governor sent against Dururua a force of one hundred and fifty men under Alonso de Pisa,[III‑8] who captured the chief with many of his followers. The Spaniards demanded gold. Dururua answered that if they would give him liberty he would bring them four baskets of gold each containing 2,000 pesos. The cacique however was held a prisoner, while an Indian was sent under his direction to bring in the treasure. At the expiration of four days the messenger returned empty-handed. Others were despatched on the same errand, but all returned unsuccessful. The wily Dururua affected great indignation against his followers. He called them traitors, and requested that he might be allowed to go himself upon the mission, bound and attended, when he would not only make good his word respecting the gold, but secure to the Spaniards the friendship and service of all his people.

In chains and guarded by a band of thirty men Dururua set forth to reveal the hiding-place of the treasure, and after a five days' march arrived at an abandoned village, where he directed the Spaniards to dig in a certain spot. The directions of the chief were followed, but only about half an ounce of gold was found. Encinasola, who had the matter in charge, then struck the cacique in the face, calling him dog, impostor, and other vile epithets. Dururua solemnly affirmed that he had left there a large store and that his people must have removed it on their departure from the village. He begged for one more trial, and Encinasola, blinded by cupidity, gave his assent.

All this while the shrewd cacique had not been idle. Each messenger had been despatched upon a mission to a certain quarter of his dominion to rally forces for his rescue, and an attack, which had been planned for the very night when the last attempt to find the gold was to be made, was carried into execution. The Spaniards were surrounded by a force of six hundred hostile Indians, their camp burned, eight of their number killed, and in the confusion which followed the chief was rescued. The natives then disappeared from the vicinity, removing all provisions and leaving behind a wasted country.

On their march homeward many of the survivors died of starvation. Some dropped by the way-side and were left to perish; others, notwithstanding the horror with which the act was regarded by their countrymen, fed upon the bodies of the Indians. One Diego Lopez Dávalos in a fit of choler drew his sword and slew a native servant. Two Spaniards who were following at some distance behind, on coming up to the body, cut off some portions which they cooked for their supper, their companions also partaking of the loathsome repast. On the day following another native was killed for food, and it is related that even one of their own countrymen was slaughtered and devoured.[III‑9]

When the survivors arrived at Concepcion and presented themselves before the governor, but nine emaciated and haggard wretches could be counted, and these must ever be regarded as infamous from having so preserved their lives. The governor on being informed of their conduct placed every man of them except the informer under arrest, and tried and condemned them all. Two who were considered most culpable were burned. The others were branded with a hot iron in the face with the letter C, this being the initial of his Cæsarean majesty's name, and the mark used in branding criminals doomed to perpetual slavery in his service.

Thus we see in every attempt made by the Spaniards upon the coast of Veragua only a series of horrors, each fresh trial proving more calamitous if possible than the one preceding. Yet further the company of Felipe Gutierrez diminished. Oppressed by famine, forty at length revolted and set out for Nombre de Dios, the greater part of them perishing by the way. The governor finding it necessary to give employment to those who remained or else to abandon the settlement, sent Pedro de Encinasola with a few men eastward in search of food. Fortunately they found several fields of maize which had not yet been destroyed, and hearing of a great quantity of gold in that vicinity, started in quest of it. As soon as their hunger was appeased they sent a messenger to notify the governor of the proposed excursion. As life was more endurable while pillaging the natives, the governor and the remainder of the men also sallied in quest of adventure. They passed through several villages, but the inhabitants fled at their approach. Following an Indian guide, they arrived on the fourth day at a certain high hill where they had been told were situated mines of surpassing richness. On reaching the spot they were informed that by digging in a certain place an abundance of gold could be gathered. The Spaniards did as directed, but found only a few nuggets, and turning fiercely upon the guide, accused him of trifling with them or of treachery. The poor savage totally at a loss whither to turn for relief, at length sprang upon a rock which overhung the brow of a precipice, threw himself headlong into the chasm, and thus terminated his miserable existence.

EARLY SUFFERINGS REPEATED.

Meanwhile the famishing soldiers under Encinasola, despairing of life if they remained longer in that country, broke their ranks, many of them straggling off to Nombre de Dios. The governor determined to make one more attempt to relieve his people. He accordingly despatched Father Juan de Sosa and the alcalde Sanabria with six soldiers, four negroes, and two natives for Nombre de Dios, to obtain recruits and supplies. In three days this party reached the river Belen, and then, unable to cross, followed its course southward, cutting their way through thickets and struggling through morasses until after eleven days they succeeded in reaching the opposite bank. Continuing their journey they encountered along their pathway the dead bodies of their former companions who had perished while attempting to reach Nombre de Dios. A little stale food which had been washed ashore from some wreck or distressed ship saved them from starvation. At length they came upon the remnant of those who had deserted from Concepcion, now reduced to twenty-five men, and these gaunt, haggard, and naked as the natives. Their progress was barred by hostile bands, and themselves reduced to the last extremity. Unable to proceed farther, they fortified themselves from the attacks of the natives as best they were able, and awaited the development of events.

Meanwhile the sufferings of the Spaniards at Veragua, if possible, increased. "I was informed by Marcos de Sanabria, one of the survivors," says Oviedo, "that the mortality at Veragua was at one time so great that dead bodies lay unburied within and around the huts, and that the stench arising from putrefaction was intolerable." He relates of one Diego de Campo, a native of Toledo, who seized with illness became convinced that death was near and that soon his own corpse would be added to those which lay strewn before him rotting in the sun, that he determined, if possible, to escape that horror. Wrapping himself in a cloak, he resorted to a spot where a grave had been prepared for another of those who were to die, and stretching himself within it soon breathed his last. Not long afterward the owner of the grave, being obliged himself to seek his last resting-place, found there another; but leaving the occupant undisturbed, he directed that his own body should be placed in the same grave, and thus the two found burial.

SOSA GOES TO PERU.

Failing of relief from any quarter, and receiving no tidings from Father de Sosa and his companions, Gutierrez was at last obliged to abandon the coast of Veragua. This of all others appeared the most difficult act for a Spaniard of those days to perform; he could die with less regret than he could give up a favorite enterprise. Taking ship for Nombre de Dios, he there obtained some intimation of the whereabouts and condition of Father de Sosa and the remnant of the Veragua colonists. A vessel was immediately sent to their relief with a supply of food and other necessaries which were contributed by the people of Nombre de Dios. The survivors, twenty-seven in number, were thus rescued, and the government of Felipe Gutierrez in the province of Veragua was at an end.[III‑10] He crossed over to Panamá, and shortly afterward embarked for Peru, where he was made governor by Gonzalo Pizarro, but subsequently quarrelling with that ferocious adventurer, he was beheaded. The worthy Father Juan de Sosa in deep disgust also turned his face towards Peru, vowing that if ever he again fell heir to the spoils of an inca, his wealth should not be squandered in ambitious schemes of colonization.

CHAPTER IV.
THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.
1525-1526.

Alvarado Sets Forth to Honduras to Join Cortés—Mutiny among his Men—Gonzalo de Alvarado Appointed Lieutenant-governor—His Meeting with Marin and his Party—The Second Revolt of the Cakchiquels—Gonzalo the Cause of the Insurrection—Massacre of the Spaniards—Alvarado Returns to Guatemala—He Captures the Peñol of Xalpatlahua—He Marches on Patinamit—His Return to Mexico—His Meeting with Cortés.

AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

It will be remembered that of all the native tribes of Guatemala the Cakchiquels offered the stoutest resistance to the forces of Pedro de Alvarado. When the Spaniards took possession of Patinamit they preferred to abandon their capital rather than submit to the domination of the conqueror.[IV‑1] Sinacam, their chief, was still uncaptured, having taken refuge in the mountain fastnesses of Comalapa, and it may safely be concluded that he never ceased from his efforts to harass the Spaniards. The unsettled condition of affairs at this period may be inferred from the fact that there is no record of any session of the cabildo from May 6, 1525, to October 4th of the same year.[IV‑2] The numbers of the colonists were, however, being continually reënforced. The trouble which occurred in Mexico during the absence of Cortés, caused many of the settlers in Anáhuac to turn their faces toward Guatemala, while those newly arrived from Spain or the West Indies also joined the followers of Alvarado, who now considering that his hold upon the country was secure, informed the municipality of Santiago that he intended to depart at once for Mexico.

Reports had reached Guatemala of the death of Cortés in Honduras, and if this were true he had lost a powerful patron and friend, and must needs hasten back to protect his own interests. His purpose was to proceed afterward to Spain and report his services to his sovereign from whom he hoped to obtain recognition and reward.[IV‑3]

Moreover, his brother Jorge and many other Spaniards of the Cortés party had secretly informed him of the usurpation by the factor Salazar of the governorship of Mexico, urging him not to absent himself longer, and promising to establish him as governor in place of the former, until positive information should be received whether Cortés were alive or dead. The chance that the mantle of his great master might perhaps fall upon his own shoulders, made him anxious not to miss this opportunity, and he lost no time in beginning the journey. But it was already reported in Mexico that he would arrive there before long, and he had proceeded but a short distance when he received an intimation from the factor that he had better approach no further. If, however, he preferred to revisit the capital, Salazar informed him that he would gladly meet him on the way, and have the satisfaction of putting him to death. He soon afterward learned that this was no idle threat, for a force of fifty horse and seventy foot had already been despatched against him, and he could not for a moment expect that the small band of soldiers which the colonists had been able to spare him as an escort should be able to compete with these troops. Venturesome as he was, Alvarado was not the one to encounter almost certain death, and though sorely mortified he was compelled to retrace his steps.

About the close of 1525 he was informed of the safety of Cortés, and received from him despatches with instructions to join him in Honduras with all his available forces. At that time, it will be remembered, the latter proposed to return to Mexico by way of Guatemala, but afterward resolved to make the journey by sea, landing at Vera Cruz in May 1526.[IV‑4] Alvarado at once prepared to obey his orders, but his purpose was resolutely opposed by the colonists. Municipal and military officers, citizens and common soldiers all alike objected to his entering upon a campaign which would strip the province of most of its defenders. Even his own brothers endeavored to dissuade him. But remonstrance was of no avail. The alcaldes and regidores he addressed in intemperate and abusive language,[IV‑5] while to his brothers he hotly exclaimed: "Offer me no advice; all I possess was given me by Hernan Cortés, and with him will I die."[IV‑6] Discontent was, however, widely spread, and Alvarado's personal safety appears to have been in danger, for the cabildo requested him to enroll a body-guard for his own protection, as the stability of the colonies would be endangered should any harm happen to him.[IV‑7]

With great difficulty the adelantado levied troops for his expedition. His men were discontented, and utterly averse to engage in an enterprise which offered no prospect of gain, but was certain to be attended with hardship and risk of life. When he was on the point of setting forth, fifty or sixty of them mutinied, and setting fire to the city by night[IV‑8] made their escape while the remainder of the soldiers were engaged in preventing the conflagration from spreading. It was a godless and ruffian band, that which issued forth from Patinamit under the veil of night and shrouded by the smoke of the burning city. Before their departure they stripped the chapel of all its ornaments and jewelry, and forcibly compelled the priest to accompany them. Taking the road to Soconusco they sacked the villages which lay on their route, and on their arrival in that province, considering themselves safe from pursuit, displayed their hatred of Alvarado by holding a mock trial and hanging in effigy their commander and those who had remained faithful to him. Then they passed on to Mexico plundering and destroying on their way.

ALVARADO IN HONDURAS.

Notwithstanding this defection, the adelantado soon afterward set forth to join Cortés,[IV‑9] leaving his brother Gonzalo to take command during his absence. Of his journey, which was probably an uneventful one, few incidents are narrated. He passed through the provinces of Cuzcatlan and Chaparristic, and entered Choluteca in Honduras, where, at a place called Choluteca Malalaca, as narrated by Bernal Diaz,[IV‑10] he heard for the first time of the return of Cortés to Mexico.

It has already been mentioned that in 1525 the settlement of Natividad de Nuestra Señora was abandoned on account of the unhealthiness of its site and the refusal of the natives to furnish provisions, and that Cortés granted permission to the Spaniards to remove to Naco.[IV‑11] Captain Luis Marin, left in charge of the latter colony, after remaining for some time in doubt as to the fate of his commander, despatched thence a small band of horsemen to Trujillo to ascertain whether he yet survived, and, if that were so, to gather information as to his intended movements.[IV‑12] Bernal Diaz, who was one of the troop, relates that on reaching the Olancho Valley they learned that Cortés had already embarked from Trujillo, leaving Saavedra in command. Marin's brief sojourn in Honduras had already made him impatient to return to Mexico,[IV‑13] and he at once decided to return to that province by way of Guatemala. Thus it chanced that at Choluteca Malalaca, his party met with Alvarado, who expressed unbounded delight on hearing of the safety of his old comrade in arms, and felt much inward satisfaction that now his superior could not interfere with his own schemes of conquest and aggrandizement.

The lieutenant-general then commenced his homeward march, accompanied by Marin and about eighty of the colonists of Naco. Returning through the territory at present known as the province of San Miguel, they arrived at the Rio Lempa at a season of the year when the current was so greatly swollen by the rains that to ford it was impossible. In this emergency they felled a huge ceiba-tree, out of which, with infinite labor, they fashioned an immense canoe,[IV‑14] and after toiling for five days, drenched with rain and ravenous with hunger, thus made good their crossing. They had now entered the province of Cuzcatlan,[IV‑15] where Alvarado found that during his delay in Choluteca the whole country had risen in rebellion. Several battles were fought, all resulting favorably to the Spaniards, and on the 6th of August 1526, after a final and desperate conflict, the Indians were routed with terrible carnage and soon afterward tendered their submission.[IV‑16] The Spaniards then continued their journey by forced marches and reached Guatemala without further adventure. As they drew near to Jalpatagua[IV‑17] they were met with the unwelcome tidings of the revolt of the Cakchiquels and other native nations.[IV‑18]

EVIL REIGN OF GONZALO DE ALVARADO.

During the absence of Pedro de Alvarado in Honduras, his brother Gonzalo, left in charge as his lieutenant, had made good use of the opportunity to enrich himself, imposing excessive tribute and regarding neither age nor condition in his inordinate craving for wealth. To him must be attributed the great and general uprising of the natives which occurred at this time.[IV‑19] His crowning act of oppression was to compel a large number of Indian boys to work in certain gold-washings near Patinamit,[IV‑20] requiring of them to procure daily a certain quantity of the precious metal.[IV‑21] For a few weeks the amount was punctually furnished, but on account of the tender age of the children, who were but from nine to twelve years old, the measure fell short, whereupon Gonzalo insisted that the deficiency should be made up by contribution, and threatened the natives with death, exclaiming with angry gesticulations: "Think not that I have come to this coast to dwell among a pack of hounds for any other purpose than to gather gold to take with me to Spain." This outrageous demand was also complied with, but the bitter hate of their oppressors, which had long smouldered in the hearts of the natives, was now about to break forth into a flame.

GREAT UPRISING.

Among the nations of Central America the name of the supreme being was represented by a word that signifies 'deceiver,' or in the Cakchiquel language 'demon.'[IV‑22] In time of need or peril this personage appeared to them, as Oviedo and Vazquez would have us believe, and until the Christian Spaniard made firm his footing in the land was consulted and obeyed in all important matters. "Why wait you?" he exclaimed, as he now bid his votaries strike once more for freedom. "Tonatiuh has gone to Castile, and the strangers are few. What fear you? I am the thunderbolt and will make them dust and ashes. Both them and you will I destroy if you prove cowards. Live not as slaves, nor abandon the laws of your forefathers; convoke the nation and terminate your woes." The appeal was not in vain. From Chaparristic to Olintepec, a distance of one hundred and thirty-nine leagues, the Indians rose in revolt.[IV‑23] An army of thirty thousand warriors was quickly and secretly raised, and the Spaniards now scattered among the different settlements were taken completely by surprise. The confederated tribes divided their forces into two divisions, one of which occupied the mountain passes near Petapa for the purpose of holding Alvarado's band in check, while the other fell on the unsuspecting colonists, slaughtering the greater portion of them together with a number of their Indian allies. Those who escaped fled to Quezaltenango and Olintepec.[IV‑24]

Alvarado's March.

The Indians were now in possession of the country from its southern boundary to the district of Quezaltenango, but a swift and terrible vengeance was about to overtake them. Alvarado was already within their borders. Having crushed the rebellion in Cuzcatlan he swept northward with the fury of a tempest. Scattering like sheep the bands that first offered him resistance, he met with no serious opposition till he arrived at the peñol of Xalpatlahua, situated about three leagues from the present village of Jalpatagua.

SUCCESS OF THE SPANIARDS.

At this point a huge rock, surrounded by a dry moat, formed an almost impregnable fortress, commanding not only the high-road, but also the pass through the mountain defiles, and here the natives had collected in force. For three days the Spaniards were detained in forcing the approaches and reducing the stronghold. Two furious assaults directed against it before daylight in hope of carrying it by surprise were repulsed, and it was only by stratagem that on the third day Alvarado succeeded in his attempt. Dividing his men into two parties, he assailed the peñol at two different points at the same moment. In the heat of the contest the adelantado, feigning retreat, suddenly withdrew the corps under his command; the others were ordered meanwhile to press the assault more closely. The ruse was successful. The defenders all collected at the point assailed, and Alvarado, rapidly wheeling round his column, crossed the ditch and gained the height.[IV‑25] The Indians, attacked in rear, were thrown into disorder, driven down the heights, and closely pursued by the Spaniards. Only when night closed upon their flying columns did pursuit and carnage cease.[IV‑26]

The army now continued its march unmolested, until it arrived at the plains of Canales. Here another obstinate and bloody battle was fought with a large body of natives collected from the surrounding districts. The contest was long maintained with doubtful result, but was at last decided by the arrival of the friendly cacique Cazhualan, who, although a portion of his tribe had forsaken their allegiance,[IV‑27] fell on his countrymen with such forces as he could collect and caused their overthrow.

Alvarado now advanced rapidly toward Patinamit. Fighting his way through numerous bodies of the enemy who sought to oppose his passage, he arrived in a few days at the plain in front of the city. Here the combined forces of the confederated kings and chiefs, mustering in all about thirty thousand warriors, were drawn up to give him battle and strike one more blow in defence of their native soil. In vain their effort. These Spanish veterans were invincible, and the Indian hosts were almost annihilated in sight of their capital.[IV‑28] The Spaniards following up their victory at once forced their way along the narrow causeway that formed the only means of approach to Patinamit, and putting to the sword the few defenders left, took up their quarters there for the night.[IV‑29]

ALVARADO GOES TO MEXICO.

On the following morning, however, they evacuated the city and occupied a position on the plain, where building for themselves a number of huts,[IV‑30] they remained for several days, during which Alvarado vainly endeavored to induce the revolted caciques to return to their allegiance.[IV‑31] Twice he sent proposals of peace; but no reply being vouchsafed, he hastened onward to Olintepec, where he arrived toward the end of August 1526. He was now at liberty to return to Mexico. Although he had not succeeded in either killing or capturing Sinacam and Sequechul, he considered that the late terrible punishments ensured safety.

Official business was promptly despatched. New alcaldes and regidores were elected, two of the former, named Hernan Carrillo and Pedro Puertocarrero, being nominated as Alvarado's lieutenants during his absence. A procurador, one Diego Becerra, was appointed by the cabildo to represent the interests of the city in Mexico; and, his arrangements being completed, he set forth on his journey accompanied by Marin, his brother Gonzalo,[IV‑32] and more than eighty soldiers. He passed through Soconusco and Tehuantepec, travelling with such breathless speed that two of his men, enfeebled by the hardships of the recent campaign, died on the march. As he drew near to the capital he was met by Cortés, whose friendship was soon to be cast aside, and whose lofty pride was ere long to be humbled by the very man whom that great conqueror now welcomed with open arms and entertained with princely hospitality at his palace in Mexico.[IV‑33]

And here, for a time, we must leave him to tell of his great achievements; to gamble with old comrades, to cheat them and lie to them, just as he had done three years before. Then he will bid farewell to Cortés forever, as it will prove, and go on his voyage to Spain, where we shall hear of his reaping honor and distinction. We shall hear of him also, under the consciousness of broken faith and dishonorable conduct, shrinking from and glad to avoid a meeting with his old comrade to whom he owed all that he possessed on earth.[IV‑34]

CHAPTER V.
SUBJUGATION OF ZACATEPEC, AND CAPTURE OF SINACAM'S STRONGHOLD.
1527-1528.

Puertocarrero in Charge of Affairs—Revolt at Zacatepec—Escape of the Spanish Garrison—The Place Recaptured—Execution of the High Priest Panaguali—Sinacam's Stronghold—Its Siege and Capture—Jorge de Alvarado Appointed Governor—The City of Santiago Founded in the Almolonga Valley—Prosperity of the New Settlement.

Of the two lieutenant-governors appointed by Alvarado on his departure from Olintepec, Puertocarrero was the one in whom he had most reliance. The ability which he had displayed as a soldier and a magistrate fully justified this confidence. A near relative to Alvarado, he was second only to that great captain in valor and military skill; and the most important posts in the field were usually assigned to him, while the fact that he was elected a regidor of the first cabildo, and filled that office by re-appointment till his promotion to the rank of alcalde and lieutenant-governor, is evidence of his capacity for government. In character he was in one respect too like his commander, being severe and ruthless in his treatment of the natives.[V‑1] His high breeding was displayed by a fine deportment and courteous mien, while as a companion he could be either most charming or exceeding disagreeable; his flashes of wit and humor were as much enjoyed as the lash of his sarcasm was dreaded.

With the assistance of his colleague Hernan Carrillo, he began vigorously to establish order throughout the province. His first care was to carry out the instructions of Alvarado relative to the suppression of a revolt in the town of Zacatepec, news of which had arrived before the captain general's departure. Though a portion of the natives of the Zacatepec province had joined in the general insurrection, the garrison stationed in the town itself had hitherto been able to overawe the inhabitants; but toward the end of August 1526, incited by their high priest, named Panaguali, one inspired by the presiding genius of the nation, they suddenly rose upon the Spaniards. Threats of the displeasure of their god Camanelon outweighed with them even the dread of their conquerors; and the chief priest, taking advantage of a violent earthquake which occurred a short time before, so wrought upon the fears of his countrymen that he prevailed on them to attempt the extermination of the foreigners. The garrison barely escaped a general massacre, being compelled to make their escape from the town by cutting their way through a dense crowd of assailants, who attacked them one evening about sunset. In the struggle one of their number, together with three of the Tlascaltecs, were captured and sacrificed. Next day the fugitives were joined by one hundred friendly Zacatepecs, and by rapid marches reached Olintepec the 31st of August.[V‑2]

BEFORE THE STRONGHOLD.

At daybreak on the following morning Puertocarrero marched against the insurgents. His force consisted of sixty horse, eighty arquebusiers, five hundred and fifty Tlascaltecs and Mexicans, and one hundred Zacatepecs. He had also two pieces of artillery. On arriving within sight of the town the army encamped in a small valley two leagues from the village of Ucubil,[V‑3] to rest and reconnoitre. Hernando de Chaves being sent forward with the cavalry captured two natives, who gave information that Ucubil was peaceably deposed and that in Zacatepec a portion of the inhabitants had declared for the Spaniards, and having made their escape, were scattered among the neighboring corn lands. Puertocarrero now moved to Ucubil, and thence sent messages of encouragement to the friendly natives, eight hundred of whom shortly afterward joined him. The Spanish army now mustered fifteen hundred and ninety men, and with this force the commander was quite ready to meet the opposing eight thousand. He advanced, therefore, toward the town, and when about half a league distant sent messengers to offer peace on condition of surrender. They were received with disdain, and when others were despatched on a similar errand, they were on the point of being seized and sacrificed, and only made their escape by trusting to the speed of their horses.

The Spaniards now took up their position on rising ground a quarter of a league from Zacatepec. There they were almost immediately assailed by a body of two thousand natives who, issuing from a neighboring wood, attacked them briskly, but after a brief struggle were forced to retire. Early next morning three thousand warriors, advancing from the direction of the town, came down upon them, taking good aim with poisoned arrows, while the fire of the arquebusiers was for some time rendered almost harmless by a strong breeze, which drove the smoke into their eyes. Later their weapons were used with more effect, and the Indians began to retire with loss, whereupon the Spaniards incautiously advanced, thereby suffering defeat; for when the Spanish forces were in the center of the plain, the detachment from the town, suddenly wheeling round, attacked them in front, while those who remained under cover of the woods assailed their rear. Puertocarrero was compelled to withdraw from the field with all possible haste; but this could only be done by traversing the greater portion of the plain, and was attended with great loss, the troops becoming entangled during the hottest part of the engagement, in canebrakes and creepers. At length the retreating army reached a secure position between two converging eminences, and here the conflict ceased for the night.

On the following day the Spanish commander, drawing up his infantry in a hollow square with the artillery in front and the cavalry on the wings, gave the enemy battle on the plain. His lines were too strong to be broken by the Zacatepec warriors who rushed in a dense mass to the attack, but were driven back by a well directed fire of artillery and small arms. Forming into two columns, they next assailed both wings simultaneously, but with no better success. Again massing themselves in a single phalanx, they made a furious attack on the right of the Spanish army. The struggle was long but not doubtful. Volley after volley mowed down their ranks in front, while the horsemen charged repeatedly on either flank. At length they took to flight and were pursued to the entrance of the town, where Panaguali and two other priests with eight of the principal caciques were made prisoners.

Guatemala.

EXECUTION OF PANAGUALI.

The campaign was now at an end. Puertocarrero, aware that the loss of their priests and their chieftains would assure the submission of the rebels, retired to Ucubil, whence one of the captives was sent to the town with a final summons to allegiance, and with strict injunctions to return as soon as possible. A submissive reply was returned, and on the fourth day after the battle the Spaniards entered the town with all necessary precautions against attack. Having occupied the guard-house and public square, Puertocarrero ordered the caciques and other leading men to appear before him, to witness the closing scene of the revolt. The Spaniards were marshalled in the plaza, and Panaguali was placed on trial in the presence of his deluded people, as being the promoter of the insurrection. All that the poor wretch could urge in his defence was that he had acted in obedience to the orders of his god; but Camanelon had now no power to save. As a matter of course the high priest was condemned to death, and immediately executed in full view of the awe-stricken natives who but now had confidently hoped to capture the Spaniards for sacrifice.[V‑4]

The suppression of the Zacatepec rebellion being completed, Alvarado's lieutenant[V‑5] next turned his attention to the stronghold of Sinacam. This fortress, built of stone and lime, was situated in an almost inaccessible position in the Comalapa mountains.[V‑6] In the fastnesses of this range, seamed with gloomy cañons, numbers of the Cakchiquels had taken refuge. Far down in the sierra is a precipitous ravine through which flows the Rio Nimaya.[V‑7] The stream when it reaches the valley below is of great depth, abounds in fish, and is fringed in places with beautiful glades and stretches of fertile land, which can be approached only by difficult and dangerous paths.[V‑8] Here Sinacam's followers planted and gathered their maize in safety, while river and forest supplied them with additional food. No better place for a stronghold could have been selected than that to which the chief of the Cakchiquels had withdrawn the remnant of his once powerful nation.[V‑9]

SIEGE OF THE STRONGHOLD.

At the head of a numerous and well appointed force[V‑10] Puertocarrero took up a suitable position before it,[V‑11] and for two months prosecuted the siege in vain. During this time he made frequent overtures of peace, which were answered only with contempt,[V‑12] while his men, smarting under the taunts of the foe, who felt secure in his position and had no fear of hunger, were repulsed at every attack, rocks and trunks of trees being hurled down on them from the overhanging heights. Meanwhile they were harassed by repeated sorties from the natives, who, whenever they perceived any want of vigilance in the camp of the Spaniards, swept down from the mountains with inconceivable rapidity, fell upon the weakest point of their lines, and as quickly regained the shelter of their stronghold.[V‑13]

But failure only roused the Spaniards to more determined effort. There were among them many who had taken part in the storming of Mexico, and had fought under Alvarado at Patinamit. The mettle of the adelantado's veterans had been tested on many a doubtful field, and they were now about to give fresh evidence of their valor. It may be that a traitor revealed to the besiegers some secret path,[V‑14] or even served as guide; but the storming of the fortress was none the less a desperate undertaking. Its fate was sealed however. Puertocarrero divided his forces into four bodies and stationed them at the most favorable points; but before ordering the assault sent in his last summons to surrender. The messengers who bore the letter to Sinacam narrowly escaped death. On receiving it the chieftain tore the paper to shreds, and throwing the pieces on the ground with many expressions of scorn and contempt ordered the envoys to be put to death. At this moment, however, the attack was made. Puertocarrero who had observed all that was transpiring suddenly advanced his men. The ramparts were scaled, and a foothold won within the fortifications. No hope now for the garrison; the struggle which followed was severe but brief. The discolored ground was soon heaped with the dead and dying, on whose prostrate forms the triumphant Spaniards trampled as they pressed on in pursuit of the panic-stricken natives. Sinacam and Sequechul, together with a larger number of their followers, were captured, and few of those who survived the massacre made good their escape to the mountains.[V‑15]

The storming of the Cakchiquel stronghold occurred on Saint Cecilia's day, the 22d of November 1526, and long afterward the event was yearly celebrated by an imposing procession. On the anniversary of the saint and on the eve preceding, the standard-bearer displayed the royal colors in the presence of the president, the royal audiencia, the municipality, and nobles, while the Mexicans and Tlascaltecs, who had contributed to the victory in no small degree, joined in the procession, decked in bright colors and armed with the weapons of their ancestors.

JORGE DE ALVARADO.

In the month of March 1527, a new governor arrived in Guatemala in the person of Jorge de Alvarado,[V‑16] brother of the great conqueror, and a man gifted with abilities of no common order. He had already won repute in the conquest of Mexico, and had taken a prominent part in the political dissensions which occurred in the capital during the absence of Cortés in Honduras. During the military operations in Guatemala, more especially in the first campaign in Salvador, he had proved himself possessed of true soldierly qualities. The preferment was bestowed on him by the governor of Mexico, and that he should have been permitted to supersede Puertocarrero was probably due to his brother's favor and to the friendship of Cortés. Nevertheless he was a man eminently fitted to rule. His appointment was at once recognized by the cabildo, and he was requested immediately to take the oath of office.

SANTIAGO FOUNDED.

Soon after his arrival the cabildo met to discuss a matter of general interest, which had long engaged the attention of the colonists. This was the selection of a permanent site for their hitherto unstable city. The choice lay between the valleys of Almolonga and Tianguecillo,[V‑17] and after a long and wordy discussion the question was decided in favor of the former locality. A spot was chosen which had the advantages of a cool and healthful climate, a plentiful supply of wood, water, and pasture, and where the slope of the ground would allow the streets to be cleansed by the periodical rains. The governor then presented to the municipality a document, signed by his own hand, conveying his instructions as to the laying-out of the future city. The streets were to intersect at right angles, their direction corresponding with the cardinal points of the compass; space was to be reserved for a plaza; and ground adjoining the public square was set apart for the erection of a church to be dedicated to Santiago, who was chosen as the patron saint of the city which was henceforth to bear his name, and whose heart was to be gladdened in after years, when the day of his anniversary recurred, by religious ceremonies and festivities, by tilting, and by bull-fights whenever a supply of bulls could be procured.[V‑18] Locations were to be assigned for a hospital, a chapel and shrine,[V‑19] and a fortress; appropriations adjoining the plaza were to be marked out for the municipal and civic buildings and for a prison; and the remainder of the site was then to be divided among present or future citizens according to the customs prevailing in New Spain.

After this document had been publicly read and entered by the notary in the books of the cabildo, all formalities were completed except that of taking possession of the future city as though it already existed. According to the usual formality a post was erected, and the governor, placing his hand upon it, proclaimed with great solemnity, "I take and hold possession, in the name of his Majesty, of the city and province, and of all other adjacent territory."[V‑20]

Four days after the completion of this ceremony twenty-four persons enrolled themselves as citizens; and so prosperous, at first, were the affairs of the new settlement that within six months one hundred and fifty additional householders joined the community.[V‑21] During the remainder of the year 1527 and for many months afterward the Spaniards were occupied with municipal affairs, or busied themselves with the erection of dwellings and with dividing and putting under cultivation the rich lands of the adjoining valley.

In March 1528 Jorge de Alvarado, in virtue of the authority granted to him by the governor of Mexico, claimed the right to appoint new members of the municipality. As no valid objection could be offered by the cabildo, the nominations were immediately made, and eight regidores were elected in place of four. The most important measure adopted by the new corporation during the year was the redivision of lands and the adjustment of questions that would necessarily arise from such a change. The grants were so unfairly distributed that, while many citizens had far more than their share, others had none at all. The discontent of the latter made it imperative for the municipality to take action. On the 18th of April all previous regulations were revoked and all divisions of land cancelled. An order was then issued for the redivision of the valley into caballerías and peonías,[V‑22] and a committee appointed to redistribute the grants.

ALMOLONGA VALLEY.

A measure of this kind could not fail to meet with much opposition, and as will be seen later the division of lands and the system of repartimientos caused much dissension among the colonists; yet in the present instance the cabildo acted with all possible discretion and fairness in the matter. Those grants of land which were less fertile, were of greater extent than the more barren portions; men distinguished for their services received larger shares to correspond with the degree of their merit; growing crops were the property of those in possession at the time of the redistribution; and if any occupant had made improvements and was removed to another grant, his successor was required to make others of equal value on the new land assigned to him. Complete title-deeds were promised by the cabildo in the name of his Majesty;[V‑23] the citizens were ordered to enclose and keep in good condition the portion of the street corresponding with their allotments; the exorbitant charges of artisans were regulated; and such was the thrift of the inhabitants that within little more than a year after its foundation the town was surrounded with cornfields and orchards, and the valley of Almolonga soon became one of the most flourishing colonies throughout the breadth of Central America.

CHAPTER VI.
INDIAN REVOLTS AND CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.
1529-1530.

Alvarado Returns to Spain—He is Arraigned before the Council of the Indies—His Acquittal—His Marriage—He Returns to Mexico—His Trial before the Audiencia—Francisco de Orduña Arrives at Santiago—And Takes the Residencia of Jorge de Alvarado—The Confederated Nations in Revolt—Juan Perez Dardon's Expedition to the Valley of Xumay—The Spaniards Attack the Stronghold of Uspantan—Their Repulse and Retreat—The Place Afterward Captured by Francisco de Castellanos—The Circus of Copan Besieged by Hernando de Chaves—Gallant Conduct of a Cavalry Soldier—Alvarado's Return to Santiago—Demoralized Condition of the Province.

ALVARADO IN SPAIN.

Soon after his meeting with Cortés in Mexico Pedro de Alvarado returned to Spain. Arriving early in 1527, he soon learned, as we may well imagine, that charges of a serious nature were being preferred against him. Gonzalo Mejía, the colonial procurator, had accused him before the India Council of obtaining wealth by embezzling the royal dues, and by unfair appropriation of the spoils of war. The amount thus secured was estimated at one hundred thousand pesos. Many acts of injustice were also laid to his charge, all of which Mejía affirmed could be substantiated by documents which he laid before the council. The result was that an order was issued directing a formal investigation to be made both in Madrid and New Spain, and directing that his gold which amounted to fifteen thousand ducats be seized as security for any fine in which he might be mulcted. He was required moreover to appear at court, in person, without delay.

Alvarado had now no easy task before him, but there was much in his favor. His great renown, his handsome presence,[VI‑1] and remarkable conversational powers won for him many friends, among others the king's secretary, Francisco de los Cobos, who personally interested himself in his defence, and with such success that the conqueror of Guatemala was acquitted, his gold restored, and he soon had an opportunity to plead his own case before the emperor.

Once in the royal presence the cavalier does not hesitate to inform his Majesty of his many doughty deeds during the conquest of Mexico, and to mention that the subjugation of Guatemala was achieved at his own expense.[VI‑2] The king listens with marked attention, particularly when he advances schemes for ship-building on the southern shore of Guatemala for the discovery of the coveted Spice Islands, and for the development of South Sea commerce.[VI‑3] The royal favor is won, and honors and appointments follow. The cross of Santiago is bestowed upon him, and he is appointed a comendador.[VI‑4] He is also made governor and captain general, as Arévalo tells us, of Guatemala, of Chiapas, Cinacantan, Tequepampo, Omatan, Acalan, and all other territories adjoining and belonging to that province. In return he enters into an engagement with his royal master to send forth expeditions of discovery and thoroughly to explore the waters of the South Sea.[VI‑5]

The favors which he thus received from the emperor were due in part to his marriage with a ward of the secretary Cobos. It is true that he was already betrothed to Cecilia Vazquez, a cousin of Cortés, but a mere vow could not be allowed to stand between him and high connection. Cortés had been a true friend; but Alvarado could now win stronger support than ever the conqueror of Mexico could bestow on him, and what mattered friendship when help[VI‑6] was no longer needed? A few months after his arrival in Spain, he had offered himself as a suitor for the hand of the accomplished Doña Francisca de la Cueva, daughter of the conde de Bedmar, and niece of the duke of Albuquerque. Secretary Cobos received his offer approvingly, arranged the marriage, and at the ceremony gave the bride away.[VI‑7]

Alvarado was now prepared to return to the western world, and on the 26th of May 1528,[VI‑8] entered his appointments and despatches at the India House in Seville according to form. While he was there waiting to embark Cortés arrived at Palos. But the new adelantado was no longer so anxious to meet his former commander as he had been when he marched to his aid through the wilds of Honduras. He knew how deeply he had wounded his pride in the two most sensitive points, and he received with a feeling of relief the news that Cortés had gone direct to Madrid.

In October 1528, the governor of Guatemala, accompanied by a number of noble gentlemen, friends, and relatives, again arrived at Vera Cruz, and hastening on to Mexico hoped soon to reach the capital of his own province. But the officers of the royal treasury informed him that he need be in no haste to leave; for now the investigations were not to be lightly treated. It was a serious matter, that of accounts, very serious the question how much he owed his Majesty. And near at hand were those immaculate men, the oidores of Mexico's first audiencia, who were jealous for the rights of the king, and more jealous that any other subjects should be permitted to outsteal them. Upon the heels of Alvarado they entered Mexico, bearing a document in which was a clause which read thus: "You will also inform yourselves whether it is true that, when Pedro de Alvarado was in Guatemala, there was not proper care in the collection of the fifths, and that he did not present himself to the treasurer with the portion pertaining thereto."[VI‑9] The Guatemalan governor was at once informed that he might answer to the charges on record against him.

TRIAL OF ALVARADO.

The celebrated trial which followed was protracted as long as party faction, envy, and personal enmity could make it last. The more important accusations were three—embezzlement of royal fifths and soldiers' booty, cruelty, and illegal warfare; but any act of Alvarado's previous life that could be used against him was pertinent. The total number of charges preferred was thirty-four, and there were ten witnesses for the prosecution. On April 6, 1529, the examination commenced; on the 4th of June Alvarado presented his reply; and on the 10th began the examination of his witnesses who numbered thirty-two, the chaplain Juan Diaz being one. Eighty-four questions were submitted, and in addition to verbal evidence twelve documents were filed for the defence.[VI‑10] On the 5th of July the defence was closed and the case submitted, but all efforts to obtain a speedy decision were unavailing. The oidores would have the governor of Guatemala feel their power yet a little longer.

GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCE.

Soon after Alvarado's arrival in Mexico, his brother Jorge, who had been left in charge of the province of Guatemala, received from him a copy of the former's appointment as governor and captain general.[VI‑11] At the same time the adelantado, being so empowered, constituted Jorge his lieutenant. The documents, being read before the cabildo, were duly recognized by that body; whereupon Jorge declared that he ceased to exercise the powers he had hitherto held from the governor of Mexico,[VI‑12] took the oath in the usual manner, and assumed the duties laid upon him by his new appointment.

The audiencia of Mexico was quickly notified of these proceedings, and in July 1529 it was known in Santiago that a judge and captain general had been appointed to take the lieutenant-governor's residencia. A bold though unsuccessful attempt was made to avoid the threatened investigation. Jorge compelled the procurator, syndic, and notary public to draw up a formal representation, urging, in the name of the cabildo, that Pedro de Alvarado and no other person should be obeyed as captain general and governor. This action had, however, no effect in averting his speedy fall from power. On the 14th of August Francisco de Orduña, the official appointed by the oidores, arrived at Santiago, and presenting his credentials took the customary oath the same day.[VI‑13]

The audiencia could not have selected a man more unfitted for this important office, or one less likely to promote the interests of the colony. He came at a time when of all others prudence and dispassionate action were needed. The redistribution of lands and the assignment of encomiendas in spite of all efforts to the contrary had caused discontent; the new-comers were jealously regarded by the conquerors and the settlers were already divided into factions. To reconcile differences was not Orduña's object. His policy was to be guided by self-interest, and by enmity to Alvarado and his party. A man of coarse nature, irascible and unscrupulous, he was often guilty of gross indecency in speech and of unseemly personal violence; after acts of gross injustice he insulted all who claimed redress.

One of his first measures was to call in question the legality of Jorge's administration. The alcalde Gonzalo Dovalle, a creature of Orduña's, brought the matter before the cabildo, claiming that all repartimientos which he had assigned, and all suits which he had decided, from the time that he had received from his brother the appointment of lieutenant-governor, were annulled. The question was a delicate one, inasmuch as the cabildo had recognized the authority of Jorge, and their own powers and rights were thus endangered. Nevertheless they did not venture to oppose the jurisdiction of the audiencia, and within three months after Orduña's arrival he found himself in control of the ayuntamiento.

THE XUMAY WAR.

The natives were not slow to take advantage of the discord among the Spaniards, and during the latter portion of 1529 it became necessary to send out numerous expeditions to suppress revolt or repel encroachments.[VI‑14] Several of the confederated nations which had sustained defeat at the hands of Alvarado on his return from Honduras[VI‑15] began to make inroads on portions of the province which hitherto had always been held in subjection. The valley and town of Xumay was the principal seat of the outbreak, and against this point a force of eighty foot, thirty horse, and one thousand native auxiliaries was despatched under command of Juan Perez Dardon.[VI‑16]

The march of the troops was uninterrupted until they reached the river Coaxiniquilapan.[VI‑17] Here they found their passage disputed by a large force posted on the opposite bank. Not deeming it prudent to attempt the crossing in the face of the enemy, Dardon withdrew his troops, and making a rapid detour under cover of a range of hills, arrived unperceived at a point above on the stream. By the aid of a wooden bridge which he hastily threw across it he passed his army over, and marched into the valley of Xumay. Here he encountered a strong body of the enemy, who, after a spirited opposition, suddenly retreated to a steep eminence,[VI‑18] hotly pursued by the Spaniards. The latter failed more than once in their attempts to carry this position, but the natives falling short of provisions and becoming enfeebled through hunger were at length dislodged with great slaughter.

The town of Xumay now lay at the mercy of the Spaniards; and the chief of the confederated tribes,[VI‑19] finding himself unable to cope with the enemy, determined on stratagem; but his astuteness could suggest nothing better than the oft-tried ruse of making treacherous overtures of peace. Dardon was not to be imposed upon by so trite an artifice, and apprised him that he was thoroughly aware of his design, whereupon the cacique threw off the mask, and resolving to make one last effort, attacked the Spaniards with all the forces he could collect, but was routed with heavy loss. On entering the town Dardon found the place abandoned, and in vain sent a number of his prisoners with promises of pardon to their countrymen on condition of their return. They had even less confidence in the word of the Spanish commander than he himself had shown in the good faith of their chieftain. It was therefore ordered that the place should be burned, and parties were sent to hunt down the scattered fugitives, many of whom were captured, and among them a number of caciques. All were indiscriminately branded as slaves, and hence a village afterward built near the spot, as well as the Rio Coaxiniquilapan received the name of Los Esclavos.[VI‑20]

DISCOMFITURE BEFORE USPANTAN.

While the confederated tribes were thus again being brought under subjection, an expedition directed against the stronghold of Uspantan[VI‑21] met with signal failure. Shortly after Orduña's arrival the reduction of this place was decided on by the cabildo; and a force of sixty foot and three hundred experienced Indian auxiliaries[VI‑22] was despatched for that purpose under command of the alcalde Gaspar Arias.[VI‑23] The mountainous district in which this fortress was situated lay on the borders of the present departments of Vera Paz and Totonicapan, and was inhabited by fierce roaming tribes that were continually urging the conquered Quichés to revolt. Surrounded with deep ravines, and occupying one of those naturally fortified positions that were ever selected by the natives as a refuge against the Spaniards, Uspantan was deemed almost as impregnable as Patinamit and the mountain stronghold of Sinacam. No sooner had Arias taken up his position in front of this fortress, after capturing several towns that lay on the line of his march, than he received news that Orduña had deposed him from office and appointed another alcalde in his place.[VI‑24] Indignant at this proceeding, he resolved to return at once to Santiago,[VI‑25] delegating his command to Pedro de Olmos, a man in whom he had confidence, but who, as the result proved, was unfitted for the post. Heeding not the instructions left him, or the advice of his fellow-soldiers, he determined to carry the place by storm, hoping thus to win for himself a reputation. The result was most disastrous. While the assault was being made at the single point where an entrance could be effected, his rear was assailed by two thousand of the enemy placed in ambush in anticipation of the attack. The surprise was complete. In the brief conflict which ensued a large portion of the Spaniards were wounded, Olmos himself among the number, while the slaughter of the auxiliaries was fearful. To complete their discomfiture a number of prisoners captured by the enemy were immediately stretched upon the altar in sacrifice.[VI‑26] Then the allies fled and made their way back to Santiago.

Nothing now remained but retreat; and sullenly the small remnant of Olmos' command, ill-provided with food and overladen with baggage, turned their backs upon the stronghold of Uspantan to fight their way homeward. Day by day they pressed onward, constantly assailed by the enemy posted in ambuscade along the route. The final struggle occurred on approaching the district of Chichicastenango. Here three thousand of the enemy had collected to dispute with them a mountain pass through which lay their only line of retreat. No hope for the Spaniards now, unless they could cut their way through this dense throng of warriors. Provisions and baggage were cast aside and each soldier, grasping his weapons, prepared for the conflict which was to determine his destiny. The fight was obstinate and bloody, but sword and arquebuse prevailed as usual against the rude arms of the natives, and at length the Spaniards rested unopposed on the opposite side of the range, the survivors finally reaching Utatlan, haggard and gaunt with famine.

WAR AT CHICHICASTENANGO.

Orduña, recognizing that his indiscretion had been the cause of this disaster, hastened to repair his mistake. He met with much difficulty in raising a sufficient force, as he had already made himself unpopular with most of the colonists, but at the beginning of December he left the city accompanied by forty foot-soldiers, thirty-two horse, and four hundred Mexican and Tlascaltec allies,[VI‑27] the latter commanded by Spanish officers. As Orduña had little faith in his own abilities as a leader, and his soldiers had none, the command of this force was intrusted to the treasurer Francisco de Castellanos, a man of spirit and ability. On arriving in Chichicastenango Orduña sent envoys to Uspantan with a summons to surrender.[VI‑28] The reply was of a practical nature: the emissaries were immediately put to death.

The natives must now be brought under subjection by force of arms, and Orduña sent forward Castellanos with the greater portion of the troops to undertake the fighting, while he himself remained in safe quarters at Chichicastenango.[VI‑29] The latter first directed his march against the important stronghold of Nebah. On arriving at the river Sacapulas he found for some time an impassable obstacle, on account of the precipitous nature of the ravine down which it flowed. By moving up stream, he discovered at last a spot where he could descend, and throwing a bridge over the river made good his crossing. Ascending the opposite slope, he encountered on the summit a body of five thousand warriors gathered there from Nebah and neighboring towns. They retired on his approach, and took up a position at a narrow mountain pass, whence they were driven only after a sharp and protracted struggle.

Castellanos then advanced without further opposition to Nebah, which like many other Indian towns he found to be a natural stronghold. Such reliance did the natives place on the protection of the precipices which surrounded it, that they did not think it necessary to post sentinels, and all collected to defend its only entrance. This over-confidence wrought their destruction. While the assault was being made, a few Tlascaltecs and Mexicans succeeded, by clinging to tendrils and creepers, in scaling the height in the rear of the town. Then approaching unobserved they set fire to some houses. The conflagration spread; the defence was soon abandoned; and the Spaniards rushing through the narrow entrance were soon masters of the town. On the following day all the inhabitants were branded; and such was the effect of the fall of this fortress, that the neighboring villages as well as the large town of Chahúl surrendered without opposition.

BRANDING OF PATRIOTS.

The Spaniards then marched on Uspantan, where ten thousand warriors belonging to that district, aided by an equal number of allies, disdained submission. This place was also practically impregnable, and again but for excess of confidence the garrison might have remained in security. But when they saw the little army under Castellanos impudently sitting down before their door, the men of Uspantan resolved to go forth and sweep them from the earth. The Spaniards took up their position, the infantry being divided into two equal bodies, and stationed on the wings, while the horsemen occupied the centre somewhat in advance. As soon as the onset was made and the assailants were engaged with the cavalry, the foot, rapidly deploying to right and left, fell upon the enemy's flanks simultaneously and overthrew them with great slaughter. So many prisoners of high position were taken that the submission of Uspantan and the allied towns was secured, and Castellanos, having branded and reduced to slavery a large number of his captives, returned to Santiago about the beginning of 1530.

During the same year the confusion caused by Orduña's maleadministration held out a hope to the stubborn Cuzcatecans of even yet winning back their independence, and once more they rose in revolt. Diego de Rojas was sent by the captain general with a small force to aid the Spanish settlers in that part of the province in suppressing the insurrection. His efforts were successful; but when about to accept the surrender of a fortress that lay beyond the river Lempa he heard the unwelcome news that a party of Spaniards were approaching from the south. Rojas determined to reconnoitre in person, and his curiosity was soon gratified, for while doing so he was made prisoner with a number of his followers. The intruders proved to be a party of two hundred men despatched by Pedrarias Dávila, under Martin Estete, for the purpose of making possession of Salvador and making that province an appendage to Nicaragua. If a man of ability had been in charge of this expedition it is not improbable that its purpose might have been accomplished; but Estete, though by name a soldier, had neither courage nor military skill. In the hour of trial he deserted his men; and it has already been related that about half of his force joined the colonists of Guatemala.

At the foot of a precipitous mountain range near Gracias á Dios is the circus of Copan, where lie the ruins of an ancient town which are yet an object of interest to travellers. Fuentes, writing about the close of the seventeenth century, describes it as a space surrounded by pyramids of stone, eighteen feet in height, at the base of which were sculptured figures attired in Castilian costume. The place was garrisoned by thirty thousand troops well supplied with provisions, and was guarded, at the only point where approach was possible, by a deep fosse and a barricade of earth, pierced with loop-holes. To this stronghold Hernando de Chaves, who had been ordered to quell an uprising in the adjoining province of Chiquimula, now resolved to lay siege. Drawing up his forces in front of it he approached within bow-shot of the town at the head of a small band of horse and demanded its surrender. He was answered with flights of arrows directed with such good aim that he was glad to make his escape.

On the following morning an assault was made upon the intrenchment, but without success; and though the attack was renewed again and again during the day, and the arquebuses and cross-bows of the Spaniards spread havoc among the defenders, at nightfall no impression had been made, and Chaves was compelled to draw off his forces sorely discomfited. He had exceeded his orders and was acting on his own responsibility in attempting the subjugation of Copan. He was compelled to admit his rashness; but the question was now which way should he turn in his present dilemma? To capture the stronghold with his slender force was all but impossible, while failure and retreat would bring disgrace upon the Spanish arms and dishonor on himself. When brooding over the difficulties of his position the welcome news was brought that a spot had been discovered where the depth and width of the fosse were comparatively small, and on the following day he again led his men to the attack. The struggle was long and doubtful. The Spaniards obstinately refused to withdraw, though time after time, as they attempted to scale the rampart, they were repelled by lance-thrusts, or crushed under falling rocks.

REDUCTION OF COPAN.

The day was at last decided by the desperate courage of a cavalry soldier, one Juan Vazquez de Osuña, who, enraged at the repulse of his comrades, plunged the spurs into his horse and rode him straight at the ditch. The steed cleared the fosse, striking the barricade with his barbed chest. The works could not withstand the shock: palisades and earth gave way; the frightened horse, urged on by his impetuous rider, struggled through the debris and plunged amidst the mass of warriors, scattering them in every direction. Other horsemen came to Osuña's support. The whole Spanish force followed, swarming through the breach, and formed in line inside the defences. The contest which ensued was no exception to the usual issue of Spanish warfare in America. The horsemen spread terror and death through the ranks of the natives, while the foot-soldiers followed up the work of carnage. The cacique rallied his scattered troops upon a strong body of reserves posted in a favorable position, and attempted to retrieve the day, but the resistance was brief; their ranks were soon broken, and Copan was in the hands of the victors. Not even yet, however, did the chieftain abandon hope. Leaving his capital to the foe, he retreated to Sitalá, on the confines of his domain. Here he rallied all the men he could muster, and soon at the head of a formidable army he made a desperate effort to win back Copan. Twice he assailed the Spaniards with desperate courage, and twice was driven back, his best warriors being left dead on the field. At length, convinced of the uselessness of further resistance, he tendered his submission, and from his mountain retreat sent the tributary offering of gold and plumage. His surrender was graciously accepted by Chaves, who received him with the condescension and courtesy becoming a conqueror.[VI‑30]

CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA

About the middle of 1530, Pedro de Alvarado returned to Guatemala, having at length extricated himself from the net spread by his adversaries. Complaints that the audiencia was misinterpreting the king's instructions remained unheeded; representations that he was being unjustly deprived of opportunities to prosecute new conquests, and to reap some benefit from the great outlay he had incurred, had brought to his enemies a secret satisfaction. But later the political aspect of affairs had favored him. The audiencia and a strong party of their supporters were hostile to Cortés and spared no effort to prevent his return to Mexico.

RETURN OF ALVARADO.

None of the enemies were more active than the king's factor, Gonzalo de Salazar, who seized and imprisoned a number of the leading men of the opposite faction, and among them the brothers of Alvarado. Indignant at this proceeding the latter challenged Salazar to mortal combat,[VI‑31] and insurrectionary movements in the city excited the alarm of the oidores and their partisans. At this juncture information was received that Cortés was already on his way to Mexico. A compromise was agreed upon, and Alvarado was at last permitted to continue his long-delayed journey to Santiago.[VI‑32]

Such is the version given by Remesal of Alvarado's escape from the investigation, but it is probable that he was compelled to disgorge much of his ill-gotten gains in making so-called presents to oidores and influential personages, and that he angrily shook the dust from his feet when he left Mexico, stripped of his wealth. Alas Tonatiuh! He was indeed a much injured highwayman who had fallen among thieves.[VI‑33]

On the 11th of April 1530 the adelantado arrived at the capital and was heartily welcomed; for to his absence were attributed all the evils wrought by Orduña. On the same day he presented to the cabildo his original appointment under the royal signature. The document was acknowledged with becoming gravity. It was passed round, kissed and otherwise honored, and finally enthroned in turn on the head of each member, all promising to obey it as a royal command. Then placing his right hand on the cross of the order granted to him by the emperor, Alvarado spoke the customary oath and took his seat as president of the cabildo.

Orduña's administration was now at an end, and on his return to Santiago no time was lost in instituting proceedings against him. He was ordered to give bonds in the sum of thirty thousand pesos de oro, and thereafter his name appears no more in the chronicles of his age. But we may conclude that one who had shown such animosity toward the Alvarado party, and had been so successful in winning the hatred of a community, would not escape unharmed from the fire which he had built around him. Either this, or he had been doing that which best pleased those in power, in which case his punishment can scarcely be severe.

To wring redress from Orduña was, however, an easier matter than to correct the disorder which he had produced. The colonists were divided into numerous cliques, entertaining bitter animosities toward each other. The unfair distribution of repartimientos had developed feuds which threatened bloodshed at any moment; and those who had taken part in the conquest of the country saw with anger new-comers preferred before them in election to public office.

The independent spirit of the artisan and operative placed them in direct antagonism to the more aristocratic orders, who hated them for the extortions they practised and the disrespectful indifference they displayed. Numbers of mechanics, having acquired repartimientos and wealth, charged what they pleased, in defiance of law, and worked only when they felt inclined.[VI‑34] But even this class was divided against itself, and year by year the religious processions were attended with disgraceful tumults caused by those engaged in rival trades being thus brought together. The community was even threatened with dissolution. Many had left the province in disgust to settle in Mexico or Nicaragua, or to engage in mining ventures, and others were preparing to depart. The sites allotted for residences were unoccupied by their owners; the streets were almost impassable, and horses and hogs roamed at large, causing destruction of crops, while blood-hounds were let loose and permitted to hunt down the unfortunate natives almost within sight of Santiago.

SOCIAL CONDITION

Such was the condition of affairs when Alvarado returned, and there is no doubt that his timely arrival saved the colony from destruction.[VI‑35] He recognized at once that the occasion required prompt and vigorous action, and struck at the root of the evil by prohibiting, under pain of death and confiscation, all serious quarrelling, whether by word or writing. Other measures for the correction of abuses and the reorganization of the affairs of the province quickly followed. A new distribution of repartimientos was ordered, and the conditions of military service were regulated. Whoever had two thousand Indians assigned to him must always be provided with a double set of weapons and two horses, and be ready to take the field at an hour's notice. He who had one thousand must possess a single set of arms and one horse. The encomendero of five hundred natives must be provided with a cross-bow or arquebuse, and with sword and dagger, and must furnish a horse if he could.

The laws existing in Guatemala as to the acquisition, tenure, and conveyance of land would, under a proper administration, and in a territory rich as was that province in natural resources, have assured prosperity to all but the unthrifty and improvident. Gold-mining met with fair return, and notwithstanding the ravages of wild beasts, the industries of stock-raising and agriculture were successfully conducted.[VI‑36]

Though the settlers were few in number,[VI‑37] they were sufficient, when acting in concert, to hold the natives in subjection. The citizens were for the most part required to do duty as soldiers in time of need. None but citizens could obtain a title to land; nor was that title confirmed until after a long term of service; nor could any acquire, even by purchase, more than his due share of the public domain.[VI‑38] But such was the mischief wrought by the maleadministration of Orduña that most of the Spaniards were on the verge of destitution.

On the 25th of September 1529 we find that the payment of debts was suspended for four months by order of the cabildo, on the ground that the horses and arms of the colonists would else be sold to others and the services of their owners lost to the province. Moreover the high price of all imported commodities added greatly to the distress of the more impoverished settlers. A dozen horseshoes sold for fifteen pesos, a common saddle for fifty, and a cloth coat could not be had for less than seventy pesos. The distance from the confines of Guatemala to Mexico, whence all such articles were obtained, was two hundred and seventy leagues. Two portions of the road, one of forty-five and the other of sixty leagues, led through a wilderness impassable during the rainy season, except to Indians, on account of the swollen rivers and marshes.

During the remainder of the year 1530 few incidents worthy of note occurred in the province. The natives were frequently in revolt; but to describe each petty insurrection would be but tiresome repetition. One Luis Moscoso was despatched with a hundred and twenty men to the district beyond the Lempa, and after pacifying the natives founded there a settlement which Juarros declares to have been the town of San Miguel.[VI‑39] Diego de Alvarado, at the head of a hundred and seventy men, conducted an expedition to Honduras and founded in the northern part of that territory the town of San Jorge de Olancho,[VI‑40] but owing to famine and misfortune in April of the following year he was obliged to return with the shattered remnant of his command in such sorry plight that he was forced to ask the cabildo to receive and provide for them.

CHAPTER VII.
ALVARADO'S EXPEDITION TO PERU.
1531-1536.

Ship-building in Guatemala—Alvarado Prepares an Expedition to the Spice Islands—But Turns his Attention toward Peru—Opposition of the Treasury Officials—The Pilot Fernandez Brings News of Atahualpa's Ransom—Strength of Alvarado's Armament—He Lands at Puerto Viejo—Failure of his Expedition—His Return to Guatemala—Native Revolts during his Absence—The Visitador Maldonado Arrives at Santiago—He Finds No Fault in the Adelantado—But is Afterwards Ordered to Take his Residencia—Alvarado in Honduras.

One of the first matters which engaged Alvarado's attention on his return to Santiago was the discovery of a site adapted to ship-building, for he was now resolved to carry out his intended voyage in search of the Spice Islands. In accordance with the emperor's instructions, he sent parties to explore the seaboard for that purpose. At a distance of fifteen leagues from the city, near the modern port of Istapa, a suitable spot was found, in the vicinity of which was an abundant supply of excellent timber, and the work was at once begun.

THE ARMAMENT.

According to the terms of his commission from the crown, his discoveries and conquests were limited to the islands and mainland of that portion of the south sea bordering on New Spain, and thence in a westerly direction, and he was forbidden to form any settlement on a territory already assigned to others.[VII‑1] He was appointed governor and alguacil mayor for life, and until otherwise ordered was to be intrusted with full civil, military, and judicial powers over all new lands which he might find. During the royal pleasure he was also to receive a twelfth of all profits which might in the future result from his explorations. Whether the expedition was to be fitted out entirely or only in part at the adelantado's expense is a matter not easily determined;[VII‑2] but in a letter to Charles V. sent in 1532, wherein he states his intention to build and equip a fleet of twelve vessels and raise a force of four hundred men, he declares that the cost of his armament will exceed forty thousand castellanos, and that this outlay will exhaust his private means. He claims of course that he is thus expending all his resources solely with his usual desire of serving the emperor, and avers that he has information of rich islands near the coast from the discovery of which his Majesty must derive great benefit.

FLATTERING PROSPECTS.

While the construction of his fleet was yet in progress, rumors of Pizarro's conquest and of the fabulous wealth which had fallen to his lot were noised throughout the province. Alvarado was not over-scrupulous as to ways and means, as we well know. Already he had proved false to him through whose friendship and favor he had been raised to his high station; could he not now replenish his depleted purse, and also win glory in the land of the incas? Was it not better thus to employ his armament than go on a wild-goose chase for islands no one had ever yet seen? And surely with a few ship-loads of Peruvian gold, which it would not take him long to gather, he could serve his sovereign as well as with never a maravedí in his treasury. It was fortunate, it was indeed providential, that now, when the fleet was almost ready, and the men equipped and prepared to embark, this princely quarry should have been started to the south of him.

On the return of a vessel despatched for supplies to Panamá the reports of the immense treasures discovered in Peru were confirmed, and the enthusiasm knew no bounds. "Come," said Alvarado to the colonists, "come with me and I will make you so rich that you may walk on bars of gold."

Among Alvarado's numerous enemies the most powerful and active were the treasury officials of Guatemala, who, though frequently divided among themselves, were constant in their opposition to the governor. Already they had reported him to the home government, charging him with neglect of duty, with levying forced contributions, and with disobedience to the royal ordinances. They now addressed a letter to the emperor, informing him of Alvarado's designs, representing the evil consequences that must ensue from an invasion of Pizarro's territory, the danger of withdrawing from Guatemala so large a force of Spaniards, and requesting that there be sent out to the province some trustworthy person with power to prevent the departure of all who held repartimientos and to act as governor during the adelantado's absence. They also informed the audiencia of Mexico of his purpose, and of the strength of his armament. Though fully aware of these proceedings, Alvarado gave no heed to them. He calmly continued his preparations, informing the royal officials that Guatemala was too limited an area for his ambition, and that he must now seek elsewhere a wider field of action. Meanwhile he would insure the safety of the province by putting on board his fleet all the principal caciques, whom he had already secured for that purpose.

At this juncture came a mandate which even Alvarado did not dare to disregard. It was an order from the audiencia of Mexico forbidding him to sail until he had received his final instructions from the emperor.[VII‑3] Though sorely vexed at this interference, which he attributed to the machinations of Cortés, he must nevertheless submit to further delay. He again addressed a letter to Charles, asking permission to go to the assistance of Pizarro, assuring him that, from what he had learned of the difficulties encountered by that conqueror, he was convinced of his inability to complete unaided the conquest of Peru. In a previous despatch, wherein he had asked for his final instructions, he prayed that they be granted as speedily as possible. "For," he says, "after exhausting my private means, I have contracted heavy debts in order to save your Majesty all expense." The fleet, he informs him, is well provided with stores and provisions, the force of men almost complete, and, the better to insure the success of the expedition, he declares that he will take command of it in person, leaving a sufficient number of Spaniards in the province to guard against any possible uprising of the natives. He considers, however, that there is little danger of an outbreak, "for," as he remarks with refreshing assurance, "I have ever obeyed your Majesty's orders regarding the kind treatment of the Indians."[VII‑4]

Meanwhile Alvarado had found it necessary to remove his fleet for shelter to the bay of Fonseca, whence he despatched García Holguin with two ships to Peru for the purpose of ascertaining the actual state of affairs and the nature of the country.[VII‑5] The adelantado soon learned to his cost that the bay of Fonseca was no secure haven, and after losing two of his vessels there during a heavy gale, sailed with the remainder for Puerto de la Posesion in Nicaragua, the modern Realejo.[VII‑6] While here awaiting the return of Holguin, he fell in with the pilot Juan Fernandez, one who had long been engaged in fitting out vessels for the trade between Nicaragua and Castilla del Oro. While transacting business in Panamá, Fernandez had listened to the marvellous stories of Pizarro's conquest, and journeying thence to Peru had there conversed with men who had been present at the capture and ransom of Atahualpa. No wonder that the tidings which the pilot now brought from the land of the incas fired the imagination of these gold-loving adventurers. More than 1,300,000 castellanos! Not even the treasures of Montezuma had yielded such a harvest. If Pizarro, with his diminutive force, had secured such booty, what might not Alvarado now hope for with his powerful fleet and veteran army?

Neither king nor audiencia should now thwart his purpose; nevertheless he must have ready some pretext for entering Pizarro's territory, if indeed he could not obtain permission. This was soon furnished by Fernandez, who informed him that the province of Quito, believed to be the principal depository of the treasures of the incas, had never yet been visited by Spaniards. It was no difficult matter for Alvarado to persuade himself that this region lay without the domain granted to Pizarro, and the self-interest of Fernandez, now appointed pilot of the expedition, prompted him to encourage such a delusion.

Soon after the arrival of the fleet in Nicaragua, Holguin rejoined the adelantado at Puerto de la Posesion and confirmed the statements of the pilot. A year had almost elapsed since Alvarado despatched a letter to the emperor requesting his final orders, but still no answer came, and his patience was well-nigh exhausted. He had long since been compelled to mortgage his private estate in order to meet the expense of maintaining his large force, and the cost of his armament had been vastly increased during all these weary months of waiting, the total outlay reaching the sum of 130,000 pesos de oro.[VII‑7] Provisions were becoming scarce; the vessels were threatened with destruction from the teredo; and his followers, beginning to lose faith in the enterprise, were on the point of desertion. At last a messenger arrived bringing the long looked for despatches. The instructions made no change in the original capitulation except in regard to route. He was now authorized to explore the land lying to the south of Pizarro's territory, between the thirteenth and twentieth degrees of latitude.[VII‑8]