CAPT^N. HUGH CLAPPERTON, R.N.

London, Published Dec^r. 1, 1828, by John Murray, Albemarle Street.

JOURNAL
OF A
SECOND EXPEDITION
INTO THE
INTERIOR OF AFRICA,
FROM
THE BIGHT OF BENIN TO SOCCATOO.

BY THE LATE COMMANDER CLAPPERTON,
OF THE ROYAL NAVY.

TO WHICH IS ADDED,

THE JOURNAL OF RICHARD LANDER FROM KANO TO THE SEA-COAST,
PARTLY BY A MORE EASTERN ROUTE.

WITH
A PORTRAIT OF CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON, AND A MAP OF THE ROUTE,
CHIEFLY LAID DOWN FROM ACTUAL OBSERVATIONS FOR LATITUDE AND LONGITUDE.

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.

MDCCCXXIX.

CONTENTS.

SHORT SKETCH
OF THE
LIFE OF CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON.

BY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL CLAPPERTON.

Captain Hugh Clapperton was born in Annan, Dumfries-shire, in the year 1788. His grandfather, Robert Clapperton, M.D., was a man of considerable knowledge, as a classical scholar, and in his profession. He first studied at Edinburgh; but as, in those days, the continental colleges were considered superior in medicine and surgery, he went to Paris, and there studied for some time. On his return to his native country, he married Elizabeth Campbell, second cousin of Colonel Archibald Campbell of Glenlyon; and soon after settled in Dumfries-shire, at a place called Crowden Nows, where he remained until George Clapperton (the father of our traveller), and another son were born. He afterwards removed to Lochmaben, where he had an increase to his family of four sons and one daughter. All the sons became medical men, except the youngest and the only survivor, who entered his Majesty’s service, in the beginning of 1793, as a second lieutenant of marines. His eldest son, George Clapperton, married young to a daughter of John Johnstone, proprietor of the lands of Thorniwhate and Lochmaben Castle, and settled in Annan, where he was a considerable time the only medical man of repute in the place, and performed many operations and cures which spread his fame over the borders of England and Scotland. His father bestowed a good education upon him, which proved so useful a passport to public favour, that he might have made a fortune; but, unfortunately, he was, like his father, careless of money. He married a second wife, and was the father of no fewer than twenty-one children. Of the fruit of the first marriage, he had six sons and one daughter who grew to men and women’s estate. All the sons entered his Majesty’s service, the youngest of whom was Captain Clapperton, the African traveller, and the subject of this memoir. In his person he resembled his father greatly, but was not so tall by two inches, being five feet eleven inches; had great breadth of chest and expansion of shoulders, and otherwise proportionably strong; and was a handsome, athletic, powerful man. He received no classical education, and could do little more than read and write, when he was put under the tuition of Mr. Bryce Downie, a man of general knowledge, but chiefly celebrated for his mathematical abilities. He remained with Mr. Downie until he required a knowledge of practical mathematics, including navigation and trigonometry. He was found an apt scholar and an obliging boy by Mr. Downie, whose attention was never forgot by the traveller; as he expressed a great wish, when he arrived the first journey from Africa, that he could have had time to see his native country, and shake his old master once more by the hand. Captain Clapperton left Mr. Downie about the age of thirteen; when, by his own wish, he was bound an apprentice to the owner of a vessel of considerable burthen, trading between Liverpool and North America. After making several voyages in that vessel, he either left her, or was impressed into his Majesty’s service, and was put on board a Tender then lying at Liverpool, which vessel carried him round to Plymouth, where he with others were draughted on board of his Majesty’s ship Gibraltar, of eighty guns. He did not remain long in that ship, as in 1806 he arrived at Gibraltar in a naval transport; from which he was impressed, with others, on board his Majesty’s frigate Renommée, Captain Sir Thomas Livingston. Opportunely for our traveller, at that time his Majesty’s ship Saturn, Captain Lord Amelias Beauclerc (belonging to Lord Collingwood’s fleet off Cadiz), arrived for the purpose of watering and refitting; and our traveller, learning that his uncle (now Lieut.-Col. Clapperton) was captain of royal marines on board the Saturn, sent him a letter describing his situation in the Renommée. The uncle having been an old messmate of Sir Thomas’s, when both were lieutenants at the Cape of Good Hope many years before, made it his business immediately to see Sir Thomas; and, through his intercession, Sir Thomas very kindly put our traveller, for the first time, upon the quarter-deck as a midshipman. The Renommée very soon after left Gibraltar for the Mediterranean; and, when on the coast of Spain, had occasion to send boats to attack some enemy’s vessels on shore. Clapperton, being in one of the boats, was slightly, as he considered it, wounded in the head, which, however, afterwards gave him much annoyance. He remained in the Renommée, with Sir Thomas, until she returned to England, and was paid off, in the year 1808. He then joined his Majesty’s ship Venerable, Captain King, in the Downs, as a midshipman, where he did not remain long, having heard that Captain Briggs was going to the East Indies in the Clorinde frigate, and wishing to go to that country, he applied for his discharge, that he might enter with Captain Briggs; but he could not accomplish it before the Clorinde had sailed from Portsmouth; he was ordered, however, (by the admiral) to have a passage in a ship going to the East Indies. In the course of the voyage, they fell in with a ship in great distress, it then blowing a gale of wind; but humanity required assistance, if it could be given. A boat was ordered to be got ready, and Clapperton to go in her. He declared to his messmates his decided opinion that the boat could not possibly live in the sea that was then running, but that it was not for him to question the orders of his superior officer. On pushing off, he told his messmates to share equally among them any articles belonging to him, and bade them good bye. The boat had scarcely put off from the ship when she swamped, and as no assistance could be rendered, all hands perished, with the exception of two; one of whom was Clapperton, who, under such trying circumstances, encouraged and assisted his only surviving companion till his own strength failed him. Among others, he had previously struggled hard to save a warrant officer; but finding himself nearly exhausted, he was obliged to desist, and he perished. They then dropped off, one after the other, until the bowman and Clapperton were the only two remaining out of the whole boat’s crew. The latter then made use of a common sea expression to the bowman, “Thank God, I am not the Jonah!” meaning that he was not, by his bad conduct in life, the cause of the Almighty visiting them with his vengeance. The bowman seconded him in the exclamation, and they kept cheering each other until the gale so far abated, that another boat was got out and sent to their relief.

They then proceeded upon their voyage; and in March, 1810, Clapperton joined his majesty’s ship Clorinde, where he received the greatest attention from Captain Briggs during the time he was on board. In 1812, when lying in Bombay harbour, he was joined by another messmate, the Hon. F. Mackenzie, youngest son of the late Lord Seaforth, between whom a most sincere friendship was contracted. Not long after this, Mr. Mackenzie was attacked with a severe illness, on which occasion Clapperton never left him, but nursed him as he would his own brother, until he died; when he added a lock of his hair to his locket, which contained that of his father and some friends. He returned to England in the end of 1813, or beginning of 14; and he was then sent, with some other intelligent midshipmen, to Portsmouth dock-yard, for the purpose of being instructed in Angelo’s sword exercise, in which he afterwards excelled. When these midshipmen were distributed to the different ships in the fleet as drill-masters, Clapperton volunteered his services for the Canadian lakes, and was sent on board Sir Alexander Cochrane’s flag ship, the Asia. This ship continued at Spithead till the end of January, 1814. During the passage to Bermudas, Clapperton’s services as a drill were performed on the quarter-deck. On her arrival, he was sent to Halifax, and from thence to the lakes, just then about to become the scene of warlike operations. During his passage out and his stay at Bermuda, nothing could exceed his diligence in the discharge of his duty with the officers and men. At his own and the other mess-tables, he was the soul and life of the party: he could sing a good song, tell humorous tales, and his conversation was extremely amusing. He bade adieu to all on board the Asia, and pursued his voyage to Halifax; from that to Upper Canada.

Soon after he arrived on the lakes, in 1815, he was placed in a situation that strongly marked that benevolence which was so strong a feature in his character. In the winter he was in command of a blockhouse on Lake Huron, with a party of men, for the purpose of defending it: he had only one small gun for its defence; he was attacked by an American schooner; the blockhouse was soon demolished by the superiority of the enemy’s fire; and he found that himself and the party must either become prisoners of war, or form the resolution of immediately crossing Lake Michigan upon the ice, a journey of nearly sixty miles, to York, the capital of Upper Canada, and the nearest British depot. Notwithstanding the difficulty and danger attending a journey of such length over the ice in the depth of winter, the alternative was soon adopted, and the party set out to cross the lake, but had not gone more than ten or twelve miles, before a boy, one of the party, was unable to proceed from the cold; every one of the sailors declared that they were unable to carry him, as they were so benumbed with the cold, and had scarcely strength sufficient to support themselves. Clapperton’s generous nature could not bear the idea of a fellow-creature being left to perish under such appalling circumstances, for a dreadful snow-storm had commenced; he therefore took the boy upon his back, holding him with his left hand, and supporting himself from slipping with a staff in his right. In this manner he continued to go forward for eight or nine miles, when he perceived that the boy relaxed his hold; and on Clapperton examining the cause, he found that the boy was in a dying state from the cold, and he soon after expired. The sufferings of the whole party were great before they reached York; the stockings and shoes completely worn off their feet; their bodies in a dreadful state from the want of nourishment, they having nothing during the journey except one bag of meal. From the long inaction of Clapperton’s left hand, in carrying the boy upon his back, he lost, from the effects of the frost, the first joint of his thumb.

Not long after this, Sir Edward Owen was appointed to the command upon the lakes. A short time after his arrival, he gave to Clapperton an acting order as a lieutenant, and appointed him to the Confiance. While belonging to this ship, he often made excursions on shore, with his gun, into the woods, for the purpose of getting a little fresh meat. In these excursions he cultivated an acquaintance with the aborigines of the forest, and was much charmed with their mode of life. He had sent to his uncle in England the acting order which Sir Edward Owen had given him, that it might be laid before the Board of Admiralty for their confirmation; but, unfortunately, a very large promotion had taken place a little before his acting order came to England, and the Board declined confirming his commission. No sooner was he made acquainted with its ill success, than he formed the idea of quitting his Majesty’s service altogether, and becoming one of the inhabitants of the North American forests. Fortunately for him, he some time afterwards abandoned that idea.

While the Confiance was at anchor near the shores of the Lake, Clapperton often went on shore to dinner and other parties. When he thought it time to return on board, he never employed a boat; being an expert swimmer, he plunged into the water with his clothes on, and swam along-side of the vessel; but this mode of proceeding very nearly lost him his life. One night he was so exhausted, that he could scarcely make the people on board hear his cries: they got a boat ready, and, as he was on the point of sinking, they picked him up, and took him on board; but he never tried the same method of getting on board again.

About the end of 1816, Sir Edward Owen returned to England, and was the means of Clapperton’s commission being confirmed by the Board of Admiralty. And in the year 1817, when our vessels on the Canadian lakes were paid off and laid up, Lieutenant Clapperton returned to England, and, like many more, was put on half-pay. He went then to Edinburgh, where he remained a short time, and was introduced to the amiable mother of his beloved friend, Mr. Mackenzie, who died at Bombay. He afterwards retired to Lochmaben in 1818, and lived with an aged sister of his beloved mother’s, at the abode for many years of his grandfather. Here he continued to amuse himself with rural sports until 1820, when he went to Edinburgh, and there became acquainted with Dr. Oudney, who mentioned to him the offer that had been made to employ him in a mission to the interior of Africa. This was an opening, to Clapperton’s enterprising mind, not to be resisted; he immediately entreated that he might accompany the doctor, and his offer was accepted. Dr. Oudney was told by a friend that knew Lieutenant Clapperton well, that, in all varieties, and under every circumstance, however trying, he would find him a steady and faithful friend, and that his powerful and athletic form, and excellent constitution, had never been surpassed. This person was a medical man, and was so confirmed in the opinion that Clapperton, from the strength of his constitution, could not fall a sacrifice to disease, that, until the arrival of Clapperton’s servant, Richard Lander, from his last and fatal expedition, he would not (like many more who knew Clapperton) believe the report of his death in any way but by accident.

In the highest spirits, Lieutenant Clapperton left Edinburgh, where he had been for a short time with his sister and other relations. Before his departure, he was introduced by Lady Seaforth (the mother of his friend Mackenzie) to a distinguished countryman, the author of the Man of Feeling. Clapperton’s spirits were elated, and he left Edinburgh and his relations with the highest hopes. He returned to England, and was made a commander in June 22, 1825; and before he could finish for the press an account of his former journey, he was engaged again, by Lord Bathurst, for a second mission, by the way of the western coast of Africa, near the Bight of Benin. He sailed from Portsmouth in his Majesty’s sloop Brazen, commanded by Captain Willis; and was accompanied by Doctor Dickson, Captain Pearce, and Doctor Morrison. They called at Sierra Leone; from that to Benin, where they landed; but Dr. Dickson landed near Whida, and proceeded by the way of Dahomy. Captains Clapperton, Pearce, and Dr. Morrison, pushed their way up the country; but they were soon attacked with disease, and Captain Pearce and Doctor Morrison died, as did also Columbus, the former servant of Lieut.-Col. Denham. Captain Clapperton and his servant, Richard Lander, accompanied by Mr. Houtson, a British resident at Benin, proceeded across the mountains to Katunga, where Mr. Houtson left them to return to the coast, where he shortly afterwards died. Dr. Dickson reached Dahomey, and proceeded on his way to join Clapperton, but has not since been heard of. Captain Clapperton, with his servant, Lander, and a native black of Houssa, reached Soccatoo in safety, where they remained many months; but at last the captain was seized with a fever and dysentery, which terminated his existence, and was buried, by his faithful servant, four miles south-east of Soccatoo, at a village called Chungary, April 13, 1827.

Thus perished, in the bloom of life, an officer beloved and respected by those of his profession who were acquainted with him; a man of a daring and enterprising spirit; and one who, for humanity and active benevolence, could be surpassed by none.

INTRODUCTION.

When the late Captain Clapperton made his way to Soccatoo for the first time, in the year 1824, he received the most flattering attentions, and every mark of kindness, from Bello, the sultan of the Fellans, as they call themselves, or Fellatas, as they are called by the people of Soudan. This chieftain may be said to rule over almost the whole of that part of North Africa which is distinguished by the name of Houssa, though he appears to have lost a considerable portion of what his father, Hatman Danfodio, first overran; and many of the petty chiefs still continue in a state of rebellion, some of them within a day’s journey of his capital. In the course of frequent conversations held with this chief, at his usual residence of Soccatoo, Clapperton was given to understand, that the establishment of a friendly intercourse with England would be most agreeable to him; that he wished particularly for certain articles of English manufacture to be sent out to him to the sea-coast, where there was a place of great commerce belonging to him, named Funda: he also expressed a wish that an English physician and a consul should be appointed to reside at another sea-port, called Raka; to the former of which places, he said, he would despatch messengers to bring up the articles from England; and to the latter he would send down a proper person to transact all matters of business between the two governments, through the intervention of the English consul; and he made no difficulty in declaring his readiness to adopt measures for putting an entire stop to that part of the slave-trade supposed to be carried on by his subjects with foreigners.

On the arrival of Clapperton in England, Lord Bathurst, then secretary of state for the colonies, considering this so favourable an opportunity of establishing an intercourse with the interior of Africa, and probably of putting an effectual check, through this powerful chief, to a large portion of the infamous traffic carried on in the Bight of Benin, and also for extending the legitimate commerce of Great Britain with this part of Africa, and at the same time adding to our knowledge of the country, did not hesitate in adopting the arrangement which Clapperton had made with Bello. Accordingly it was determined to send him out again to that chief, by the way of Benin, with suitable companions and presents, in order that a communication might be opened between Soccatoo and the sea-coast, and an attempt made to carry into effect the objects to which Bello was supposed to have given his hearty assent.

It had been arranged that, after a certain period agreed upon, Bello should send down his messengers to Whidah, on the coast, to meet Captain Clapperton and his companions. On their arrival, however, in the Bight of Benin, they could neither gain any intelligence of Bello’s messengers, nor did any of the people there know any thing of such names as Funda or Raka, the places which were pointed out by Bello as lying on the sea-coast. The country of Houssa, however, was well known by name, and as the precise geographical position of Soccatoo had been ascertained, our enterprising travellers could have no difficulty in knowing what direction to take; but the spot from whence it would be most advisable to start was a point not so easily to be determined. They finally, however, selected Badagry, for reasons that will be briefly stated; and proceeding northerly, from one chief to another, the survivors met with some delay, but no serious impediments, in reaching the spot of their destination.

The conduct, however, of Bello, though at first kind, was afterwards changed to every thing the reverse, for reasons which will appear in the course of the journal. His desire for establishing an amicable intercourse was not even hinted at, nor one word respecting the physician, the consul, or the slave-trade; and, either through ignorance or design (the former, in all probability), Bello had totally misled Clapperton as to the position of the city or district of Funda; which, instead of being on the sea-coast, as stated by him, is now ascertained to be at least 150 miles from the nearest part of the coast; and the other city, Raka, still farther in the interior. Indeed, one would almost suspect that Clapperton, from not being sufficiently acquainted with the Fellata language, must have mistaken the meaning of Bello on his former visit, had not the letter in Arabic, which he brought home from the latter, addressed to the king of England, borne him out in his representation of the proposals made or assented to by this chieftain. In this letter he says, “We agreed with him upon this (the prohibition of the exportation of slaves), on account of the good which will result from it, both to you and to us; and that a vessel of yours is to come to the harbour of Raka, with two cannons, and the quantities of powder, shot, &c. which they require, as also a number of muskets: we will then send our officer to arrange and settle every thing with your consul, and fix a certain period for the arrival of your merchant ships; and when they come, they may traffic and deal with our merchants. Then, after their return, the consul may reside in that harbour (namely, Raka) as protector, in company with our agent there, if God be pleased.”

It is clear, from this letter, that Bello understood what was proposed and accepted, but, with regard to the geographical position of his two sea-ports, he was evidently most grossly ignorant; for, admitting the ambiguity of the Arabic word bahr, which signifies any great collection of water, whether sea, lake, or river, merchant ships could not get up to Raka, which is an inland town, not situated on any coast or river. Be this as it may, an expedition, as already stated, was planned without loss of time, at the head of which Clapperton was placed. He was allowed to take with him, as a companion, a fellow-countryman of the name of Dickson, who had been brought up as a surgeon, in which capacity he had served in the West Indies, but had recently been studying the law. This person considered himself to be inured to a tropical climate, and was supposed to have a sufficient knowledge of medicine to take care of himself and the rest of the party.

In an enterprise of this novel and hazardous nature, it was deemed advisable to unite two other gentlemen to those above-mentioned; in order that, when once at Soccatoo, two of them might be spared to set out from thence, and explore the country of Soudan in various directions. For this purpose, Captain Pearce of the navy, and Dr. Morrison, a naval surgeon, were selected; the former an active and accomplished officer, and a most excellent draughtsman; the latter well versed in various branches of natural history. Unhappily, it was not their good fortune to live long enough to put their respective talents in practice for the benefit of the public, or the gratification of their friends; having each of them, on the same day, fallen a sacrifice to the pestilential climate, at a very early period of their journey in Africa.

The presents intended for the Sultan of the Fellatas, and also for the Sheik of Bornou, being all ready, the four gentlemen, with their servants, embarked in his majesty’s ship Brazen on the 27th August, 1825, and, after touching at Teneriffe and St. Jago, arrived in the Bight of Benin on the 26th November, 1825. Mr. Dickson being desirous of making his way alone to Soccatoo, for what reason it does not appear, was landed at Whidah, where a Portuguese gentleman, of the name of De Sousa, offered to accompany him as far as Dahomey, where he had resided for some time in the employ of the king. The offer was accepted, and Dickson, taking with him a mulatto of the name of Columbus, who had been a servant to Lieutenant-Colonel Denham on the former expedition to Bornou, departed on the 26th November, arrived safe at Dahomey, where he was well received, and sent forward to a place called Shar, seventeen days’ from Dahomey, under a suitable escort, where he also arrived safely, and had an escort given him from thence on his intended journey to Youri, since which no account of him whatever has been received. By some Dahomey messengers, which Clapperton met with at Wawa, he sent a letter to Dickson; but it is evident they did not fall in with him, as the letter was some months afterwards sent down to the coast. It may here be observed, that though Whidah was the port to which Bello was ultimately understood to say he would despatch his messengers to convey the travellers, and their presents and baggage, to Soccatoo, it did not appear that any inquiries had been made there respecting them; nor did any person there seem to know more about Bello or Soccatoo, than was known, further on, of Funda or Raka.

The rest of the travellers proceeded towards the river of Benin, where they encountered an English merchant of the name of Houtson, who advised them by no means to think of ascending that river, in their way into the interior, as the king of that country was well known to bear a particular hatred to the English, for their exertions in endeavouring to put a stop to the slave-trade, by which his greatest profits had been derived: nor had he any knowledge how far, or in what direction that river might convey them; he mentioned Badagry as a place far more preferable, as being equally near to Soccatoo, and the chief of which was favourable to the English; said that he would, no doubt, afford them protection and assistance on their journey, as far as his country extended, which was to the frontier of the kingdom of Yourriba. As Mr. Houtson had resided on this part of the coast for many years, and was well acquainted with the customs of the people, Captain Clapperton engaged him to accompany the party as far as the city of Eyeo or Katunga, the capital of Yourriba. Having, therefore, arranged matters with Captain Willis of the Brazen, as to sending after them the heavy baggage, and keeping up, for a certain time, a communication with them, they landed on the 29th November at Badagry; and, under the sanction of the king, commenced their long journey on the 7th December, the details of which will be found in the following Journal.

On his arrival at the encampment of Bello, at a short distance from Soccatoo, Clapperton had every reason to be satisfied with his reception. While at Kano, he had received a letter from that chief, congratulating him on his first arrival there, and inviting him to Soccatoo; and when he discovered, soon after his arrival at that city, that Clapperton had left at Kano the presents intended for the Sheik of Bornou, he again wrote to him, in a friendly manner, very civilly informing him of the impossibility of his allowing the warlike stores to be sent to one with whom he was in a state of hostility: he told him, also, that he had letters from a most respectable quarter, putting him on his guard against Christian spies. These circumstances seem, by the servant’s account, to have preyed very much on Clapperton’s mind; and that, when seized with dysentery and inflammation of the bowels, which, after thirty-six days’ illness, carried him off, Bello’s coolness and suspicion tended very much to depress his spirits and increase his disorder.

To Clapperton’s Journal is appended that of his servant, Richard Lander, giving an account of his return journey from Kano, after his master’s death, a great part of the way by a more easterly route. This journal of a very intelligent young man will be read with interest. Accompanied by two or three slaves, and a black man of Houssa, of the name (English) of Pascoe, who once belonged to a British ship of war, and had been engaged to attend Belzoni as interpreter, with a scanty supply of money, and without presents of any kind (so necessary in this country), he not only made his way among the various tribes he had to pass through, but brought with him, in safety, a large trunk belonging to his master, containing his clothes and other property; three watches, which he secreted about his person, to preserve from the rapacity of Bello; and all his master’s papers and journals, with which, after a journey of nine months, he arrived in safety on the sea-coast.

The friendship and kind feeling which Clapperton entertained for this valuable servant is evinced in various letters written to him while he remained in Kano, with the presents intended for the Sheik of Bornou; but which were first decoyed to Soccatoo, and afterwards meanly seized by the Sultan Bello, on the pretext of their being, many of them, arms to be put into the hands of his enemy, he being then in a state of war with the sheik. In one of these letters he says, “I hope you ride out every day, and amuse yourself in shooting and stuffing birds, as this will tend to keep you in good health. Attend strictly to the duties of religion; rely firmly on the assistance and mercy of Heaven; and, in all your difficulties and distress, this will bear you up like a man;” and he signs himself, “his sincere friend and master.” In another letter, dated from Soccatoo, he says, “Pray to Heaven night and morning, and read the church service every Sunday; for a firm reliance on the justice and mercy, and assistance of Heaven, will bear you up with cheerfulness and courage, when all earthly friends and things fail. Farewell, and believe me your sincere friend and master.”

Clapperton was, in fact, a kind-hearted and benevolent man, of a cheerful disposition, not easily put out of temper, and patient under disappointments; a virtue, indeed, which was frequently put to the test in the course of his long peregrinations in Africa. Both he and his servant suffered much from frequent attacks of fever and dysentery. His last illness continued for thirty-six days, during which he was attended by his faithful Richard; who has given a painful and interesting account of his death, of the mode in which he had him interred, of his own affliction, and the mournful state of solitude in which he was left among a set of unfeeling wretches, who regarded Christians in no better light than their dogs. His own situation is described in a letter which he addressed from Kano, after the death of his master, to Mr. Consul Warrington, of Tripoli. It is as follows:—

“Kano, 27th May, 1827.

“Honoured Sir,

“With sorrow I have to acquaint you of the death of my master, Captain Clapperton. He departed this life at Soccatoo, on the 13th of April, at six o’clock in the morning, after thirty-six days’ illness, with a severe inflammation in the inside, much regretted by me, as he had always behaved like a father to me since I left England. I buried him at Jungavie, a small village five miles east of Soccatoo, at three o’clock in the afternoon of the same day, according to the rites of the church of England. He was carried on one of his own camels, and followed by no one but myself, and five people who went with me to dig the grave.

“We arrived at this place (Kano) on the 20th of July, 1826, and were treated with the greatest respect, and the persons in power were well pleased with their presents, until master asked to go to Bornou: after this we were treated like spies. I was left in Kano to take care of the baggage, and my master proceeded to Soccatoo, with the presents to Bello. When master asked permission to go to Bornou, Bello despatched a messenger off to Kano, with orders to bring me, with all the things, instantly to Soccatoo. I left Kano on the 25th of November, and arrived at Soccatoo the 20th of December. On the 21st, the sultan demanded the Sheik of Bornou’s letters. Master gave them to him. He desired master to open them. He said it was more than his head was worth, to open his king’s letters. He said, ‘Then I will.’ He then told him that he had received letters, from several respectable persons, to say that we were spies. Master said he must see those letters; but he would not show them. He waved his hand for us to go. We went home, and in the afternoon of the same day, the king’s head men came, and demanded the Sheik of Bornou’s present and the spare arms. My master said, ‘There is no faith in you; you are worse than highway robbers.’ They said, ‘Take care, or you will lose your head.’ He said, ‘If I do lose it, it is for the rights of my country.’ They then took the presents and arms, and went off; and, soon after, the sultan sent to say we must go by the desert, or by the way we came; we must not go to Bornou.

“I left Soccatoo the 4th of May, and arrived at Kano the 21st of May. I am waiting here for two hundred and forty-five thousand cowries, for different articles purchased by the Sultan of Soccatoo. As soon as I receive these, which I expect in ten days, I proceed to the sea-side by the way we came, or else by a nearer way by thirty-five miles, ten days due south of Kulfu, called Funda, which I expect is the Bight of Benin, as the Quorra runs to it. This river is called by us the Niger. If the Sultan of Kulfu assures me of the road being safe, I will go, as it will be a great advantage to the English. I send the copy of the Journal from Katunga to this town by an Arab, whom I have told that, on delivering them safe, you will give him thirty dollars.

I remain, &c.

(Signed) “Richard Lander,

“Servant to the late Captain Clapperton.

“Mr. Consul-General Warrington.”

With regard to the Journal of Clapperton, it may be necessary to observe, that it is written throughout in the most loose and careless manner; all orthography and grammar equally disregarded, and many of the proper names quite impossible to be made out; full of tautology, so as to have the same thing repeated over and over again daily, and even on the same day. Much, therefore, has been left out, in sending it to the press, but nothing whatever is omitted, that could be considered of the least importance; and the only change that has been made is that of breaking it into chapters, which is always a relief to the reader. Clapperton was evidently a man of no education; he nowhere disturbs the progress of the day’s narrative by any reflections of his own, but contents himself with noticing objects as they appear before him, and conversations just as they were held; setting down both in his Journal without order, or any kind of arrangement. This may, perhaps, in one respect be considered as an advantage. The reader sees the naked facts as they occurred, and is left free to draw his own inference from them. There is no theory, no speculation, scarcely an opinion advanced throughout the whole of his Journal. He has not contributed much to general science, but, by his frequent observations for the latitude and longitude of places, he has made a most valuable addition to the geography of Northern Africa; and it may now be said of him, what will most probably never be said of any other person, that he has traversed the whole of that country, from the Mediterranean to the Bight of Benin.

The map that accompanies the Journal was constructed entirely from the latitudes and longitudes in a table annexed to that document. That portion of it which shows the route pursued by Richard Lander on his return, till stopped by the Fellatas at Dunrora, and from thence back again to Zegzeg, was laid off from the bearings and distances marked down by this intelligent young man; and no better proof is wanting of its general accuracy than that of his return route closing in with the fixed point Zaria, or Zegzeg, within ten miles.

It is greatly to be regretted, that the premature deaths of Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison have deprived the world of many beautiful specimens of art, and many valuable acquisitions to the stores of natural history. Among the vegetable products of the tropical regions of North Africa, which, from the general descriptions here and there given, are of great beauty and fertility, there are no doubt to be found many new and valuable species; the whole line from the Bight of Benin to Soccatoo being entirely untrodden ground, consisting of every variety of feature, mostly left in a state of nature, and a great portion of it covered with magnificent forests.

Various notices are given, in the Journal, of two objects of peculiar interest, which are still left open for further investigation; the course and termination of the river which has been (improperly, as it now appears) called the Niger, and the recovery of the papers, which still exist, of the late Mungo Park. The exact spot on which he perished, and the manner of his death, are now ascertained with precision. The former of these inquiries will now be considered, perhaps, to have lost much of its original interest, by the deflection which that river takes from its easterly into that of a southerly course; and which, in point of fact and strict propriety, has destroyed every pretension to its continuing the name of Niger. It cannot be supposed that either Herodotus, or Ptolemy, or Pliny, or any Greek or Roman writer whatever, could have had the slightest intimation of such a river as this, so far to the westward and to the southward of the Great Desert, of the crossing of which by any of the ancient travellers there does not exist the slightest testimony. The name of Quorra, or Cowarra, by which it is known universally in Soudan, and probably also to the westward of Timbuctoo, ought now, therefore, to be adopted on our charts of Africa.

With regard to its termination, the reports continue to be contradictory, and the question is still open to conjecture. Its direction, as far as has now been ascertained, points to the Bight of Benin; but there is still a considerable distance, and a deep range of granite mountains intervening, between the point to which with any certainty it has been traced, and the sea-coast. If, however, it be the fact, that the river of Benin has been traced as high up as is marked on the chart (and it is taken from an old chart of the year 1753, stated to have been engraved for Postlethwayte’s Dictionary), that distance, between the lowest ascertained point of the Quorra and the highest of the Benin, is reduced to little more than a degree of latitude, or about seventy miles; but it is seventy miles of a mountainous country. By our occupation of the beautiful and fertile island of Fernando Po, and the extension of African commerce which may be anticipated in consequence thereof, there can be little doubt that this question of their identity or otherwise will ere long be decided.

From a variety of notices obtained by Clapperton, it is pretty clear, that the particulars of the death of Mungo Park, and the spot where the fatal event happened, are not very different from what was originally reported by Amadoo Fatima, and has since been repeated in various parts of the continent. The following correspondence, which was found in one of Clapperton’s memorandum books, and translated from the Arabic by Mr. Abraham Salamé, is highly interesting; and the more important, from the avowal of an individual, that he is in possession of the books of that enterprising traveller, and is ready to deliver them up to any person duly authorised by the sovereign of England to receive them.

TRANSLATION OF SOME DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO MUNGO PARK’S DEATH AND PAPERS.

No. 1.

“Praise is due to God alone!—As to the subject of the Christians who were drowned in the river of Boossy, they consisted of two freemen, and two slaves, their own property. The event thus happened in the month of Rajab: As their ship or vessel was proceeding down the river, it came to a narrow place or creek, into which they pushed it, and remained there three days; but the people of Boossy, having observed them, assembled, and went and fought them for three days. When the fight became severe, they (the Christians) began to take up their goods, and throw them into the river, till they had thrown a great quantity; and on the fight becoming still more severe (desperate), one of them got out, and threw himself into the river, and died; and, in the same manner, the other followed him, leaving their two slaves imprisoned in the ship; so that the hands of the people of Boossy did not reach so far as to kill them (i. e. they died in drowning, and were not murdered). Thus I have heard, and do herein write it myself.

“The Sharif of Bokhary.”

No. 2.

Arabic Letter from Clapperton to the Lord of Boossy.

Translation.—“Praise be to God, and prayers and peace be unto his apostle. From Abdallah, the English ràis (captain), to the lord of Boossy, named Moosa (Moses), with regard and salutation; and that he has heard that the writings of his brethren, who were slain by the people of your country, have come into your hands. He therefore wishes you to give them up to him, either by purchase, or as a gift, or by exchange for a book of your own (the Koràn), or, at least, to let him see them only. We conjure thee, O lord, by God, by God, by God! and Sàlàm to you.”

The reply to this does not appear among Clapperton’s papers; but, from the following letter, it may be concluded that he was referred to the Lord of Yàoury.—A. S.

No. 3.

Arabic Letter from Clapperton to the Lord of Yàoury.

Translation.—“Praise be to God alone. From Abdallah, the English captain, to the Lord of Yàoury. Hence respecting the book of the Christians who were seized by the people of Boossy, he wishes you to give it to him, that he may deliver it to his master, the Great Lord of the English nation. This only is his desire; and Sàlàm be to you.”

No. 4.

Reply to the above.

Translation.—“This is issued from the Prince or Lord of Yàoury to Abdallah, the English captain: salutation and esteem. Hence your messenger has arrived and brought us your letter, and we understand what you write. You inquire about a thing that has no trace with us. The Prince or Lord of Boossy is older (or greater) than us, because he is our grandfather. Why did not you inquire of him about what you wish for? You were at Boossy, and did not inquire of the inhabitants what was the cause of the destruction of the ship and your friends, nor what happened between them of evil; but you do now inquire of one who is far off, and knows nothing of the cause of their (the Christians’) destruction.

“As to the book which is in our hand, it is true, and we did not give it to your messenger; but we will deliver it to you, if you come and show us a letter from your lord. You shall then see it and have it, if God be pleased. And much esteem and Sàlàm be to you, and prayer and peace unto the last of the apostles.”—(Mohammed.)

No. 5.

The following is a letter from Clapperton to some prince or grandee, whose name is blotted out of the copy book, complaining of the above refusal of the Lord of Yàoury.

Translation.—“Hence, my lord, I have written to the Lord of Boossy about the Christian book, whose owner was destroyed by the inhabitants; but when I heard that it was in the hands of the Lord of Yàoury, I wrote to him to give it to me, and he has refused. I have therefore written to you.”

It cannot be doubted for a moment, that volunteers enough will be found ready to proceed on an enterprise of so much interest; and for an object, the recovery of which is not only due to the reputation of the lamented traveller, but to the nation to which he belonged, and to the government under whose auspices he undertook to make discoveries in Africa. If Clapperton’s servant could find his way, alone and unprotected, through three times the distance it would be necessary to travel for the object in question, how much more likely would a duly accredited agent, bearing some trifling presents, and a letter from the King of England, be certain of making good his way, without difficulty, in the same track which has so recently been trodden, without molestation, by Christians and white men. A few presents, and but a few, and of trifling value, would only be necessary to secure the protection and assistance of the native chieftains on the road.

It is much to be regretted that Clapperton himself did not personally wait upon the Sultan of Yaoury, whose residence is not more than twenty-five or thirty miles northward of Boossy, and who appears to have been most anxious to see the Christian traveller, and pay him every possible attention. He sent messengers with presents, and boats to convey him up the river to Yaoury. Clapperton, however, had, no doubt, sufficient reasons for not visiting that chieftain at this time: it might be on account of the delay it would occasion at a time he was most anxious to get to Kano, to avoid the rains; or, for the sake of keeping clear of the belligerent parties who were ravaging the country in that direction. Perhaps he thought that, not being furnished with a letter to the sultan of that country, he would not have given up the papers to him. And, after all, it is not quite certain, from what he afterwards learned, that the Sultan of Yaoury has in his possession any thing more than some printed books; for on Clapperton inquiring of one of the sultan’s people, if there were any books like his own Journal, the man said there was one, but that his master had given it to an Arab merchant ten years ago; but that the merchant was killed by the Fellatas on his way to Kano, and what had become of that book afterwards he did not know.

The death of Dr. Morrison, at an early period of the journey, deprived the scientific world of all information on the subject of natural history, of which, as might well be supposed, neither Clapperton nor his servant had any knowledge. It will be matter of regret to some, that they had not, which they might easily have done, collected specimens of the language of the several districts through which they passed. The little that is added to the Appendix is all that was found among the papers of the deceased commander on this subject; and the state of the thermometer and barometer at different hours of the day, as observed on the journey, and also by Lander at Kano and Soccatoo, is not quite complete.

J. B.

EXPEDITION
FOR
THE DISCOVERY OF THE INTERIOR
OF
NORTHERN AFRICA.

A Chart of the Route of the late Captain Clapperton, From Badagry to Soccatoo, and of his Servant Richard Lander, from Kano to the Niger, in a different and more EASTERLY DIRECTION.

[(Large-size)]

The course of the Kowara or Quarra
as described by Bello’s Schoolmaster.

[(Large-size)]

EXPEDITION
FOR
THE DISCOVERY OF THE INTERIOR
OF
NORTHERN AFRICA.

CHAPTER I.
JOURNEY FROM BADAGRY OVER THE KONG MOUNTAINS TO THE CITY OF EYEO OR KATUNGA.

Wednesday, December 7th, 1825.—After a great deal of palavering and drinking with our African friends, we succeeded in getting off all our baggage and presents; and embarked in the canoes provided for our accommodation. That in which I was with the presents and stores, being very heavy, proceeded slowly up a branch of the Lagos river as far as the junction of the Gazie creek, up which we then proceeded about a mile and a half, and landed on the west bank. The banks of both these small rivers are low, and covered with reeds: at the place where we halted, a market is held for the Badagry people, and those of Puka and other neighbouring towns; it is called Bawie. The Gazie comes from the north-west, running through part of the kingdom of Dahomy, having its rise in the country called Keeto.

Thursday, 8th.—Morning thick and hazy, and though sleeping close to the river in the open air, for the first time since we have been on shore, we did not hear the hum of a single musquito. The canoes of our attendants were armed with small guns in the bow, to guard us from the danger of any attack; Adoli had his cook and one of his wives with him in his own canoe, the after part of which was covered with a matted roof.

While halting here Mr. Houtson and I walked on to the town of Puka, leaving the baggage and stores to come on after us. The path over which we travelled was partly cleared, and covered with high grass wherever it was clear of wood; and had apparently once been cultivated. The woods were thick and the trees high, with a great deal of tangle and underwood, so as to render it impenetrable to man or beast excepting along the path. The country is low and flat, and the soil a red clay mixed with sand.

On arriving at Puka, we halted under a tree, and were surrounded by immense crowds of people, who were very civil: those who could not get near enough to see us, on account of their small size, were held up on others’ shoulders; and from the great number of old people and of young children, it would appear that they are not much in the habit of selling their children at this place. They are all negro pagans. We had a visit from one of the Eyeo war chiefs, who came in state: he was mounted on a small horse, as were also two of his attendants; the saddles and ornaments were the same as those in Soudan and Bornou; the rest of the cavalcade were on foot, amongst which was a little boy apparently the favourite slave of the chief, judging from the conspicuous part he bore, and the great attention which was paid to him by all the others. His dress and appearance was most grotesque, consisting of a ragged red coat with yellow facings, a military cap and feather apparently Portuguese. The captain came curvetting and leaping his horse until within the distance of a hundred yards, when he dismounted, and approached within twenty yards of us, where he sat down. We then sent our umbrella as a message or token that we wished him well; and on the receipt of which, the drums beat and hands were clapped, and fingers cracked at a great rate. He now came up to us, capering and dancing the whole way, and shook us by the hand, a few of his attendants accompanying him. He then began his speech, saying he was very glad that he now saw white man; and pointing to the various parts of his dress, he said, This cloth is not made in my country, this cap is of white man’s velvet, these trowsers are of white man’s nankeen, this is a white man’s shawl; we get all good things from white man, and we must therefore be glad when white man come to visit our country. The two men who appeared next in authority to himself were stout good-looking men, natives of Bornou; they were dressed in the fashion of that country, with blue velvet caps on their heads. Being Mahometans, they could not be prevailed on to drink spirits, but the captain and his men drank each two drams.

We paid a visit to the caboceer, or chief man of the town. We found him seated in the midst of his elders and women. He was an ancient, tall, stupid-looking man, dressed in a red silken tobe, or long shirt; on his head was a cap made of small glass beads of various colours, surrounded by tassels of small gold-coloured beads, and three large coral ones in front. The cap was the best part of the man, for it was very neat; in his hand he held a fly-flapper, the handle of which was covered with beads. After a number of compliments, we were presented with goroo-nuts and water. We told him of our intention to proceed to Eyeo, that we were servants of the king of England, and that we wanted carriers for ourselves and baggage. We remained here for the night, and as all our baggage had not come up from the coast, Captain Pearce went down to the beach after them.

As soon as we had removed into the caboceer’s house he sent us a present of a sheep, a basket of yams, and some fire-wood. His wives and young women came peeping at us through the holes in the walls, and at the doors; and whenever we went near them they would run off. Captain Adamooli told us to keep a good look out after our things, for the people here were great thieves. I said he must make his men keep watch, as I held him answerable for whatever might be lost. Accordingly he sent the greater part of his troop, he himself taking up his station at the principal door, where they kept drumming all night.

This morning, Friday, 9, there was a good deal of palavering between the captain and the old caboceer, while we sat patiently waiting the removal of the baggage and stores from his house. I found the old caboceer sitting on a chair with an umbrella held over his head; his aged counsellors by his side. The old gentleman was carefully counting all the articles as they were brought out, laying a small piece of stick on each; they were then counted over a second and a third time, after which the bundles were tied up; not however before they obliged me to count them over, and till I said all was right. After waiting about two hours for carriers, the old caboceer said with the most invincible gravity that he would not procure a single carrier, alleging that he had not received enough for a present. We then declared we would return to Badagry, and let the king know of his conduct, and made a show of going that way; but the old caboceer was not in the least moved. Poor Captain Adamooli, however, prostrated himself before me, laid hold of my legs, and said he should lose his head if I went back. I therefore returned, and he loaded his own people; the old wretch not giving us a single man.

Having seen the whole of the baggage off, we started in the evening, and proceeded on our journey. We learned in fact that we were not now in the king of Badagry’s territory, but in a district of Eyeo, which is called Yarriba by the Arabs and people of Houssa, and that the name of the capital is called Katunga, and that it is thirty days’ journey. Finding we could get no men to carry the hammocks which they supplied us with, I mounted my friend Ali’s small horse, without a saddle, and Houtson and I agreed to ride and tie, as my feet were cut and blistered with a pair of new boots I had mounted yesterday, and I could only wear a pair of slippers. We set off in this state, accompanied by the caboceer of Jannah’s messenger, named Acra, and Mr. Houtson’s boys. Puka, which we are leaving, has once been a large town, surrounded by a wall and deep ditch; the wall is now down, and all the houses of the town in ruins. After leaving this place it soon became dark, and we frequently lost our way. We could see, however, that the road in the open part of the country was through fine plantations of corn; the rest was through thick dark woods, where we could not see the heaven over our heads, the path winding in every direction. My slippers being down at the heels I soon lost them off my feet, which were miserably cut; but I became so galled by riding without a saddle, that I was compelled thus to walk barefooted, which was the worst of the two; for whenever I crossed an ant path, which were frequent, my feet felt as if in the fire, these little animals drawing blood from them and from my ankles. We halted at a village called Isako, after passing several others on the road: here the people offered us a house for the night, but on their telling us that our people had gone on to a town a short distance off, we remained only a little while and set off again. They kindly gave us guides with lamps to show us the way. Our short rest and ride had had a bad effect on us, and the road only wanted thorns to make our misery complete. However, after struggling on till midnight, we arrived at a town called Dagmoo, where we found our servants with the heavy baggage and the canteen, but our beds had gone further on, so that we were obliged to sleep in the market-place, in the open air: even this, with a little cold meat, was better than travelling.

Saturday, 10th.—The morning raw, cold, and hazy, and we had nothing to eat. The road lay through the thickest woods I ever saw; and, except on the narrow footpath, wholly impenetrable by man or beast: the surface rather uneven; the soil a strong red clay. We passed several people, principally women, heavily laden with cloth, plantains, and a paste made from pounded Indian corn, wrapped in leaves called accasson, going to market. They were all extremely civil, and never omitted saluting us, or giving us the road. One woman, whom I made signs to that I was thirsty, was nearly crying that she had no water to give, but would make us take plantains and accassons. Shortly after leaving Dagmoo we crossed a small stream, over which I was carried. About noon, arrived at the town of Humba, where I found Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison in the caboceer’s house, and the caboceer waiting in state to receive us. Here I had my feet bathed, but found I had a considerable degree of fever on me, and was glad to get to bed. In the afternoon I had a slight fit of ague. The house was in a very ruinous state; and, indeed, the whole town, as far as we saw of it, was equally so. The inhabitants, however, were cheerful enough, and kept singing and dancing all night round our house; their songs were in chorus, and not unlike some church music that I have heard.

Sunday, 11th.—Though very weak, I walked on for a mile to a town called Akalou, where the baggage was halted; and here I found a black captain in a leopard skin cloak, holding a palaver, and declaring he would neither go nor let the baggage go on, without a flask of rum. Mr. Houtson gave him a glass of grog, when, after keeping it in his mouth for some time, he poured it out of his own into the mouths of his attendants. After this the baggage proceeded, and I had two men to carry me in my hammock; but they had not gone twenty paces before they set me down, and said they would carry me no further. I accordingly endeavoured to creep on slowly, but on seeing the fellows walking very deliberately after me, I took my gun and presented it at them, when they threw down the empty hammock and fled. The two messengers, however, took me up and carried me to a town called Eto, where we were to change the bearers. The caboceer of this place sent us a goat and a basket of yams, and Mr. Houtson gave him in return a flask of rum. Here I procured hammock-men, and we left Eto and proceeded on through thick woods to Sado or Isado, where we halted in the palaver house. Here, as in other places since leaving Puka, our articles of baggage were strictly counted in presence of the caboceer. The people sung and danced all night around our houses.

The soil between this place and Humba is generally a strong red clay, and there must be considerable plantations not far from the road, but none appear near the towns for the support of the numerous inhabitants. I judge we are not far from the banks of the river which they say we are to cross to-morrow; but old Acra, the messenger, says, that the fetish at Gazie would kill any white man that came up the river, and that this is the only reason why we did not come that way.

Monday, 12th.—Morning raw and hazy; our things going off with alacrity this morning, and hammock-men provided. Leaving Sado, the road lay principally through thick woods for an hour, when we arrived at the town of Bidgie, where there are some fine plantations of corn and plantains. The caboceer was all ready to receive us: a fine civil young fellow, his name Lorokekri. They came in crowds to see us; and on our expressing a wish to proceed on without delay, he begged we would stop all day, as neither he nor his people had ever seen white men before, and he was desirous of giving us something to eat. Mr. Houtson and I went down to the river, embarked in a canoe, and crossed over to the other side. We found there was no place clear of wood except the footpath. The river we had to cross was about a quarter of a mile in width, full of low swampy islands and floating reeds. The natives appear to have a number of canoes, which are not used with paddles, but a forked pole, and they manage them very cleverly.

At this place Dr. Morrison was taken very unwell, and had slight symptoms of fever. The caboceer made us a present of two hogs and some yams. We observed here some women very oddly marked, having small raised dots, like wens, across the forehead, about half an inch apart; those on the cheek about an inch. They are made by cutting and lifting the skin.

Tuesday, 13th.—This morning Dr. Morrison was better, and we left Bidgie in the canoes. The road from this place was through a dry swamp nearly the whole way. The sun was very oppressive, and I had sent my umbrella on. About midday I sat down in the shade, quite exhausted by the heat, when a horseman came up; he kindly dismounted, and gave me his horse, while he walked with me to the village of Atalioboloo, where the baggage and people were halted, waiting for carriers to come from the next town. I procured rooms in the principal man’s house for Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison, who were indisposed. This town is surrounded with plantations of yams and corn; numbers of people were on the road going to the market at Bidgie. The carriers having arrived from Laboo, the sick, and the greater part of the baggage, sent forward, Houtson and I followed in hammocks; the road lying through fine plantations of yams, and nearly as level as a bowling-green. In the evening I was met by the Jannah messenger, with an officer of the caboceer of Laboo, bringing horses for the party: we got out of our hammocks and mounted. I was the only one that had a saddle, but it was so hard and the stirrups so short, that it became a question which of us had the best bargain. We soon arrived at the town of Laboo, which stands on an eminence, and is the cleanest we have seen since we first set foot in Africa. The country has now become beautiful, rising into hill and dale, from which there are some fine views: part of our road lay through large plantations of corn and yams and fine avenues of trees.

At 7 P.M. we arrived at Laboo. The approach to the town appeared by the moonlight quite enchanting, being through an avenue of tall majestic trees, with fetish houses placed here and there, and solitary lights burning by each. On entering the town we were taken to the caboceer’s house, where he was sitting under his verandah ready to receive us, and the house was crowded with spectators; he rose as high as the roof would admit, welcomed us to his country, and said he was glad to see us. We told him there was one sick gentleman behind, and requested he would send lights, and people to assist to bring him up. In less than two hours Dr. Morrison arrived; and having received a present of a pig and five baskets of yams, we prepared our supper and went to bed.

Wednesday, 14th.—The morning raw and cold; Morrison a little better; Captain Pearce and my servant Richard Lander taken ill. After daylight the caboceer sent to inquire after our health, and at 10 A.M. we paid him a visit. We found him in the same place we saw him last night. The whole of the verandah and square was full of people, except a small space for those who came to prostrate themselves. In the centre of the square was a large baboon and pole, and a forked stick, with water for pigeons, that were continually flying about our heads. Behind the caboceer sat about two hundred of his wives and concubines. He was sitting on a mat, reclining on a large round pillow, one of each of which he immediately ordered for us. We sat down beside him and gave him a glass of grog, which he drank off with great relish, turning himself round so that his own people might not see him drink. We handed a few glasses more to his ladies, and a goblet full to his headmen, who were sitting in front with all the marks of their morning’s salutation of their master. Their obeisance is a complete prostration of the body at full length on the ground, with the chin resting on the hands, turning one cheek to the ground, then the other, and finally to bestow a kiss on their mother earth and rise. Before entering the caboceer’s presence their heads must be covered with dust or clay. He told us he had a house at Eyeo, and that half his wives were there. When he spoke in a complimentary way to us, all the people clapped their hands joyfully. When we told him that a white man had only one wife, he and the whole people, with his wives, laughed immoderately. After staying with him an hour we took our leave, giving him two bottles of rum, and a promise of something more when the baggage arrived. The town of Laboo is large, and stands on a rising ground on the top of a small hill, and in some parts commands an extensive view, particularly to the south, which is low and flat. Lagos, we were told, can be reached in one day by a messenger.

Thursday, 15th.—Our sick better: at eight, sent them off in the hammocks: at nine, started on horseback, but waited a short time for the caboceer, who came mounted, but without stirrups. He attended us some distance out of town with the whole population of Laboo around him, the women singing in chorus and holding up both hands as we passed; and groups of people were kneeling down and apparently wishing us a good journey. The country well cultivated and beautiful, rising into hill and dale: from the tops of the hills we had distant views, the road leading through plantations of millet, yams, calavances, and Indian corn.

On arriving at Jannah about noon, I found our poor sick halted in the palaver house, which is an open shed, surrounded by thousands of people making a great noise. Here we had to wait about an hour before the caboceer made his appearance, which however at last he did, gorgeously arrayed in a large yellow silken shirt and red velvet cap; with a silver mounted and silver wrought kind of horsewhip ornamented with beads, in one hand, and a child’s silver bells in the other, which he rattled or shook when he spoke: he was seated on a large leathern cushion, which was placed on a mat covered with scarlet cloth. On the cloth I was going to sit down, but the ladies very unceremoniously whipt it from under me, and I squatted myself on the mat; his female attendants sung in chorus very beautifully: the drummers were at a more respectable distance, and the whole space in front of his house was covered with people. Here also were the worshippers, who paid their respects in due form to their master, going out and coming in three times. We shook hands with him. He said he was glad to see us; that whatever we had to say to the king of Eyeo we must first deliver to him; that if he approved of our palaver, so would the king; but if not, neither would the king of Eyeo. This seemed somewhat ungracious and consequential, especially when coupled with his apparent inattention while the interpreter was speaking to him: but on our explaining to him that we had nothing of particular importance to say to the king of Eyeo beyond a request that he would accept the king of England’s respects, and grant a passage through his country, he said all was right; that he was glad we should see the king of Eyeo’s face; that God would give us a good path, and that he would forward us right on without any trouble. We then asked him for a house: he said he would give us into the hands of his principal servant, who would lend us his house, to which we went. We found it pretty well occupied with people, but there was a room each for the sick, and Houtson and I took up our quarters in the verandah. In the evening we were visited by the caboceer incognito. He was now quite a different man: his servant Akoni, who had come with us from Badagry, sat down, and the caboceer made a seat of his knee. He now conversed freely, gave us a great deal of good advice, and spoke of God more like a christian than a pagan. He said that the king of Eyeo would not allow us to go through his dominions, but that he would give us horses and carriers to bring us to the king; but that the Eyeo people were unaccustomed to carry hammocks, and we must go on horseback. He repeatedly assured us of safe conduct to Eyeo, and said we might start to-morrow if our sick were well. We then gave him the greatest part of our string of coral, which in this country is highly esteemed. Mr. Houtson learnt this evening that a message had arrived to the caboceer from some part of the coast, probably Lagos or Dahomy, advising him that the Englishmen were going to make war upon the king of Eyeo, and that we might perhaps kill the king: this, I apprehend, was the reason why he was so positive in wanting to know our business with the king of Eyeo.

Friday, 16th.—Morning raw and hazy. We this morning received two goats, a hog, and a large quantity of yams, ten fowls and two pigeons. We are visited by a great number of the town’s-people; and whenever we show ourselves out of the house we are followed by an immense crowd. We received a present of a goat and a quantity of yams from the town’s-people. In the evening Mr. Houtson and I took a walk through the town: we were followed by an immense crowd, which gathered as we went along, but all very civil; the men taking off their caps, the women kneeling on their knees and one elbow, the other elbow resting upon the hand. In returning we came through the market, which, though nearly sunset, was well supplied with raw cotton, country cloths, provision, and fruit, such as oranges, limes, plantains, bananas; and vegetables, such as small onions, chalotes, pepper, and gums for soups; also, boiled yams and accassons. Here the crowd rolled on like a sea, the men jumping over the provision baskets, the boys dancing under the stalls, the women bawling, and saluting those who were looking after their scattered goods, yet no word or look of disrespect to us.

Saturday, 17th.—Morning clear. Captain Pearce much better; Richard worse. Dr. Morrison bled Richard in the temple in the evening, but he has had no relief.

Sunday, 18th.—Our patients to-day a little better. The town of Jannah stands on the side of a gentle hill, commanding an extensive view to the west; the view to the east is interrupted by thick woods. The inhabitants are apparently civil and industrious, and may amount from 8000 to 10,000. They are great carvers; their doors, drums, and every thing of wood is carved. It has formerly been surrounded by a wall and ditch: the gate and ditch are now all that remain. The streets are irregular and narrow; the houses occupying a large space, and in the same form as those of Puka. Here, amongst the Yarribanies, is the poor dog treated with respect, and made the companion of man; here he has collars around his neck of different colours, and ornamented with cowries, and sits by his master, and follows him in all his journeys and visits. The great man is never without one, and it appeared to me a boy was appointed to take care of him. In no other country of Africa, that I have been in, is this faithful animal treated with common humanity.

Owing to a Brazilian brig having arrived at Badagry for slaves, the people here have been preparing themselves for two days to go on a slaving expedition to a place called Tabbo, lying to the eastward.

I cannot omit bearing testimony to the singular and perhaps unprecedented fact, that we have already travelled sixty miles in eight days, with a numerous and heavy baggage, and about ten different relays of carriers, without losing so much as the value of a shilling public or private; a circumstance evincing not only somewhat more than common honesty in the inhabitants, but a degree of subordination and regular government which could not have been supposed to exist amongst a people hitherto considered barbarians. Humanity, however, is the same in every land; government may restrain the vicious principles of our nature, but it is beyond the power even of African despotism to silence a woman’s tongue: in sickness and in health, and at every stage, we have been obliged to endure their eternal loquacity and noise.

We have observed several looms going here: in one house we saw eight or ten—in fact a regular manufactory. Their cloth is good in texture, and some very fine. They also manufacture earthenware, but prefer European, though they sometimes misappropriate the different articles. The vessel in which the caboceer of Laboo presented us water to drink, Mr. Houtson recognised as a handsome chamber-pot sold by him last year at Badagry.

Monday, 19th.—Captain Pearce is better this morning, but Richard continues still very ill with severe head-ache and fever.

About twelve o’clock we visited the caboceer at his own house. He had previously sent us about twenty-five gallons of rum, saying he heard we had not brought much rum with us; that Eyeo people liked rum too much, and that he sent us this that we might give all his people a dram to get us a good name amongst the inhabitants.

We found his highness seated in the door-way of a room, in the inner verandah, and on his large leather cushion; behind were his singing women; and under the verandahs, on both sides of the doors, were his musicians and his headmen. He wore this morning a rich crimson damask robe, or shirt, and the same red velvet cap; but during the visit, to display his grandeur, he changed his dress three different times, each time wearing a richer than before. The whole court, which was large, was filled, crowded, crammed, with people, except a space in front where we sat, into which his highness led Mr. Houtson and myself, one in each hand, and there we performed an African dance, to the great delight of the surrounding multitude. The tout ensemble would doubtless have formed an excellent subject for a caricaturist, and we regretted the absence of Captain Pearce to sketch off the old black caboceer, sailing majestically around in his damask robe, with a train-bearer behind him, and every now and then turning up his old withered face to myself, then to Mr. Houtson—then whisking round on one foot, then marching slow, with solemn gait, twining our hands in his—proud that a white man should dance with him. We gave in to the humours of the day, and thus “cheered we our old friend, and he was cheered.” We sent for Captain Pearce, who came on his hammock, but he could only stay a few minutes, the noise being too great for him. In the evening we despatched our messenger to the caboceer to ask when the horses would be ready; he returned with an answer, that his highness was drunk to-night, but would see us to-morrow morning. Richard much worse: Dr. Morrison put a large blister over his head, which caused a temporary delirium; but as the blister rose he got better, and promises in the morning to be convalescent.

Tuesday, 20th.—Morning raw and hazy. The caboceer called to inquire after the sick, and expressed much concern at their not getting well. Indeed Dr. Morrison continued very weak, and Captain Pearce getting weaker; Richard something better.

Wednesday, 21st.—The caboceer came this morning with his headmen to overhaul the packages, to see how many carriers would be requisite. We tried for hammock-men for the sick, but the caboceer said, that the Eyeo people could not and would not carry a hammock—that a man was not a horse; which, to be sure, was a truism so obvious and ancient, that we could not venture to contradict it. I offered him a string of coral, which to him is most tempting, but he would not make a positive promise. However, he sent a messenger in the evening, saying that he would find hammocks to the first stage. He promised also to forward any thing that was sent from Badagry for the mission, and any thing from the mission to Badagry. We visited several manufactories of cloth and three dyehouses, with upwards of twenty vats or large earthen pots in each, and all in full work. The indigo here is of an excellent quality, and forms a most beautiful and durable dye; the women are the dyers, the boys the weavers; the loom and shuttles are on the same principle as the common English loom, but the warp only about four inches wide. Mr. Houtson was anxious to purchase the freedom of a Bornouese slave, a dwarf three feet high and thirty years of age, a cunning-looking rogue; but he was not willing to be sold, and his master would not therefore sell him.

Thursday, 22d.—This morning Dr. Morrison was looking ill, but in better spirits; Captain Pearce very weak; Richard better. In the extreme weak state of the two former, I thought it advisable to say to both, that I would either make arrangements for their remaining here until they were completely convalescent, or for their return on board the Brazen, provided hammocks could be got to carry them to Puka, and to go under the care of Mr. Houtson’s boy, Accra; or, if necessary, that Mr. Houtson should himself take charge of them, and return them safe to Badagry. Captain Pearce expressed a decided determination to proceed, and Dr. Morrison would not even hear Mr. Houtson speak on the subject of a return or stay, but said he would proceed on. The caboceer came early, and after much trouble, and seemingly much difficulty, got men to carry the sick, his own son being obliged to take one end of a hammock. I observed that, on the caboceer’s sneezing, all his attendants clapped their hands and snapped their fingers, a custom common to Benin, Lagos, and Dahomy, and similar to our exclamation of “God bless us” on the same occasion. The hammocks started early, when Mr. Houtson’s small boys, owing to some people frightening them with stories of war on the path, and probably a message from their friends at Badagry requesting them to go no further, all ran away. He immediately despatched a letter for another interpreter, who will join us in a few days. About an hour afterwards, I started after the sick, leaving Mr. Houtson to see the baggage off.

Friday, 23d.—At 7 A.M. the sick left Bachy. Dr. Morrison looking very ill; Captain Pearce much the same; Richard better. We had presents, as usual, of yams, plantains, eggs, and a goat. At ten, arrived at Tshow; the country finely cleared, and diversified with hill and dale, a number of inhabitants travelling with us. A little after our arrival Dr. Morrison sent for me, and said, that as our proceeding onwards had made him no better, he wished me to allow him to return, which I did, to see if the sea air would recover him; I therefore gave Mr. Houtson an order to see him to Jannah, or to Badagry if necessary, and they parted at 4 P.M.

Saturday, 24th.—Raw cold morning: Captain Pearce much the same, Richard better. At 7 A.M. left Tshow. During last night we had thunder, lightning, and rain; the roads dreadfully bad; in some places over the horses’ bellies. In one place George Dawson’s horse lay down in the midst of the water, and the rider rolled off, as he was weak and ill with ague. At 10.30 A.M. arrived at Ega; the road mostly through thick woods, with here and there patches of cleared ground planted with corn. Received a present of yams, oranges, eggs, plantains, and a goat. At 4 P.M. George Dawson, seaman, died: he had got the ague at Jannah, where Dr. Morrison had turned him off. I was not aware of his belonging to his majesty’s service until after his death, or I should have sent him down to his ship the moment of his discharge at Jannah. I caused him to be decently buried, and read the service over the body, making all the servants that were able to attend the ceremony.

Sunday, 25th.—Our poor sick still remain much the same. I also have been very ill from a cold caught on the journey of yesterday. The country continues to be diversified with hill and dale, and in many places well cultivated. The approach to Emadoo is through a long, broad, and beautiful avenue of the tallest trees; a strong stockade eighteen feet high, with a wicker gate, and at one hundred paces from this another of the same kind, defends the entrance to the town. The road from Ega to Liabo was beautiful, rising ground, gentle hills and dales, a small stream of water running through each valley: the land partly in a state of cultivation, and sufficiently cleared of that thick forest which gives such a monotony to this part of Africa. At 9 A.M. halted at a town called Ekwa, where we received a present of yams, plantains, and a goat.

Monday, 26th.—Raw, cloudy morning. All the towns from Jannah to Ekwa are situated in the bosom of an inaccessible wood; the approach is through an avenue defended by three stockades with narrow wicket gates and only one entrance; but Liabo only had a mud wall and ditch in addition to the stockades.

Tuesday, 27th.—Morning clear for the first time since we left Jannah—a strong wind blowing—our sick and myself the same—had them well wrapped up in their hammocks. I suffered much from cold, being lightly dressed. After leaving Ekwa we crossed a deep ravine, and descended a hill on the ridge of which we travelled until we arrived at Engwa, at 9 A.M.

At 11 A.M. Pearce had become much worse and quite insensible; and at nine in the evening he breathed his last. From the moment of Captain Pearce’s being taken ill, his wonted spirits supported him through the progress of a disease that was evidently wasting his strength from day to day; but after Dr. Morrison left us, he became less sanguine of recovery, and wished Richard to remain in his room to keep him company, as my duties in attending to the business of the mission prevented me from being as much with him as I could have wished. On the morning of our leaving Tshow I gave him some bark, but afterwards the heat of his skin was so great, that I thought it prudent not to give him any more, and he was too weak to venture on any strong medicine. The death of Captain Pearce has caused me much concern, for independently of his amiable qualities as a friend and companion, he was eminently qualified by his talents, his perseverance, and his fortitude to be of singular service to the mission, and on these accounts I deplore his loss as the greatest I could have sustained, both as regards my private feelings and the public service.

Wednesday, 28th.—At eleven this morning I interred the remains of Captain Pearce, the whole of the principal people of the town attending, and all the servants. The grave was staked round by the inhabitants and a shed built over it: at the head of the grave, an inscription was carved on a board by Richard, I being unable to assist or even to sit up.

Saturday, 31st.—As I had heard nothing from Mr. Houtson as to the fate of Dr. Morrison, I determined to wait here until I should get a little stronger. In the evening, however, Mr. Houtson arrived, who informed me that Dr. Morrison had died at Jannah on the same day as Captain Pearce.

With the assistance (says Mr. Houtson) of old Accra, and the caboceer’s messenger, I had the body washed and dressed, and at 8 A.M. on the morning of the 28th buried him at the south-west end of the house we lived in; the king’s messenger and a number of people attending. I read the church of England service over his remains, and paid all the respect that circumstances permitted. I sent to Badagry for a head board with an inscription stating his name and the date and place of his death.

Tuesday, January 3d, 1826.—Left the town of Engwa in a hammock, and reached the town of Afoora, where we were well lodged, and had a present of yams, fowls, a goat, &c. The town is surrounded by a stockade; the state of the atmosphere much changed for the better.

Wednesday, 4th.—Clear and cool, all of us much better. At 7.50. left Afoora. The country clear, and rising into hill and dale: on the rising grounds large blocks of gray granite showed their heads above the earth; the plains were scattered with the female cocoa-nut, and covered with long high grass, which in many places had recently been burnt down. The view on leaving Afoora was beautiful from the hills; all the valleys being filled with streams of water running to the north-west, to join a larger river said to empty itself into the Lagos. Halted at the town of Assulah, and received plenty of yams, fowls, plantains, eggs, and a goat; the inhabitants were as usual very kind and civil, and may consist of five or six thousand people: the town is surrounded by a new made ditch, on account of the existing war, and they are building a number of houses; the women are very shy, and they say that adultery is punished with death.

Thursday, 5th.—Left the town of Assula, and passed through the village of Itallia. The country to-day very beautiful. Arrived at Assoudo: it is a walled town, and as far as my observation goes, at least 10,000 inhabitants. We received a plentiful supply of provisions, wood, and water. The people here are as curious as at other places, but very civil. Houtson and I rode out at sunset, and were surrounded by thousands; the men kept dancing and the women singing all night on account of our arrival.

Friday, 6th.—We left the town of Assoudo: the country naturally clear of wood, and planted with cotton and corn; the succession of hill and dale beautiful. We halted for the night at the town of Chocho. The caboceer out hunting, as he did not expect us to-day. All the men in the place were with him, hunting the wild buffalo. We got the best house the town afforded. In the evening the caboceer arrived, and we received a present of yams, plantains, eggs, and a goat. This town is pleasantly situated among the rocky hills, but the inhabitants not numerous.

Saturday, 7th.—On leaving Chocho our road lay through beautiful rocky valleys, cultivated in many places and planted with cotton, corn, yams, and bananas; and well watered with many fine streams. A number of little towns are perched on the top and in the hollows of the hills, to whose inhabitants the plantations in the valley belong. A war is now carrying on only a few hours’ ride from us: not a national but a slaving war. We were supplied with yams, eggs, and plantains, a goat and fowls. The caboceer did not make his appearance: I therefore told the king’s messenger that I should inform the king of Eyeo of this caboceer’s want of respect.

Sunday, 8th.—Last night we had thunder, lightning, and rain; the morning dull and cloudy: at 8 A.M. left Bendekka, our road through winding and beautiful valleys formed by the rugged and gigantic blocks of granite, which in some places rose to the height of six or seven hundred feet above the valleys in which we travelled. Sometimes the valley is not a hundred yards broad, at others it may widen out to half a mile; in one place we had to travel over a wide mountain plain. The soil is rich, but shallow, except alongside the fine streams of water which run through the valleys, where large tall trees were growing; the sides of the mountains are bare except in the crevices, which are filled with stunted trees and shrubs. The valleys well cultivated, and planted with cotton, corn, yams, &c. At 12.30. P.M. arrived at the town of Duffoo, where we were well lodged; but the crowds of people were immense: when told to go away, they said—No; if white man would not come out, they would come in to see him.

This cluster of hills said to rise in the Berghoo country, which is behind Ashantee, and to run eastward through Jaboo to Benin. They do not know their direction any farther. They extend from W.N.W. to E.S.E.; and are about 80 miles in width from north to south.

The king of Eyeo’s wives are to be found in every place trading for him, and, like other women of the common class, carrying large loads on their heads from town to town. Mr. Houtson and I went to the top of one of the mounts: I had to be assisted by two men, being so weak I could not go alone. We had a grand and beautiful view of mountains, precipices, and valleys, wherever we turned our eyes, with the town of Duffoo spread out at our feet. The top of the hill was covered with women grinding corn. They make round holes in the face of the rock in which they crush the grain with a small stone in the hand. This mount may be called a large corn mill.

This evening the fetish went round to keep away thieves. These watchmen make a noise resembling that which a boy does by spinning a notched stick tied to a string, round his head. When this is heard, no one, on pain of death, must stir out of his house.

Monday, 9th.—Left Duffoo, a town that may contain upwards of fifteen thousand people. Mr. Houtson unwell; he rode on early to avoid the sun. I had great trouble in getting hammock-men. After leaving Duffoo, the road winding around between two hills, descending over rugged rocks and stones, and immense blocks of granite overhanging us, as ready to start from their base to the destruction of every thing below. About half a mile came to the village of Jesin, close at the base of five towering rocky hills, and surrounded by tall trees, a small stream running through it; from this the road ascends and descends, still winding round the hills, until we arrived at the town of Weza. Here our carriers would not start until they had quaffed an immense calabash of otée, (mountain ale made from millet), which the caboceer of the town sent to me with some plantains and eggs: the last article in this country almost invariably half-hatched. We now passed over a table land, gently descending from the mountains, well cultivated and watered with several streams; halted at the town of Chiadoo, situated on the side of a gently rising hill, surrounded by a wall and ditch; and within the walls thickly planted with a belt of trees, which entirely surround the town.

Tuesday, 10th.—The caboceer of this town is a friend of the caboceer of Jannah, and extremely kind and attentive. He hopes our stay may be extended to ten days, and assures us that neither we nor our people should find any want of provisions. He sent us abundance of yams, fowls, a goat and a turkey; the last a rare fowl in this country. The caboceer’s name is Toko. I have put the barometer up, and shall wait two days. Mr. Houtson better; myself unwell, with head-ache, languor, and weakness; Richard much better, but still weak.

Wednesday, 11th.—Calm and clear. The caboceer waited on us to-day, when we gave him ten coral beads for a piece of cloth, with which he was much pleased. This town of Chiadoo is large, and I think contains upwards of 7000 inhabitants, whose curiosity regarding us is insatiable, crowding the square whenever we make our appearance.

Thursday, 12th.—The morning dull and cloudy. About eight o’clock left Chiadoo; the caboceer, and an immense train of men, women, and children, attending us; the women singing in chorus, while the drums, horns, and gongs, formed a strange discord with their agreeable voices: the road, through a well cultivated country, apparently descending through the rude and rugged pass between the hills. The soil a fine mould, but very thinly strewed over the granite base, which in many places on the plain broke out and appeared like large sheets of water glittering in the sun. At 10 halted at the town of Matoni (signifying “Let me alone”), where we took leave of the caboceer. We staid but a few minutes, while the carriers had swigged a few calabashes of mountain ale, or otée, as it is called in their language. The road was now very difficult and dangerous, over broken rocks, and through rugged passes, where the inhabitants were perched in groups to look at us as we passed by. At one halted at the town of Erawa, where we were received with drums; the caboceer conducted us to his house and gave us fowls, sheep, and a goat; and the caboceer of a neighbouring town sent us a pig. The people were here curious beyond measure, yet exceedingly kind. The town is large and very populous.

Friday, 13th.—Dull and hazy. The caboceer, on coming to bid us good morning, said that our guide had not told him that we wished to go away to-day, a manœuvre of the caboceer and the guide to detain us, so that all the people might have an opportunity of seeing us: but we were determined to proceed; and after much palaver about hammock-men and carriers, left Erawa at nine: the road through a mountain pass as far as a town called Washoo, where we rested. After this we again entered the mountains. At 2.30 P.M. arrived at Chaki. The country from Erawa to Chaki well planted and thickly inhabited, till we entered the last mentioned mountains, which were more broken than those we had hitherto passed, and appeared as if some great convulsion of nature had thrown the immense masses of granite into wild and terrific confusion. The road through this mountain pass was grand and imposing, sometimes rising almost perpendicularly, and then descending in the midst of rocks into deep dells; then winding beautifully round the side of a steep hill, the rocks above overhanging us in fearful uncertainty. In every cleft of the hills, wherever there appeared the least soil, were cottages, surrounded by small plantations of millet, yams, or plantains, giving a beautiful variety to the rude scenery. The road continued rising, hill above hill, for at least two miles, until our arrival at the large and populous town of Chaki, situated on the top of the very highest hill. On every hand, on the hills, on the rocks, and crowding on the road, the inhabitants were assembled in thousands; the women welcoming us with holding up their hands and chanting choral songs, and the men with the usual salutations and every demonstration of joy. The caboceer was seated on the outside of his house, surrounded by his ladies, his singing men and singing women, his drums, fifes, and gong-gongs. He is a good-looking man, about fifty years of age, and has a pleasing countenance. His house was all ready for us; and he immediately ordered us a large supply of goats, sheep, and yams; pressing us strongly to stay a day or two with him. He appeared to consider us as messengers of peace, come with blessings to his king and country. Indeed a belief is very prevalent, and seems to have gone before us all the way, that we are charged with a commission to make peace wherever there is war; and to do good to every country through which we pass. The caboceer of this town indeed told us so; and said he hoped that we should settle the war with the Nyffee people and the Fellatah; and the rebellion of the Housa slaves, who have risen against the king of Yarriba. When I shook hands with him, he passed his hand over the heads of his chiefs, as confirming on them a white man’s blessing. He was more inquisitive and more communicative than any one whom we have yet seen. He sat until near midnight, talking and inquiring about England. On asking if he would send one of his sons to see our country, he rose up with alacrity, and said he would go himself. He inquired how many wives an Englishman had? Being told only one, he seemed much astonished, and laughed greatly, as did all his people. “What does he do,” said he, “when one of his wives has a child? Our caboceer has two thousand.”

We learned from this man that the Niger, or Quorra, passed Jaboo, and entered the sea at Benin, but that it flowed over rocks; that Burgho is only one day’s ride north-north-west, and that the mountains through which we are travelling pass through Ghunga, thirty-five days distant from hence west-north-west; that they continue through Burgho, Youriba, and Laboo, to Benin; but of their further course he was ignorant. This was confirmed by the king of Burgho’s messenger, who was present. On asking for milk he sent for it, and said, that if we wished to wash in milk there was abundance for us all. Abaco, our guide, told us this caboceer held great authority under the king of Eyeo, and had an extensive district of country, and many large towns, under his regency. He appeared a true mountain king, and the friend of strangers; his name is Toko, and he is fond of our tea.

Saturday, 14th.—Clear, and a fine breeze from the westward; much difficulty in getting away the people, and caboceer wishing us to stay. At 8.40 A.M. started, accompanied several miles by the caboceer and a great number of people, with upwards of two hundred of the caboceer’s wives, one of which was young and beautiful. The messenger from Burgho also was with us, and mounted on a much better horse than any I had yet seen. He said it was a war-horse, and set much value on it. Passed through the village of Fellah: the country extremely beautiful, clear of wood, and partly cultivated. We passed a number of Fellatah villages, whose inhabitants live here as they do in most other parts of Africa, attending to the pasturage of their cattle, without interfering in the customs of the country, or the natives giving them any molestation. Passed Awari at ten; at eleven started again and halted at Bayoo; the country still continuing fine and well cultivated. Here we changed carriers; and at 1.40 P.M. arrived at Kooso, a large, double-walled town; the outer wall extending from some rugged granite hills on the south-east to a great distance in the plain: the walls were crowded with people to receive and welcome us. The caboceer was seated under his verandah, with his wives and headmen around him, and shortly after came to welcome us. He was dressed in a Nyffee tobe, made after the Mohammedan fashion. He said he was glad to see white men come to his country, and going to see his king; that he never expected to see this day; that all the wars and bad palavers would now be settled. He presented us with yams, eggs, a goat, a sheep, and a fine fat turkey, and milk: a large pig also from the caboceer of a neighbouring town.

Sunday, 15th.—Clear and cool breeze from the east. The caboceer came to bid us good morning, bringing abundance of provisions, which we gave to the kafila accompanying the messenger. The large court, about two hundred yards square, in which we are lodged, is constantly filled with some thousands of people, who will not be driven away, party succeeding party in their curiosity to see us; and “wide-mouthed wonder stares apace.” This is by much the largest town we have seen, and at least contains twenty thousand people. They describe the country on every side as being full of large towns.

Monday, 16th.—Morning clear and fine. Last night we had thunder, lightning, and a few drops of rain; the thermometer had been as low as sixty-two degrees. They tried very hard this morning to retain us another day, but we were determined to go on, and at eight we left Kooso. I rode to-day, as I felt myself much stronger than since I left Engwa. Just as we were starting, Mr. Houtson being mounted on a vicious horse, the animal reared and fell backwards with him. Our road was in a parallel line with the hills until we passed through the town of Yaboo; course, east three-quarters north; the country well cultivated and very beautiful. At 10 A.M. halted at the town of Ensookosoo; here we had to stop, much against our will, as Abaco, the messenger, had eaten too much pork, and made himself sick, and could proceed no farther. We therefore took up our quarters in the house of the caboceer, a dull-looking man, with a long iron chain round his neck, an ornament of which they are all fond: a pair of manacles for the hands lay beside him. We were lodged in the fetish room, which was the best in the house, and a very good one. We had a present of a pig, fowls, guinea-fowl, goat, fruits, milk, two bushels of plantains, yams, &c. The country between Yaboo and Ensookosoo was a beautiful plain, well cultivated, and studded with a number of Fellatah villages; here also the curiosity of the people appeared to be insatiable, but the women very shy; they are well dressed, and have immense large bugles on their arms, the Fellatah women who came from the villages to see us especially, as also their necks covered with coarse jasper beads, made in the country: we met a number of people with merchandize. The people snap their fingers when the caboceer drinks.

Tuesday, 17th.—Last night we had a long conversation about England; and the belief of my going to make peace with the Housa slaves and the king gains ground. They have been in rebellion these two years, and possess a large town only two days’ journey from Katunga, called Lori. The Youribanis are evidently afraid of them; they say they have a great number of horses, and have been joined by many Fellatahs. I told them, that if the king made good friends with the king of England, he would send him every thing he wanted; that if ships could come up the Quorra there would be an end of the war immediately. They said that canoes came up the river from Chekerie or Warrie to Nyffee or Tappa, and that they were ten days on the passage. I surprised them not a little by an account of our rivers, towers, houses, and especially our great guns. We had a great deal of trouble in leaving Ensookosoo, and it was 8.45 before we got fairly started. The Fellatahs near the town had supplied us with plenty of milk; we had guards inside and outside the house, and the war-horn blowing at intervals all night. At 9.15 halted at the town of Ladooli; the country is well cultivated, with numerous villages. We met numbers of trading men and women, and saw a range of hills bearing from east by south to south. After changing horses we left Ladooli, and halted at Aggidiba; the country well cultivated as before, but the inhabitants had mostly deserted from the town on account of the rebellious Housas, who make frequent inroads into this part of the country, and have burnt several towns and villages. I stopped here, as I was very sick, and unable to ride; but at 12.15 left Aggidiba; our road through a wood of low, stunted, scrubby trees, on a soil of sand and gravel; passed three villages, and two that had been burnt by the Fellatahs. At noon arrived at the town of Akkibosa: it is surrounded with trees inside the walls. The caboceer was very civil, and made us a present of a goat, yams, fowls, eggs without number, and plantains. These two days we have not seen the palm-oil tree, but one of them appeared to-day by the banks of a small stream in the valley. Mr. Houtson and I took some strong medicine, as we were both very unwell. I was worse than I have been since I left Badagry. The town of Akkibosa is large, and surrounded inside the walls with an impenetrable wood.

Wednesday, 18th.—Morning dull and hazy, with a little drizzling rain. At 7 A.M. left Akkibosa; the country cultivated only in patches here and there; the trees low and stunted; the soil gravelly. At 9.20 halted at Adja, where we were obliged to stop, the people being at work in the fields. The caboceer seemed inclined to be uncivil, and did not wait on us for a considerable time: when he did, I would not shake hands with him, but told him I should report his disrespectful conduct to the king of Eyeo. He first said he was in the country, then that he was asleep, and no one told him we were come. He said, if I would forgive him, he would get us every thing we wanted; to which I assented, provided he would promise to get us every thing ready for starting at daylight. I had my side rubbed with a piece of cord, after some Mallageta pepper was chewed and spit on the part. The cord was rubbed backwards and forwards on the part, and gave ease; and I consider it an excellent mode of rubbing.

Thursday, 19th.—Clear morning. Every thing was ready at daylight. The caboceer brought me some medicine to take; it was like lime-juice and pepper. I was so sick that I could not stand for half an hour after I had taken it; I then got suddenly well, both as to the pain in my side and the severe diarrhœa which had troubled me for some days: gave him six coral beads, and at 6.40 A.M. left Adja, which is a walled town, having an avenue of trees, with a creeping plant of a briar-like appearance ascending to their very tops, from which hanging down, it makes an impenetrable defence against any thing but a snake; and being an evergreen, there is no possibility of burning it. The town is straggling, and may be said to contain 4000 inhabitants. At 8 A.M. passed the town of Loko, where we changed carriers: the country well cultivated, and planted with corn, yams, &c., and rising into gentle hills and dales. At 8.30 left Loko, which is a considerable walled town; at 9.30 halted under a tree to tighten my hammock; at 10 halted at the eastern town of Saloo; there being three of that name close together, and all apparently equally large; the western one walled, the other two not walled. The country between Loko and this place but little cultivated, and thickly wooded; the soil a red clay and gravel, with some large pieces of clay iron-stone that looks as if it had passed through the fire, being full of small holes, perhaps by the water wearing away the soft parts. In this part of the route I obtained the flower of the butter tree of Mungo Park. The tree is almost bare of leaves when in flower, and until the rains are nearly over, and is then in luxuriant foliage. The flower has eight petals and eight leaves, and of a pale yellow. At 10.30 changed carriers and left Saloo; at noon, halted at the town of Laydoo. The caboceer’s house was under repairs, but we got a good room, with plenty of provisions. He sent into the country for milk and honey; the latter we got; the former not to be had. We here saw a great number of traders.

Friday, 20th.—Morning clear. Last night we had a visit from the caboceer and the principal people of the town, to inquire what would make their town large and flourishing as it once was. I told them, that to encourage people to come and settle in it by treating them well, and also to encourage them to come and trade, and plant plenty of corn and yams, and then poor people would make money, and get children; that no man ought to have one hundred wives and another none, but that every man ought to have only one wife. The latter part of my advice was laughed at, though the first was highly approved. I told them, if they had only one wife, more children would be born: that in England the people are as numerous as ants; and that I was the youngest of thirteen children, and as stout a man as any in their town; that it was no uncommon thing for one woman to have sixteen or seventeen children. Mr. Houtson then gave them a word on the riches, improvements, and happiness of Old England, enlarging on the general cultivation of the country, its roads, carriages, and modes of travelling; its canals, ships, trade, wars, &c.; the bravery of the men, and the beauty of the women, with the richness of their dress; and that this prosperous state of things resulted from its good government, the king encouraging people from all parts of the world to come to England and trade, and sending his own people to visit the most distant corners of the earth to see what in every country might be of use in England. It was midnight before we parted, and then I had to send them away, telling them we had to rise early in the morning. Burgho is only a day’s journey from this, and the natives of that country often come and steal people from the neighbouring towns to sell into slavery. At 7 A.M. left Laydoo; the country but little cultivated, thin woods, soil a red clay mixed with lumps of iron-stone, none being larger than three feet on each side. At 8.30 halted at the village of Leogalla, inhabited by Fellatahs, who kindly brought us sweet milk to drink. At 10 halted at the village of Bongbong, where the carriers got their breakfast of eko, or accassan, which is made of millet meal, first steeped in water until sour, then boiled like a thick paste, and then mixed with warm or cold water for a drink, or eaten without water for food: it is very wholesome. The village of Bongbong is walled. At 10.30 started—passed a burnt village—the road winding—country woody, forming gentle dale and down; a strong harmattan, or north wind, blowing. At noon halted at Atepa; got quarters in the caboceer’s house, where we were supplied with yams, fowls, a goat, turkey, &c., also a large pig, which we gave to Abaco, the king’s messenger. The caboceer was very inquisitive about England.

Saturday, 21st.—Morning cold and clear. This night the thermometer has been as low as 55° in the open air. The coldest time in this country, as, I believe, in all others, is the hour before day-light, or rather before sunrise. The town is large and populous, containing certainly above six thousand; it is surrounded by a belt of trees, rendered impenetrable by the crossing thorny creepers, through which there is only a narrow pass at the gates. The country, for a couple of miles outside the gate, well cultivated. At 9.15 entered the walled town of Namah, the road now winding and woody; changed carriers; and at 9.30 left Namah. The country plain, and a clay soil. At 10 A.M. crossed a stream called Juffee or Moussa which runs into the Quorra at, or opposite to, Nyffee. At 11.30 arrived at the walled town of Leobadda: there is a range of broken rocks, like an immense wall, on the east side of which the town is built. We were accompanied hither by the caboceers of Atepa and Namah, with all their train, to guard us from the Burgho robbers who frequent the road, as the king of that country has his capital only one day’s journey with a horse from this place. Passed two ruined villages; the road woody and winding. We gave the two caboceers a dram before starting, as they had been very kind to us.

Sunday, 22d.—Clear and cold; north wind during the night; thermometer, 56°. The town of Leobadda is situated on the east side of a ridge of granite, the tops of which are broken into large masses, some of them forming the most grotesque figures imaginable; they run in a direction from north-east to south-west, and are from fifty to sixty feet above the plain, and join the hills to the south and east. Leobadda contains about one hundred and fifty houses, with from thirty to forty souls in each; it is walled; the inhabitants are poor, but civil; we were well supplied with provisions, as before, and in addition had milk. The caboceer told us that Kiama, the capital of Borgho, was only one day’s journey by a horse from his town; that these people were only a band of thieves; that their country was small, but independent; that they infested the roads of Youriba, and stole all they could catch.

At 7 A.M. started, accompanied by the caboceer and a great number of attendants. The country well cultivated for a little way outside the town. We met upwards of six hundred men, women, and children, carrying loads; they had travelled all night, and were guarded by men with bows and arrows and swords, ten or twelve armed men marching between each fifty; the road woody, but the trees low and stunted. Here, for the first time, I saw the small stunted accacia. The soil red clay. Passed several villages that had been destroyed by the Fellatahs, some very large. The shady trees are now desolate, the walls covered with weeds. After closing with the range of rocks we entered a beautiful valley in the midst of them, planted with large shady trees and bananas, having green plots, and sheets of water running through the centre, where the dingy beauties of Tshow were washing their well-formed limbs, while the sheep and goats were grazing around on the verdant banks. After passing this lovely valley we crossed another ridge of rocks, and at 9.15 arrived at the town of Tshow, where, after getting housed, we turned to and cleaned our arms, as they say the road is infested with robbers. We afterwards heard that the king of Eyeo was going to send an escort, and was quite rejoiced at our near approach. Got a specimen of the Tsheu fruit and leaves: the fruit is the size of a large pear, having a stone inside, covered with a pulpy cream-coloured substance, which is good to eat. The stone is said to be poisonous; the outer rind of the fruit is put into their soup.

After sunset a caboceer arrived from the king of Katunga or Eyeo. His attendants, horse and foot, were so numerous that every corner was filled with them, and they kept drumming, blowing, dancing, and singing all night. The caboceer waited on us, and after shaking hands with us, rubbed all his face and body over, that his hands, by touching ours, might impart our blessing to his face, head, and body. They were well dressed, and said the king of Eyeo was most anxious to see us: they had a great deal of natural good-breeding; and on my saying I had brought only a small present, they replied, if I had brought nothing the king of Eyeo would be glad to see us. Sent them a flask of rum. They kept firing all night.

Monday, 23d.—The town of Tshow was all bustle and hubbub with the great men and their attendants, the large grooms and their little horses. I left it early, being a poor place, with a good wall, and may contain four thousand inhabitants. Perhaps I might call them poor, as they had not fed us so well as we had been wont to be fed; but considering the ravenous host which came to escort us to Katunga, and who five pretty freely wherever they can, this deficiency on our side is easily accounted for. The road through which we passed was wide, though woody, and covered by men on horseback, and bowmen on foot. The horsemen armed with two or three long spears hurrying on as fast as they could get us to go; horns and country drums beating and blowing before and behind; some of the horsemen dressed in the most grotesque manner; others covered all over with charms. The bowmen also had their natty little hats and feathers, with the jebus, or leathern pouch, hanging by their side. These men always appeared to me to be the best troops in this country and Soudan, from their lightness and activity. The horsemen however are but ill mounted; the animals are small and badly dressed, their saddles so ill secured, and the rider sits so clumsily on his seat, that any Englishmen, who ever rode a horse with an English saddle, would upset one of them the first charge with a long stick.

We were also accompanied by great numbers of merchants or traders. At 9 A.M. halted to the southward of a village called Achoran, until the baggage should come up; but the heavy packages not coming soon, the caboceers thinking we would be too much exhausted before we got into Katunga, sent us off with a proper escort, waiting themselves for the baggage. At 9.30 left the shade, and went on as hard as the horses could possibly walk; the road winding and woody; clay iron-stone, resembling lava, in the spaces between the granite, great blocks of which appeared on each side of the ravines and low hills. We had from the top of one of the ridges some beautiful views to the east, of fine wooded valleys and low rugged bare hills in the back ground. At 10.20 crossed a stream running to the Quorra, which is only a journey of three days distant. Here we drank and gave our horses water; passed the ruins of two towns burned by the Fellatahs. At 11.30, from the top of a high ridge, on which were the ruins of a clay wall, we saw the city of Katunga or Eyeo. Between us and it lay a finely cultivated valley, extending as far as the eye could reach to the westward; our view intercepted to the eastward by a high rock, broken into larger blocks, with a singular top; the city lying, as it were, below us, surrounded and studded with green shady trees, forming a belt round the base of a rocky mountain, composed of granite, of about three miles in length, forming as beautiful a view as I ever saw.

At 12.15 we entered the north gate of Katunga; there was a small Fetish house outside the gate, and a few others inside. We halted, and went into one of the caboceer’s houses until the baggage and escort came up. Here we got accassan; and Abaco’s wife was cooking a little country soup for us, but the pot broke on the fire just as it was ready, and the house was in an uproar in an instant; only for my interference they would have come to blows. Abaco was ready to cry that he had disappointed us.

At 2 P.M. the baggage having all arrived, a message came from the king to say that he wanted to see us. A band of music accompanied us and the escort, with an immense multitude of men, women, and children. As there was much open and cultivated ground, the dust they caused almost suffocated us, though the escort tried all gentle means to keep them off. At last after riding one hour, which was full five miles, we came to the place where the king was sitting under the verandah of his house, marked by two red and blue cloth umbrellas, supported by large poles held by slaves, with the staff resting on the ground. After the head caboceers had held some conversation with the king, they came back to us, and I thought they were talking about our prostrations. I told them if any such thing was proposed, I should instantly go back; that all the ceremony I would submit to should be to take off my hat, make a bow, and shake hands with his majesty, if he pleased. They went and informed the king, and came back and said I should make only the ceremony I had proposed. We accordingly went forwards: the king’s people had a great deal to do to make way amongst the crowd, and allow us to go in regular order. Sticks and whips were used, though generally in a good-natured manner; and I cannot help remarking on this, as on all other occasions of this kind, that the Youribas appear to be a mild and kind people, kind to their wives and children and to one another, and that the government, though absolute, is conducted with the greatest mildness. After we got as far as the two umbrellas in front, the space was all clear before the king, and for about twenty yards on each side. We walked up to the verandah with our hats on, until we came into the shade, when we took off our hats, made a bow, and shook hands; he lifting our hands up three times, repeating “Ako, Ako,” (how do you do?) the women behind him standing up and cheering us, calling out “Oh, oh, oh!” (hurrah!) the men on the outside joining. It was impossible to count the number of his ladies, they were so densely packed and so very numerous. If I might judge by their smiles, they appeared as glad to see us as their master. The king was dressed in a white tobe, or large shirt, with a blue one under; round his neck some three strings of large blue cut-glass beads; and on his head the imitation of an European crown of blue cotton covered over pasteboard, made apparently by some European, and sent up to him from the coast. We waited about half an hour until all inquiries had been made respecting our health and the fatigues of our journey. We were then conducted by his chief eunuch and confidents to apartments in the king’s house, and asked if we liked them. They certainly were very good; but our servants would have been too far removed from us. We looked out for one in which we could be more comfortably stowed, and one by which both servants and baggage would be under our own eyes; which is an important matter, in this country especially, and never to be neglected, however good the servants may be. After this we had dinner and tea, to which we had good new milk; and when it got fairly dark we had a visit from the king in person: he was attended by his favourite eunuch, the ladies remaining outside. He was very plainly dressed, so that he would not have been known outside but as one of the people, with a long staff in his hand. He said he could not sleep until he saw us, but that we should only talk about our health, and not about business now. After a short stay he went away. We requested before he went that we should be left undisturbed for two days, that we might rest from the fatigues of our journey.

CHAPTER II.
RESIDENCE AT EYEO, OR KATUNGA, THE CAPITAL OF YOURIBA.

Tuesday, January 24th.—Early this morning the king paid us a visit, accompanied by his favourite eunuch and Abaco the messenger. He had received previous information that he wished to have the presents intended for him this night; and such is the crooked policy of these petty sovereigns of Africa, that no present can be given, no business or transaction of importance can be done openly: all must be conducted under the cover of night, and with the greatest secrecy, from the highest to the lowest. We first began inquiring after his health. I then told him that I was the king of England’s servant, sent by his majesty to beg his acceptance of a present, which then lay before me; that we had heard his (the king of Youriba’s) name mentioned in England as a great king; that we now experienced the truth of the report; that three white men, two of them my companions, and one a servant, had died on the road; that another of my companions was at Dahomey, to ask the king of that country to allow him a passage through his dominions. I told him that all the Youriba people had behaved well to us; that the caboceers of the different towns through which we had passed supplied us with every thing we wanted, especially the chief of Jannah, his friend, who had shown the greatest attention to us, and had given us a good man for a messenger, who had conducted us with safety and attention to his majesty’s capital. Upon this the messenger was ordered to make his prostrations, and his majesty rubbed his shoulders with his hand. I then told him that the king of England would be glad to make him his friend, and that whatever he, the king of Youriba, might have occasion for would be sent from England by one of the king’s ships to Badagry.

The king then replied in assuring us that we were truly welcome to his country; that he had frequently heard of white men; but that neither himself, nor his father, nor any of his ancestors had ever seen one. He was glad that white men had come at this time; and now he trusted his country would be put right, his enemies brought to submission, and he would be enabled to build up his father’s house, which war had destroyed. This he spoke in such a feeling and energetic manner, and repeated it so many times, that I could not help sympathising with him. He then said we were welcome to his country, and he was glad to see us, and would have been so, even if we had not a cowrie, instead of coming with our hands full, as we had done; that he wanted nothing from white men, but something to assist him against his enemies, and those of his people who had rebelled against him, so as to enable him to reduce them to obedience; that his slaves from Housa had joined the Fellatahs, put to death the old, and sold the young; that he was glad to hear that all his people had behaved well to us; that had any of them refused us assistance, he should have sent an order to cut off their heads; that the caboceer of Jannah was his slave, whom he put there to look after that part of his dominions; that Badagry, Alladah, and Dahomey all belonged to him, and paid custom for every ship that anchored there: and he concluded by assuring us he wanted nothing but assistance against his enemies; feelingly deploring the civil war occasioned by his father’s death, the state of his country, and of his capital, Katunga. He then asked us if we did not see the ruined towns as we came along the road. “All these,” says he, “were destroyed and burned by my rebellious Housa slaves, and their friends, the Fellatahs.”

We now began to unfold and to deliver the presents. With the umbrellas and gold-mounted cane he was much pleased; but for the red and blue cloth, which, by some mistake, was common cloth for soldiers’ coats, we had to make an apology. With all the others he was highly pleased. Indeed, during our stay at Katunga he was never seen without the cane.

After the delivery of the presents, I told him that the king, my master, had sent me before on a mission to Bornou, in which country and Housa I had passed two years; that the sultans and people of these countries had behaved to me with the greatest kindness; and that, having then understood that the path we were now going was the nearest way to Bornou, the king of England had ordered me, as I proceeded, to visit the king of Youriba, and to assure him of his friendship, and to request him to give me a safe conduct to Nyffee, from whence I might proceed to Bornou.

He seemed to hesitate much at this request, and consulted with his minister what answer to give. After which, he said, that Nyffee or Toppa was involved in civil war, caused by the death of the king, who had left two sons, both of whom claimed the kingdom; that one son had more of his countrymen on his side, but the other had called in the assistance of the Fellatahs or Fellans, which made him doubt as to my safety, in the event of his putting me into their hands. I told him I was a servant of the king of England, and must go where he chose to order me, and that, live or die, I must proceed; that I had nothing to do with either party or with their wars; that all I wanted was a passage over the Quorra into Nyffee, and hoped he would not refuse me. After some further consultation with his counsellors, he said he would despatch a messenger to open the road for me, and that he would send me safely over the river.

Wednesday, 25th.—Early this morning the king sent me a present of a large fat cow, a sheep, yams, &c. He had before sent us a goat, yams, honey, and milk, night and morning.

The atmosphere here is so dry, that most of the instruments are breaking and splitting. My only hygrometer was broken at Badagry. The late Dr. Morrison’s barometers were fitted with ivory screws at the bottom of the tube; they are all split, and rendered useless by the heat: the plain tubes are the best; those with ivory or wooden scales contract, and break the glass. The microscope is all in pieces, as also several other instruments.

In the evening we had a visit from the king, to thank me for the presents I had given him, and again to assure me of being welcome; said that he wanted nothing, unless it was something that would speedily cause the submission of the rebels. He said that he had sent to his friend the king of Benin for troops to assist him in the war. He added that the customary fêtes or amusements would begin in about two months, and he would be very glad if I would stay and see them; that he dressed now as a common man, but after that, I should see him robed as a king. I told him I must go on early, to get to Bornou before the rains. Mr. Houtson took this opportunity of observing to him that he had been at the customs in Dahomey, and inquired if the king of Yourriba put to death such a number of people at his customs as at those of Dahomey. He shook his head, shrugged up his shoulders, and exclaimed “No, no—no king of Yourriba could sacrifice human beings; and that if he so commanded, the king of Dahomey must also desist from that practice; that he must obey him.”

Thursday, 26th.—This morning we had a sheep from the king, and a hog and some plantains from one of his sons. In the evening I set off five rockets, which astonished all and frightened away many. The king was sitting under his verandah, and we waited on him to inquire how he liked the rockets; he was quite delighted, and said they should be kept for war.

Friday, 27th.—Employed in reducing the packages, and writing. The morning dull and hazy. In the afternoon the king paid us a visit, when we showed him some presents intended for the three principal caboceers of the city. He said he did not know what to do or say for our great kindness, as we had given him more things than he would have got for the sale of one hundred slaves, and now we were giving more to his caboceers; that, however, what he could do he would. He said he had sent messengers in different directions to try to find a safe path to the place where I wished to go; that while we were in his dominions we were perfectly safe, but on leaving them he was sorry to think we might be exposed to danger from the disturbed state of the countries through which I must travel. He then said that the Tappa, or Nyffé messengers, who had been here three years, were in waiting to give us every information regarding the course of the river that I might wish to ask him. They were accordingly called in, and were certainly the most savage-looking knaves I ever saw; but they either could not, or were afraid to give any the least account of the river Quorra, and I therefore sent them off, after asking a few questions. Indeed there seems a great unwillingness in both the king and the people of this place to say any thing at all about the subject, for what reason I cannot yet conjecture.

Saturday, 28th.—This morning I set out on horseback on a visit to the three head caboceers, who dwell about three miles from our house. We were received with much kindness and attention by all of them under their respective verandahs, and surrounded by hundreds of their wives, who all clapped their hands in token of welcome. They severally presented us with goats, sheep, pigs, yams, eggs, honey, and ducks, inviting us to drink country ale with them, and to make merry; but I was very unwell, and anxious to get home. In the evening we paid a visit of ceremony to the king, when I asked him to allow Mr. Houtson and myself to go and look at the Quorra, and return before closing my despatch for England. He replied, that he heard what we said, and that we should go. I also asked for a messenger to carry letters to Badagry in two days hence. He said he would be ready.

Sunday, 29th.—Clear and cool. Very unwell all night with a bad cold, pains in the limbs, and severe headache, with vomiting of bile; took calomel. Richard also weak and unwell.

Monday, 30th.—Clear and fine. The harmattan seemingly approaching its end. Better this morning. In the early part of the evening we had no wind, and it is extremely hot.

Tuesday, 31st.—I have been very restless and unwell all night. The king sent twice to inquire after my health yesterday, and wished to come and see me; but I was too weak to sit up to receive him. The messenger sent to open the path to Nyffé not yet returned. The king called to see me this evening, but I was asleep; he insisted, however, that Mr. Houtson should allow him to look at me with his own eye, and taking the candle, he did so, and observed, that having looked on me I should be quite well in the morning. Mr. Houtson asked him for the loan of a horse, to take an airing in the morning. This his majesty could not comprehend: what could a man want to ride or walk for nothing? if he rode or walked, he ought to go and see one of the caboceers, and he would get a present of a sheep, or a pig, or some yams; that would be doing good; so he said he would send a horse in the morning, and he must go and see some of his caboceers, and he would send to let them know he was coming. The pain in my head has fallen into my left eye, with inflammation and acute pain, accompanied with a light delirium. Poor Pascoe very unwell.

Wednesday, February 1.—Strong breezes. My eye a little better. Pascoe much better. The king, agreeably to his promise, sent a horse and two eunuchs to attend Mr. Houtson in his ride. He visited one caboceer, and was about to return home, when the whole of the party begged he would visit another, or all the caboceers would make a palaver with this one. Mr. Houtson went accordingly to see the other caboceers; he was received with great kindness and attention, and came home with a supply of eggs, milk, honey, two goats, a pig, two ducks, and plantains, &c. He objected to receiving presents, but they told him the king’s friends could not come to their houses, and go away empty-handed.

Sunday, 5th.—Morning clear, and a fresh breeze. In the afternoon had a visit from his majesty. I asked him if the Nyffé messenger had arrived. He said, no; that he must be dead, sick, or taken prisoner. He said we could not go by the road of Nyffé, which was impassable from the wars: what was my hurry to go? He was not yet tired of me; he had many caboceers coming from the country to see me; he wished to put every thing right on the roads for me before I set off; that the king of England did not send me to him to run away again directly; that he wished me much to wait and see the customs, for then I should see him truly a king. I said I would do so with pleasure, but that the rains would have set in by that time, and I should be unable to go to Bornou. He asked what I was going to Bornou for. “Did not the king of England send you to me alone?” “No,” said I, “he sent me to you to procure me a passage to that country, where an Englishman now resides who was left there when I returned from thence.” I then told him I would consent to remain twelve days longer, and if he did not by that time find me a passage, I would return to England and say he would not allow me to proceed. He now informed me that the messenger who arrived yesterday was from one of his provinces called Yaru, five days distance; that it was divided from the Youri by the Quorra; that he would send me by that route, which was quite safe. I asked if I could not go and see the Quorra before I departed from Katunga. He said no: the Fellatahs had possession of the road. He gave me his gooro-nut box, carved in the shape of a tortoise in ebony. I promised to let him have thirty musquets, with powder and ball; on which he went away dancing, tripped and fell, but was soon picked up by his ladies. He always brings us some little present when he comes, and to-day he brought us a bottle of honey, and some fruit called agra, about the size of a pear, with a hard outer skin, four large black seeds, surrounded by a pleasant acid pulp, like tamarinds, of a cream colour. My servant Pascoe met in the market to-day some Fellatahs, who told him there was no war in Nyffé; that the king was only afraid of the Fellatahs; that the Fellatahs of Raka had taken nine Yourribanis, who had been found in a suspicious place, but were going to return them here on the morrow. Raka is only one day’s journey north-north-east from Katunga.

Monday, 6th.—In the evening, at the request of the king, I again set off five rockets, one of which having too low an elevation ran along the ground, but fortunately only set fire to some grass. We afterwards went and saw the king, who, with his ladies and principal men, was sitting outside under the verandah to see the rockets. He presented us with gooro nuts, and said he would come and see us in the morning.

Tuesday, 7th.—In the middle of the day the king visited me, and brought a bottle of honey and two cock fowls. He began joking me as to what I was about to give him. I said I had nothing to give him. Says he, “I ask you to give me one of your servants.” “I can’t do that,” says I; “they are free men as well as myself.” “What,” says he, “no slaves in England!” “No,” says I, “as soon as a slave sets his feet in England he is free.” “Then,” says he, “as you must go, either Mr. Houtson or Richard must stop with me. I must have one.” After a good deal of conversation of this kind I asked him to fix a day for our departure. He artfully shifted the subject of conversation to that of women. Would I not like a wife? he would give me one. Did he not give us plenty to eat, or did he not use me well? “All very true, and very good,” says I, “but I am not like a black man, who has no book to write. I must know the day on which I am to go, as I must have all my books ready for the king of England. Every thing I give away is in that book, every thing I get, and every thing I say.” All my talk would not make him fix a day, but he said I should have a servant of his to the king of Youri; that that road was safe. I would go in four days to Yara in Bamba, which was tributary to him; there I would cross the river Moussa, which ran into the Quorra, three days distance; that the Moussa came from the north-west, and in it were plenty of hippopotami. He is still particularly shy of giving any information about the Quorra, of which, perhaps, he has none. At one time he says it runs into the sea between Jaboo and Benin, and at another that it passes Benin; that the Fellatahs are in possession of Raka, only a day’s journey north-north-east, and of all the country between it and the Quorra: he therefore cannot contrive to get me thither. He now shifted the subject of conversation; told me he did not know how many wives, or how many children he had got, but he was sure that his wives alone, hand to hand, would reach from hence to Jannah. He sent for one of his daughters, whom he had given as wife to Abaco, the messenger. His daughters are allowed to take any one they may choose, either as a husband or lover; but it is death to touch any of the king’s wives. The son, at the father’s death, takes all the widows to maintain. The king had his skin rubbed over with the powder of a species of red wood, ground very fine, and made like a paste; it is used by all classes. The wood is brought from Waree and Benin. We gave him a flask of rum on his leaving us, and he promised to give me some of the blue stone of which his beads are made. He says it comes from a country between this and Benin. They are not glass, as I at first supposed.

Thursday, 9th.—This evening I had to take the eunuch to task about our provisions: he had been dealing us out too small a share, and pocketing the rest. He pretended to be in a great rage, and even the milk is now bad.

Friday, 10th.—Moderate breezes and clear. A number of caboceers from distant provinces arrived to-day, and we had nothing but drumming, and whistling, the whole day. The king sent us an invitation to see them, and we went in the afternoon. We found the king seated in an old easy chair covered with crimson damask. The caboceers at some distance in front, facing him, dressed in leopard skin robes, their heads well dusted, and also their cheeks, by rubbing their faces in the dust while making their prostrations. It is the court etiquette here to appear in a loose cloth, tied under one arm; part over the other shoulder, and hanging down to the feet in a graceful manner: but no tobes, no beads, no coral, or grandeur of any kind, must appear but on the king alone. The cane I made him a present of holds, on all occasions, a conspicuous place: when he walks, he carries it, and when he sits, it is stuck in the ground at some distance before him. He presented us with gooro nuts, and asked me to fire off some rockets to-night.

The caboceers from the country were attended by their bowmen. They are required to wait upon, and first to prostrate themselves before, the chief eunuch, with dust on their heads. When any one speaks to the king, he must do it stretched at full length on the ground, and it must be said to him through the eunuch, who is also prostrated by his side. When equals meet, they kneel on one knee; women kneel on both knees, the elbows resting on the ground.

Saturday, 11th.—More caboceers arrive to-day, attended by their wild-looking followers, armed with swords, bows, and arrows; they also, covered with dust and sweat, went through their prostrations before the fat eunuch; the attendants dancing in a circle, while occasionally one came out, and danced a movement in the minuet style; in doing which, he would frequently throw a somerset equally as expert as old Grimaldi himself in his best times. I sat for an hour and a half, during all which time the prostrations were continued without intermission, accompanied with the dancing and tumbling, without regard to the intense heat of the sun. I concluded that they were practising before the eunuch, in order to be perfect when they appeared before the king. They were dressed in leopard skin robes, hung round with tassels and chains. At last the prostrations were completed, and the eunuch sent for several jars of palm wine. The caboceers were admitted to drink theirs in the eunuch’s house, but the attendants drank their share under a tree. In the afternoon, the king sent for us to see him, but I was too unwell to go, and desired Mr. Houtson and Richard to attend him.

Monday, 13th.—This morning, our friend and guardian, the fat eunuch, was drunk; when in that state, he begs every thing he sees. He got Mr. Houtson and myself into his house to see him dance; but independent of his want of steadiness, he was the most clumsy and unwieldy performer I ever saw. He begged we would also dine with him, but I complained of illness, and Houtson ran off. He followed and made Mr. Houtson hand out the flask, which, without waiting for a glass, he put to his mouth, and drank upwards of a pint of raw rum, without drawing his breath. He said, he had drank two quarts to-day already, and given away a small cask: that rum was good, and made him fat.

The people of Katunga are fond of ornamenting their doors, and the posts which support their verandahs, with carvings; and they have also statues or figures of men and women, standing in their court yards. The figures carved on their posts and doors are various; but principally of the boa snake, with a hog or antelope in his mouth; frequently men taking slaves, and sometimes a man on horseback leading slaves.

Their manner of burying the dead is to dig a deep narrow hole, into which the corpse is put in a sitting posture, the elbows between the two knees: a poor person is buried without any ceremony; a rich man has guns fired, and rum drank over his grave, and in his house by his friends and retainers. When a king of Yourriba dies, the caboceer of Jannah, three other head caboceers, four women, and a great many favourite slaves and others, are obliged to swallow poison, given by fetishmen, in a parrot’s egg: should this not take effect, the person is provided with a rope to hang himself in his own house. No public sacrifices are used, at least no human sacrifices, and no one was allowed to die at the death of the last king, as he did not die a natural death; having been murdered by one of his own sons: not the present king. Wives are bought; and according to the circumstances of the bridegroom, so is the price. Three days after the bargain, he and his friends go and bring the wife to his own house, when the pitto, or country beer, is sent about freely amongst the guests.

In the afternoon we waited on the king. There is a pleasant walk through a large enclosed park at the foot of the hills, between the house of the king and that of his wives, enclosed by a clay wall. Some parts of the park are planted with corn, yams, &c. and others studded with beautiful shady trees. The king was sitting under the shade of one of the trees. I observed to him that I had been here twenty-four days, and was anxious to go on my journey, as the rains were about to set in. He asked if all the white men were going. I said “Only myself and my servants.” As I knew him to be skilful in evasive answers, and always to have one ready at hand, I said “Fix a day.” His reply was, “Every one would say, the white man came to see the king of Yourriba, and brought him large presents, and requested him to give them a good passage to where they wanted to go; he gave them a bad path; they were robbed and killed: all people would say that the king of Yourriba did not do good to white man.” He had been busy these last four days with his people, but he had sent a messenger to get a good path. I asked him positively to fix a day, as I could not put off any longer. After consulting with his people, he said, “Nine days.” I said, “Well—I shall remain nine days:” without saying one word that I had every thing ready to go.

Foo-foo, the common food of the rich and poor, is of two kinds—white and black: the white is merely boiled yams beaten into a paste with water, and sold in balls of about a pound weight each. The black is made as follows:—The yam is first parboiled, then cut into small pieces and exposed to the rays of the sun till quite dry; in this state it is pounded in a large wooden mortar into a flour, and sifted again and again until it is as fine as possible. The flour will keep in this way about six months. When wanted for use, boiling water is poured over it, and stirred round until completely mixed and of a proper thickness; and when so done it is, like the other, made into balls of about a pound weight each. The natives eat it with soup, gravy, or palm oil; or without any other thing.

Wednesday, 15th.—At 3 P.M. we had a messenger from Jannah, who brought letters; one from Captain Clavering of the Redwing, with half a dozen bottles of porter and half a dozen of wine; the other two half dozens having either been broken or drunk on the road. The supply was as welcome as unexpected, and proved to us how very little trouble and expense were required to keep up the communication. By the letters of Captain Clavering, it appears that the trunks of the late Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison had arrived safe.

Thursday, 16th.—Morning cool and cloudy. We had an early visit from the king, who was anxious to have a bottle of our porter, which I could not well refuse. He also begged my looking glass, and one of the tin boxes. In my turn I told him, that since we had finished our bullock that he gave us, we had nothing to eat. He replied, we must go to the caboceers. I told him I would do no such thing; that we did not come here to beg. He said I was mistaken; it was not begging; they were all his slaves, and what they possessed belonged to him. I requested, however, that he should send orders to them direct from himself. After a little time he left us: but the eunuch remained; and showing symptoms of sauciness I turned him out of the house.

Friday, 17th.—Morning clear and cool, with fresh harmattan breezes. A great number of people arrived to-day from different parts of the country to pay their annual custom and visit to the king.

Saturday, 18th.—Morning clear and cold; a strong harmattan still blowing. The religion of the people of Yourriba, as far as I could comprehend it, consists in the worship of one God, to whom they offer sacrifices of horses, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls. At the yearly feast all these animals are sacrificed at the fetish house, in which a little of the blood is spilt on the ground. The whole of them are then cooked; and the king and all the people, men and women, attending, partake of the meat, which they are said to eat in a state of nakedness, and in company, drinking at the same time copiously of country ale, or pitto; but it is also said, that the least attempt at indecency would be punished with death.

It is stated, moreover, that it depends on the will of the fetish man or priest whether a human being, or a cow, or other animal is to be sacrificed. If a human being, it is always a criminal, and only one. The usual spot where the feast takes place is in a large open field before the king’s house, under wide spreading trees, where there are two or three fetish houses. This account I had from a native of Bornou, a Mahometan, and a slave to the caboceer of Jannah.

Monday, 20th.—The morning cool. The harmattan still continues blowing. Our supply of provisions has of late been rather scanty, owing to the avarice of the fat eunuch, our guardian, who pockets as much as he can out of what the king sends us. I have threatened him two or three times, but I believe he trusts to my patient and easy disposition. Complaining to the king would get him a beating, though he is a favourite, and an useful person, well-skilled as a war-captain, and guardian of the king’s women.

Tuesday, 21st.—Cool and clear. Harmattan continues. A number of caboceers of the different towns came in to-day with their forces, and the king sent for us to come and see them. We went accordingly, and saw about twenty of these dependents, in all their dirt and debasement, who vied with each other which could have most dust, and who could kiss the ground with the greatest fervour. They were stretched at full length on their bare bellies; no cloth being allowed on this occasion over the shoulder, the body being required to be bare as far as the waist. Old Pascoe calls them the sand-eaters. After our usual compliments to the king, and shaking hands with the caboceers of Eyeo and the sand-eaters, we returned; the king promising to visit us at our house.

At 4 P.M. he came, attended by his women and our fat guardian. The women he left outside, except two; one of whom attends upon him on all occasions bearing a handsome carved gourd, having a small hole covered with a clean white cloth, to hold his Majesty’s spittle, when he is inclined to throw it away; the other with a white pot, used with us as a chamber utensil, containing his gooro nuts, since he made me a present of his black ebony box, carved in the shape of a tortoise, which he used for that purpose. After an end had been put to our complimentary inquiries after his majesty’s good health, I observed that the time was now come, within a few days only, that he had appointed for my departure. He said, that the messenger he had sent to Youri was returned; that the road was perfectly safe; that he would have me passed from one king to another; but that by the way of Nyffé he would not ensure my safety; and that if he suffered me to go where there was danger, it would cause a reflection on him. I thanked him for his kindness, and said that whatever he did was right. He then said that his messenger, and that of the caboceer of Yarro, would attend me to Youri. I thought this a proper time to hint a gentle complaint against our fat guardian, for having for some time past appropriated our provisions to his own use. The old rogue swore through thick and thin that he had given us every thing, even some goats which I had actually purchased at the market, but which he swore he had supplied himself. I told the king it was of no use talking against a rogue like his eunuch, therefore I should hold my tongue. As the king never comes to us empty-handed, he brought us a Muscovy duck, and a bag of rice; the last a scarce article, and not to be had in the market.

Wednesday, 22d.—Cold morning. Harmattan still continues. More caboceers came in yesterday, with their attendants. They waited on us this morning, and we observed that they were well provided with dust, as they had been to wait on the king early; it being the etiquette of Yourriba to hold a levee twice a-day, at six in the morning, and at two in the afternoon.

It is the custom, during the time that the caboceers from the different towns remain on their visit to the king, to act plays or pantomimes, or whatever they may be called. I shall attempt a description of the one I saw to-day. The place chosen for this pastime is the king’s park, fronting the principal door where his majesty usually sits. A fetish house occupies the left side; to the south are two very romantic and large blocks of granite, by the side of which is an old withered tree. On the east are some beautiful shady trees; and on the north his majesty’s house, from whence he views the scene. In the centre are two beautiful clumps of trees; in one of which is a tall fan-palm, overlooking the whole area, a space that may include some seven or eight hundred yards square. Under these clumps of trees were seated the actors, dressed in large sacks, covering every part of the body; the head most fantastically decorated with strips of rags, damask silk, and cotton, of as many glaring colours as it was possible. The king’s servants attended to keep the peace, and to prevent the crowd from breaking into the square in which the actors were assembled. Musicians also attended with drums, horns, and whistles, which were beaten and blown without intermission.

The first act consisted in dancing and tumbling in sacks, which they performed to admiration, considering they could not see, and had not the free use of their feet and hands. The second act consisted in catching the boa constrictor: first, one of the sack-men came in front and knelt down on his hands and feet; then came out a tall majestic figure, having on a head-dress and masque which baffle all description: it was of a glossy black colour, sometimes like a lion couchant over the crest of a helmet; at another like a black head with a large wig: at every turn he made it changed its appearance. This figure held in its right hand a sword, and by its superior dress and motions appeared to be the director of the scene, for not a word was spoken by the actors. The manager, as I shall call the tall figure, then came up to the man who was lying in the sack; another sack-dancer was brought in his sack, who by a wave of the sword was laid down at the other’s head or feet; he having unsown the end of both sacks, the two crawled into one. There was now great waving of the manager’s sword; indeed I thought that heads were going to be taken off, as all the actors were assembled round the party lying down; but in a few minutes they all cleared away except the manager, who gave two or three flourishes with his sword, when the representation of the boa constrictor began. The animal put its head out of the bag in which it was contained, attempting to bite the manager; but at a wave of the sword it threw its head in another direction to avert the blow; it then began gradually to creep out of the bag, and went through the motions of a snake in a very natural manner, though it appeared to be rather full in the belly; opening and shutting its mouth, which I suspect was the performer’s two hands, in the most natural manner imaginable. The length of the creature was spun out to about fourteen feet; and the colour and action were well represented by a covering of painted cloth, imitating that of the boa. After following the manager round the park for some time, and attempting to bite him, which he averted by a wave of the sword, a sign was made for the body of actors to come up; when the manager approaching the tail, made flourishes with his sword as if hacking at that part of the body. The snake gasped, twisted up, and seemed as if in great torture; and when nearly dead, it was shouldered by the masqued actors, still gasping and making attempts to bite, but was carried off in triumph to the fetish house.

The third act consisted of the white devil. The actors having retired to some distance in the back ground, one of them was left in the centre, whose sack falling gradually down, exposed a white head, at which all the crowd gave a shout, that rent the air; they appeared indeed to enjoy this sight, as the perfection of the actor’s art. The whole body was at last cleared of the incumbrance of the sack, when it exhibited the appearance of a human figure cast in white wax, of the middle size, miserably thin, and starved with cold. It frequently went through the motion of taking snuff, and rubbing its hands; when it walked, it was with the most awkward gait, treading as the most tender-footed white man would do in walking bare-footed, for the first time, over new frozen ground. The spectators often appealed to us, as to the excellence of the performance, and entreated I would look and be attentive to what was going on. I pretended to be fully as much pleased with this caricature of a white man as they could be, and certainly the actor burlesqued the part to admiration. This being concluded, the performers all retired to the fetish house. Between each act, we had choral songs by the king’s women, in which the assembled crowd joined their voices.

The kingdom of Yourriba extends from Puka on the south, which is within five miles of the sea, to Lagos and Whydah in that line; to the north to about the 10th degree of north latitude. It is bounded by Dahomey to the north-west, which is reckoned a tributary province: Ketto and the Maha countries on the north, Borgoo on the north-east, the Quorra or Niger to the east, Accoura, a province of Benin, on the south-east, five days’ journey distant; Jaboo to the south and west. Its tributaries are Dahomey, Alladah, Badagry, and Maha. From the sea coast to Chocho in latitude 8° 8′ north, longitude 4° 2′ east, the country rises by a gradual ascent; the soil of a strong red clay and mould, and where the woods have not been cleared, they may be considered as impervious. The trees are of great size, with most luxuriant foliage. From Chocho to Koosoo is a range of granite hills, running from west-north-west to east-south-east. These hills are of grey granite, bare of vegetation, and in solid masses. They are from four to eight hundred feet above the level of the valleys, which are narrow, winding, and well cultivated, and watered with innumerable small streams. The soil a thin black mould. From Koossoo to Eyeo, the country is less hilly, the hills in broken irregular ranges, and running principally from north-east to south-west, with here and there detached masses thrown up, as if by some great convulsion of nature. The granite of which they are composed is of a softer kind, and crumbling away with the weather. The valleys between these hills widen into plains, as they advance to the northward. In the hilly region, the trees are thinly scattered, low and stunted. The domestic animals are horses of a very small breed, and even these are scarce; the horned cattle also near the coast are of a small size: but as we approach the capital, they are as large as those in England. Many of them have humps on their shoulders, the same as those in Abyssinia and the East Indies. They have sheep of the common kind, and also those which are found in other parts of Africa; hogs, Muscovy ducks, fowls, pigeons, and a few turkeys. Of the wild animals, and the feathered race, I can say but little, having seen none of the former except monkeys; but the natives report that the hyæna and the leopard are very common. The lion, also, is found in some parts of the country; yams, Indian corn, millet, and challots; fruits, such as oranges, limes, pears, apples, &c. are plentiful throughout the kingdom. The cotton plant is cultivated to a considerable extent, and the wool manufactured into cloth. The commerce of this country is almost entirely confined to slaves, though a considerable quantity of cloth is made, and bartered with the people of the coast for rum, tobacco, European cloth, and other articles. The medium of exchange throughout the interior is the cowry shell. A prime slave at Jannah is worth in sterling money, according to the value set on the articles of barter, from three to four pounds.

The government of Yourriba is hereditary, and an absolute despotism, every subject being considered the slave of the king; but its administration is mild and humane, and appears to have been so for a long period. The only distinction of rank that obtains is that of caboceer, who may be considered as the governor of a distant town or province; the appointment of these governors depending on the will of the king. The military force consists of the caboceers and their own immediate retainers, which, allowing one hundred and fifty to each, will not give such immense armies as we have sometimes heard stated; that of Yourriba is perhaps as numerous as any of the kingdoms of Africa. I think the general appearance of the Yourribanians has less of the characteristic features of the negro than any other I have yet seen; their lips are less thick, and their noses more inclined to the aquiline shape, than negroes in general. The men are well made, and have an independent carriage, that cannot fail to attract attention. The women are almost invariably of a more ordinary appearance than the men, which may arise from their being more exposed to the sun, and the drudgery they are obliged to undergo; all the labour of the land devolving on them.

The city of Eyeo (in Houssa language, Katunga), the capital of Yourriba, is situated in latitude 8° 59′ north, longitude 6° 12′ east. It is built on the sloping side and round the base of a small range of granite hills, which, as it were, forms the citadel of the town; they are formed of stupendous blocks of gray granite of the softest kind, some of which are seen hanging from the summits, in the most frightful manner, while others, resting on very small bases, appear as if the least touch would send them down into the valley beneath. The soil on which the town is built is formed of clay and gravel, mixed with sand, which has obviously been produced from the crumbling granite. The appearance of these hills is that of a mass of rocks left bare by the tide. A belt of thick wood runs round the walls, which are built of clay, and about twenty feet high, and surrounded by a dry ditch. There are ten gates in the walls, which are about fifteen miles in circumference, of an oval shape, about four miles in diameter one way, and six miles the other, the south end leaning against the rocky hills, and forming an inaccessible barrier in that quarter. The king’s houses and those of his women occupy about a square mile, and are on the south side of the hills, having two large parks, one in front, and another facing the north. They are all built of clay, and have thatched roofs, similar to those nearer the coast. The posts supporting the verandahs and the doors of the king’s and caboceers’ houses are generally carved in bas relief, with figures representing the boa killing an antelope or a hog, or with processions of warriors attended by drummers. The latter are by no means meanly executed, conveying the expression and attitude of the principal man in the groupe with a lofty air, and the drummer well pleased with his own music, or rather deafening noise. There are seven different markets, which are held every evening; being generally opened about three or four o’clock. The chief articles exposed for sale are yams, corn, calavances, plantains, and bananas; vegetable butter, seeds of the colycynth, which forms a great article of food, sweetmeats, goats, fowls, sheep, and lambs; and also cloth of the manufacture of the country, and their various implements of agriculture. The price of a small goat is from 1500 to 2000 cowries; a large sheep, 3000 to 5,000; a fowl, 150 to 200; yams, 4000 per hundred; a horse, 80 to 100,000; and a cow from 20 to 30,000; a prime slave, 40 to 60,000;—2000 cowries being equal to one Spanish dollar. Trona, or natron, is brought here from Bornou, and sold to all parts of the coast, where it is much in request, to mix with snuff, and also as a medicine.

Saturday, 25th.—This afternoon we had a visit from the king; he brought with him a duck, some rice, and goora nuts. I told him I was all ready to go, whenever he chose to give me the escort and messengers. He said the caboceers of the different towns through which I had to pass were still here, but as soon as they left I should go. I asked him, as I was writing to England, what he wanted from thence. He said, a brass crown, fine yellow and blue cloth, large coral, some gaudy carpeting, an English drum, and about half a ton of cowries. The whole of this curious catalogue would not cost, as I suppose, more than £200. I told him, therefore, that I should send the list home.

Sunday, 26th.—Morning dull and hazy, with an oppressive sultry heat, the wind north-north-east, causing the same depression of spirits as the siroc wind in the Mediterranean, and which affected every one of the party, and made us all sigh for a breeze, and to proceed on our journey.

Wednesday, 1st March.—On this day the weather began to clear up, with a fine breeze from the eastward. Our friend the fat eunuch is evidently playing the rogue with us, as we neither can get provisions, wood, nor water, but with the greatest difficulty. He sees he has got all I intend to give, either to the king or any body else. A messenger of the caboceer of Jannah went and returned from Rakah to-day, to buy trona. The Yourriba name of Rakah is Saguda: the Quorra is only about two hours’ easy walking to the eastward of it. The following day, in the afternoon, I had a visit from the king. I asked him why I was longer detained; said I had waited with patience through the several times he had appointed for my starting, but it appeared I was just as far from getting away as ever. He hesitated, and gave me an evasive answer. I asked him to tell me distinctly. No, he could not do that, as he wished to get me a large horse to ride before I went. I said I would ride a small one. He then said he had only one. I asked him if he would allow me to hire horses from the caboceers. “What,” he replied, “will they say of me, if I allow you to go away in this way after your king sending me such a present?” He then begged I would stop for three days more, until he could get horses, and I should certainly go. I pointed out to him the number of times he had broken his word: he said the reason he would not fix a day now was, that he might not break his word again.

Monday, 6th.—It was not before the 6th that the king paid me another visit, and told me, that the Yarro messengers were ready, and that I might go to-morrow or next day, and that he intended to give me a horse. I thanked him, and told him I was quite ready and determined to set off to-morrow, as delays here were dangerous. Accordingly, the next day, when every thing was ready for starting, I was again visited by the king, who, after giving me in charge of what he called the Yarro messenger, told me that the sultan Yarro would take the greatest care of my baggage, and forward me to the king of Youri. He then made me a present of a horse, for which I thanked him, and took my leave.

CHAPTER III.

JOURNAL OF PROCEEDINGS FROM KATUNGA, OR EYEO, TO BOUSA, ON THE NIGER, OR QUORRA, THE PLACE WHERE MUNGO PARK PERISHED.

At three o’clock in the afternoon I set out from Katunga, and passed the gates of the town, with the same escort I had on entering it, headed, as before, by the king’s brother. In the evening we halted at the village of Assina for the night, where I got two fowls and some yams. The poor people were just returning to their houses, from which they had been driven out by the Fellatas last year, who continue to infest the country, even up to the gates of Katunga.

Wednesday, 8th.—Left the village of Assina; the morning dull, but cool and pleasant; arrived at Tshow, where I had breakfast, and left it at 10 A.M., and after travelling over very bad roads, cut up and crossed by deep rocky ravines, reached the higher ground, which was well cultivated; but their villages appeared to be all in ruins, which my guides told me were destroyed last year by the Fellatas. At noon arrived at the town of Algi, which is now rising from its ruins; it having shared the same fate as the villages I had passed. The inhabitants are now returning to their ruined dwellings, some of which they have already repaired; they said they had nothing but a little grain, and a few yams for seed; of these they gave me part, and the best house in the town. The Yarro messenger had not made his appearance, and I now learned, that Algi no longer belonged to the king of Yourriba, but to Yarro, the chief or sultan of Kiama, a petty state of the kingdom of Borgoo; that Kiama was the name of the province, and Yarro the name of the sultan, as he is called. I gave the king of Yourriba’s brother, who commanded the escort, a fathom of red cloth, and ten coral beads, as he is to return to Katunga as soon as he has seen me off from this place.

Thursday, 9th.—Light airs, and clear. I was unable to get off to-day, as they could not collect the people to carry my baggage. The king of Yourriba’s brother declared, that he or his people had had nothing to eat all night, or since he had left Assina; yet he got the caboceer of the place to send me a pig, for which I gave five coral beads: the man said he was ashamed to see me, as he had nothing to give. Algi consists of three walled villages, and before it was burnt down had been of considerable size: they pointed out a rock close to the south side of the town, from whence the Fellatas flew the pigeons to set fire to it. The mode of doing it was, by making combustibles fast to the tails of the birds, which, on being let loose from the hand, immediately flew to the tops of the thatched houses, while the Fellatas kept up a sharp fire of arrows, to prevent the inhabitants extinguishing the flames. There are still a number of Fellatas in this neighbourhood, who are nearly white, but pagans: they speak the Fellata language, and agree in every thing but their religion.

Friday, 10th.—This morning the king’s brother accompanied me outside the town. I sent by him a letter to Mr. Houtson, to tell the king of Yourriba he had behaved very ill in not sending a proper messenger; that the one he had sent was not the Kiama messenger, but the butcher’s son of Algi, and that in no one point had he performed his promise to me. We halted at the village of Watatoo, where I was lodged in one of the best houses; this village had also shared the fate of Algi, having been burnt down by the Fellatas, and the inhabitants were just returning to their homes. The country between Watatoo and Algi is cultivated in a number of places, and planted with cotton, yams, and maize, and is diversified by hill and dale: the hills are low and rocky; the rocks of a fine-grained sand-stone. In the evening the head man of the village made me a present of four fowls and some yams.

Saturday, 11th.—Cool and cloudy; during the night, heavy storm of wind, with thunder and lightning. At daylight I had every thing ready for starting; the butcher’s son having arrived last night, mounted on a little mare, with a saddle, and he without shoes or boots. On leaving Watatoo, I gave the two head men of the village a fathom of blue cloth each, as they had been as good as their circumstances would admit, and they promised to send every thing after me as soon as possible. In about fifteen minutes after leaving Watatoo, I arrived at and crossed the river Moussa, which formerly divided the kingdoms of Yourriba, and Borgoo: it was dry in a great many places, with a very rocky bed; when full, about thirty yards in breadth; and runs apparently with a very strong current. They say, it is the same river I passed on the road to Tshow, on the north side of the hills, and enters the Quorra opposite Nyffee, and near Rakah. After crossing, I travelled through thick woods for an hour, when I halted at a few huts on the north side of the river, called Bori, until the baggage should arrive. A hut stood apart from the rest, near the banks of the river; the grass and weeds carefully cleared away from around it. The messenger and people who were with me went one after another to say their prayers; which they did, by lying down, with their foreheads towards the door, which was secured by a mat: they appeared to be very devout, and having finished their prayers, slipped a few cowries inside the mat. I asked if I might go and look in, but they would not allow me. I asked them who they prayed to: they said, to the God that gave them plenty of water, corn, and yams. They say there are great numbers of hippopotami and crocodiles in the river during the time that it is full. The carriers, with the baggage, came up very slowly, and the heaviest loads were mostly carried by old women; and I could not help noticing the cold-blooded indifference of the young men, who would not give the poor old creatures the least assistance: however, I made them carry the heaviest loads, to the great joy of the old ladies. During the time I was waiting for the carriers to come up, a piece of cloth was stolen from one of the women. The bearers flew to arms instantly, the arrows laid on the strings, and the bows bent. I expected nothing but a battle; but fortunately the thief was discovered to be one of the villagers, who had pretended to be asleep, and drunk, all the time we were here; he had stowed the cloth under the thatch of the house, and I never saw a woman more overjoyed in my life than the poor honest creature was, when she recovered her cloth; she came and kneeled down to thank me, as she said it was by my influence the cloth was returned. On the tops of the huts, which are of the real Bornou coozie form, the first I have seen since I came to Africa this time, were stuck a number of crocodiles’ eggs, which are considered as a protection against that animal. All the baggage having now arrived, I left the village of Boru, with its shady trees and mud temple, at a very quick pace, over a flat country apparently not far from the river Quorra, thickly wooded with fine tall trees, and inhabited by large antelopes, numerous traces of which I saw. In the evening halted in the wood, close to a small stream of water.

The next morning, on leaving our encampment, a messenger from the chief of Kiama arrived; he had been sent to see if I was on the road, and to return with speed and inform his master. Our road was through thick woods; the soil a red clay, mixed with gravel. At 10 A.M. halted at the town of Oblah, which has been walled, and of considerable size, but now only a few huts remain, the rest having been burned by Yarro. Here my servant Richard was taken very ill, and unable to ride; in consequence of which I remained until the afternoon, when he got better, and was able to proceed, by a man holding him on the bare back of the horse, for we had no saddles. Halted at the village of Socka, where I got one of the best huts, a few yams, and four fowls.

Monday, 13th.—Morning cool and cloudy. At daylight an escort arrived from the chief of Kiama, mounted on as fine horses as I ever saw. One man had on a white cotton tobe, or shirt, written over entirely with Arab charms, which made it look like printed cotton at a distance. They were a despicable, lawless set of fellows; for as soon as they had delivered their master’s compliments to me, they began to plunder the village of the goats and fowls. One fellow rode in at full gallop, through the fence of matting which surround the huts, brandishing his spear; those on foot following him, and making a prize of every thing they could lay their hands on. I gave the head man of the village, out of sight of the escort, a fathom of blue cloth, and two knives. On leaving Sacko, I was now accompanied by this escort, who formed as fine and wild a looking troop as I ever saw. They had brought me a saddle, but Richard and Pascoe rode bare-backed, and our little Yourriba mares made a miserable contrast with the gallant looking troop who were guarding us: but I consoled myself with the thought that I had not plundered the village. Our road lay through a country rough and uneven, consisting of hill and dale, with rocks of quartz and sandstone, a range of hills closing round to the right. Passed two villages, at which my honest escort levied a tribute of goats and fowls. At nine A.M. we arrived at the city of Kiama, and rode instantly up to the house of the chief; where, after waiting under the shade of a wide spreading tree for a few minutes, I paid my respects to the chief, or sultan, as they call him: his name is Yarro. He was sitting in the porch of his door, a stout, good looking man, past the middle age, dressed in a white tobe or large shirt, with a red Moorish cap on his head. We shook hands; and after telling him who I was, and where I wished to go, he said, Very well, I had better go and rest from the fatigues of my journey, in the house that was prepared for me; and sent his head man to conduct me to it. He was attended by a mob of people, who were lying on their bellies and their sides, talking to him in this posture. After taking my leave, I went with his head man to my house, which proved to be a very good one. It consisted of three large huts inside a square, in one of which I put the baggage; occupied the second myself; and the servants the other. I had not remained long, before Yarro sent me a present of milk, eggs, bananas, fried cheese, curds, and foo-foo; and I was left alone until the heat of the day was over, when I received a visit from Yarro himself. He came mounted on a beautiful red roan, attended by a number of armed men, on horseback and on foot; and six young female slaves, naked as they were born, except a stripe of narrow white cloth tied round their heads, about six inches of the ends flying out behind; each carrying a light spear in the right hand. He was dressed in a red silk damask tobe, and booted. He dismounted, and came into my house, attended by the six girls, who laid down their spears, and put a blue cloth round their waists before they entered the door. After he was seated, he began by asking after the health of the king of Yourriba, who, I said, I had left very well. I then told him I had been sent by the king of England to visit Bornou; that I was the king of England’s servant, and hoped he would assist me in proceeding on my journey; and that I intended to make him a suitable present; that I wanted thirty-six men to carry my baggage, and two horses for my servants to ride; and that I wished to stay as short a time as possible, as the rains were near at hand, which, if overtaken by them, would prevent my travelling; that the season of the rains was very sickly, and fatal to white men; that three of the white men who had left England with me had died in Yourriba, and it was more than probable that I should die also, if exposed in any of these countries to the rains. He said I was going to stay but a short time, and that he would send me to Wawa; from thence I should be forwarded to Boussa; then to cross the river Quorra to Injaskee, and thence to Bornou. On his leaving me, I attended him to the door. He mounted his horse, the young ladies undressed, and away went the most extraordinary cavalcade I ever saw in my life.

After sunset I had a visit from the taya or chief of the caravan belonging to Houssa, which had arrived yesterday from Gonja and Ashantee, and a trader of Bornou who had known me when I was in that country. They advised me by all means to leave this country as soon as possible, as they were all kaffirs; that they would plunder me of every thing I had; and that on no account ought I to go by the way of Youri, as they were now at war with the Fellatas, and the road entirely shut up; that, besides, the road by Youri was the most distant; and that I must urge this chief to send me away as soon as possible.

Tuesday, 14th.—This morning I waited on Yarro with my present, which consisted of the following articles:—a large blue silk umbrella, one of Tatham’s African swords, three fathoms of blue cloth, three fathoms of red, some red beads and coral, an imitation gold chain, two bottles of rum, two phosphorus boxes, four knives, and six pair of scissars, and some prints. The cloth I had spread out at full length: the large mock coral beads he shook at the naked young females, as much as to say, Which of you will get these? On seeing the sword he could not restrain his delight, and drawing it, and brandishing it around his head, he called out, “Ya baturi! Ya baturi!” “Oh, my white lord! Oh, my white lord!” He was certainly more pleased than any man I ever saw with a present; his eyes sparkled with joy, and he shook me about a dozen times by the hand. I pressed the necessity of my departure, which he said should be the day after to-morrow. I then took my leave; and a short time after returning to my house he sent me some milk and a sheep; and in the afternoon, by his head man, Abubecker, an earthenware jug to look at: it was of English earthenware, representing old Toby Philpot with a flowing jug of ale in his hand. I have seen more European articles, such as earthenware jugs, brass and pewter dishes, pieces of woollen and cotton cloth, within these two days that I have been in Kiama, than I saw during the whole time I was in Yourriba.

In the evening I had a visit from the head man of the Houssa goffle, or caravan, which is on its way from Gonja and Ashantee: they consist of upwards of 1000 men and women, and as many beasts of burthen. He offers to carry all my things to Kano for a certain sum. He says that they had been detained in Gonja a long time, twelve months, on account of the wars; that the king of Ashantee was dead, as also the heir, and that the Ashantees were now without a king. This taya, as the head man of the goffle is called, is named Abdullah, a native of Kano. I heard a great many inquiries made after myself, they not knowing me in my English dress, and without a beard. They talk to me about having seen me in Bornou and Soudan: I do not yet tell them that I am the same person.

The principal part of the cargo of these Houssa merchants consists in gora or kolla nuts, which they receive in exchange for natron, red glass beads, and a few slaves, principally refractory ones which they cannot manage. They carry their goods on bullocks, mules, asses, and a number of female slaves are loaded; even some women hire themselves to carry loads to and from Nyffé. Some of the merchants have no more property than they can carry on their own heads. The duty they pay to the chief of Kiama is ten kolla for each load.

Wednesday, 15th.—I early visited the chief this morning, to urge my departure. He was surrounded by a number of his head men; and when I had finished my story, he made a number of objections to my going off to-morrow. One of his fellows said I had given nothing to be allowed to go. I said I was not a merchant, possessed of a great quantity of goods to give away; that I had only a few things to give to the different sultans on the road, to afford me protection to and from Bornou, and pointed out to Yarro each separate place where I should be obliged to give. He said that, before I left Kiama, I must give a present to his governor and the head men of the town, whom he would send to me. I told him, if this was to be the way, I should very soon have nothing to give: that at Wawa, Boussa, and Injaskie, they would be sure to hear what I had given here, and that they would expect the same. He then said, that as soon as his messenger arrived from Katunga, who was a very trusty man, I should go to Wawa. I informed him that the chief of the Houssa caravan had offered to take me to Kano from Wawa, and that he would carry every thing for me. “Oh,” says he, “you must not believe these stories; he would take you a day or two on the road, and then leave you: where is he to get the means to carry your things? and besides, he has not paid his custom yet, and until that is paid he cannot go: you shall go to-morrow or next day.” On which I thanked him, and took my leave. On my return I had a messenger from his principal wife, to say she wished to see me; and she sent me five yams and a fowl.

In the afternoon I went to visit her sable majesty. I first repaired to Yarro’s house, where, after some conversation about my going away, I told him I wished to send a letter to Badagry, and if he wanted a tea-pot like mine I should send for one for him: he said yes, he wanted a tea-pot and a pair of gold bracelets, and some other things, which he would mention to me by and by. His wife and daughter came in: the first old and ugly; the next about twenty-five years old, which is past the meridian in this country. After paying their respects to Yarro, which is after the Yourriba fashion, I gave them one fathom of red cloth, one fathom of blue, some scissars, needles, beads, and silk. Yarro asked me if I would take his daughter for a wife; I said “Yes,” after a great many thanks for my present. The old woman went out, and I followed with the king’s head man, Abubecker. I went to the house of the daughter, which consists of several coozies separate from those of the father, and I was shown into a very clean one: a mat was spread: I sat down; and the lady coming in and kneeling down, I asked her if she would live in my house, or I should come and live with her: she said, whatever way I wished: very well, I said, I would come and live with her, as she had the best house. She kept her kneeling posture all the time I was in the house. I took leave of her, and went home, when one of the great men mentioned by Yarro waited upon me, and I gave him a present of two knives, some beads, and a yard of cloth.

Thursday, 16th.—The king’s son came to-day for my advice: a fat, gross, tall man. He said, on my inquiring after his disorder, that every month he had a great throbbing of blood in his head, attended with pain; that he lost the use of his limbs, and could not stand; that the pain then fell down to his breast, and remained altogether four days, coming on always a few days before the new moon. I weighed him out nine doses of calomel, of seven grains each, desiring him to take them one at a time when the throbbing came on, and if he could get bled in the head to have that done also; and, with the assistance of God, I hoped he would get well before he had taken the nine doses. I had a visit also from the princess, for the purpose of receiving a small donation of beads. She would not sit down on the carpet or mat, as her father had sat on it when he had been in my house. Such is the custom: a daughter must not presume to sit where her father has sat. A wife of the governor of the town also came to see me. She brought me a present of some cowries, as she said her father had been a servant to white men: she would sleep well and happy to-night, as the joy or wish of her life was accomplished—she had seen me.

I had a present of a sheep, four fowls, and some yams, from a young man related to Yarro, for my advice and assistance; as I now intend my advice in the medical way shall turn to some account: without that I should never have a moment’s peace for patients. This young man had nothing the matter with him: he was only afraid he was going to get the disorder his mother died of, which he described as follows:—First, swellings of the eyes and ears, then contracting of the toes and fingers; the skin on the body peeling off, and the flesh looking red and raw; then death. I gave him twelve papers of calomel, of two grains each, desiring him to take one every morning, besides giving him a strong dose of Croton oil (three drops), and a dose of Seidlitz to wash it down.

Every night we have dancing and singing. Their music is the Bornou flute, the Arab fiddle, and the drum. There appears not the least jealousy to exist in Kiama: men’s wives and maidens all join in the song and dance; even those of the Moorish belief seem to forget that part of their creed in Kiama.

Friday, 17th.—This being jama, or the day Mahometans attend the mosque, kept by them as we keep our Sunday, the pagans also take advantage of the day, and spend it in showing their fine clothes, and paying and receiving visits. I had a visit from the governor, who came in state: he was attended by a great rabble, and two drums: he had on a turban over a European foraging cap, two or three tobes of Manchester cotton; the rest of his dress was of country-made cloth. After the governor left me I visited Yarro with a present of six wax candles, and the remains of my red beads of the largest size, as he says his women are very fond of them; and this is to be my last present, as I am to go away to-morrow. He says he will give me carriers; lend me horses; and, as I will have to sleep in the woods, he would send plenty of provisions: his people should sleep on one side the baggage, and mine on the other, at night; and then, when every thing went safe, I could not but say Yarro was a good man.

After the heat of the day was over, Yarro came, attended by all his train. The most extraordinary persons in it were himself and the bearers of his spears, which, as before, were six naked young girls, from fifteen to seventeen years of age. The only thing they wore was a white bandeau, or fillet of white cloth, round the forehead, about six inches of the ends flying behind, and a string of beads round their waists; in their right hands they carried three light spears each. Their light form, the vivacity of their eyes, and the ease with which they appeared to fly over the ground, made them appear something more than mortal as they flew alongside of his horse, when he was galloping, and making his horse curvet and bound. A man with an immense bundle of spears remained behind at a little distance, apparently to serve as a magazine for the girls to be supplied from, when their master had expended those they carried in their hands.

Yarro is a stout, good-looking man, with large eyes, a handsome Roman nose, a short grisly beard, sits well on horseback, and was dressed in a high red Moorish cap, a tobe or large shirt, boots, and brass stirrup-irons. His horse’s neck was bedecked with small brass bells and charms, and was as fine a dark bay as I ever saw. The rest of his attendants were not worth mentioning: some on horseback, some on foot; and one only had an old musket, which missed fire every time they snapped it. The whole of the horse in attendance might be about fifty, who filed past my door, and then halted, when Yarro alighted and came in. I had tea prepared for him, which he professed to like very much; but he would not drink milk with his tea, as it is forbidden by his fetish. The girls came into the house with him, but a cloth for the waist was first given them to put on. After tea he returned, and at his request I went to the front of his house, where there was some by no means bad horse-racing, in an oblong square in front of his house, formed on one side by tall shady trees, the end closed by the rocky ridge. The horses ran in pairs up this square, sometimes a large Bornou horse paired with the small native breed, the latter of which appeared to dispute the victory often with the larger horses of Bornou. Towards the close, young boys rode on bare backed young horses, which was not the worst of the sport. After the racing I went and complimented Yarro on his riding, as he also was one of the racers, and of course won.

Kiama, the principal city of a province of that name in the kingdom of Borgoo, is situated in latitude 9° 37′ 33″ north, and longitude 5° 22′ 56″ east of Greenwich. It is governed by a chief whose name, Yarro, signifies The Boy; and both city and province are, as frequently happens in Africa, sometimes called after him. The province is thinly inhabited, and the city straggling and ill built. The houses consist of circular huts, or coozies, built of clay and thatched: a number of these, enclosed in a square fence of matting, generally form but one house. The city is built on the south side of a rocky ridge, and is surrounded by an extensive low clay wall, which is broken down in a number of places: inside the walls are plantations of corn and yams. The surrounding country is thickly wooded, with but few plantations, and the country is said to abound in game of all descriptions.

Kiama is one of the towns through which the caravan from Houssa and Bornou passes to and from Gonja, on the borders of Ashantee: it also has a direct trade with Dahomey, Youri, Nyffé, and Yourriba. There is no fixed duty for the merchants to pay, but the chief takes just as much as can be squeezed from them. The inhabitants are pagans of an easy faith; never praying but when they are sick, or want something, and cursing their object of worship as fancy serves. The Houssa slaves amongst them are Mahometans, and are allowed to worship in their own way.

The town (and I think I speak within bounds) may contain 30,000 inhabitants. They are looked upon by all who know them as the greatest thieves and robbers in all Africa; and it is enough to call a man a native of Borgoo, to designate him as a thief and a murderer. Their government is despotic; and it appears very little protection is given to the subject, as one town will plunder another whenever an opportunity offers. Their manner of salutation to superiors is by prostration at full length on the ground, but without throwing dust on the head or body: the women kneel on their knees and elbows, holding the two open hands turned up towards the face. They say that a country called Gourma lies eight days’ journey to the north of them; Gonja is to the W.N.W.; and that a small territory called Katakolee lies between Gonja and Borgoo. They sell in the market Brazil tobacco, snuff, natron, yams, plantains, bananas, milk, vegetable butter, gora nuts, and honey in great plenty and cheap. Sheep and bullocks are abundant: the latter mostly in the hands of the Fellatas, who inhabit the woods, shifting about from place to place as pasture is good. The Borgoo people will not suffer them to carry any weapons of defence. Their best horses they get from the Bornou and Houssa merchants, who bring them for sale.

On the 18th, after breakfast, being provided with carriers and two horses, one saddled for myself, I took leave of Yarro, and left Kiama. The Houssa caravan left before me, but was to halt at another village, at a little distance from my route. The road was principally through thick woods, with a few plantations of yams, near some villages that we passed, inhabited by Fellatas. One deserted village, they said, had been abandoned last rainy season, on account of sickness; but what the disease was, I could not learn. The inhabitants of these villages were mostly Fellatas, who take care of Yarro’s cattle. The road very winding, diversified by gentle hill and dale; the soil red clay and gravel, with rocks and stones here and there, of a gritty sandstone, with large square pebbles of quartz. At 11.40 A.M. halted at the village of Bonaga, where I got a good house; and I found Yarro had sent forward two goats and a large quantity of yams, which I shared out to the carriers of the baggage. The day was excessively hot, and it was late before all the baggage came up. The head man of the village sent me three large bowls of foo-foo, with goats’ flesh dressed in the skin, which is the saving way of this country, nothing being thrown away but the hoofs and horns. Just as I was going to bed in the evening, Abubecker, who by Yarro’s order had accompanied me, to see me safe on my journey, came running into my room in his shirt, apparently in a great fright, and said the men had run away who were engaged to carry the baggage, and he must ride into the town to bring them back. I thanked him, and said I hoped he would make haste. He waited a little; and I suspected he wanted to draw a present out of me, though I had given him more than any other person in Kiama except Yarro.

Sunday, 19th.—At daybreak I had every thing ready for starting, but the manœuvring of old Abubecker kept me until 7.30 A.M.; and even then I had to give three yards of blue cloth and several strings of beads before I could get the baggage off. After starting, our road was through a thickly wooded country of fine tall trees, with little underwood, the country rising into gentle hill and dale, and the path very winding. At 10 we fell in with the Houssa caravans. They occupied a long line of march: bullocks, asses, horses, women, and men, to the amount of a thousand, all in a line, after one another, forming a very curious sight; a motley groupe, from the nearly naked girls and men carrying loads, to the ridiculously and gaudily dressed Gonja traders, riding on horseback, some of these animals being lame, and going with a halt, and all in very bad condition. The poor girls, their slaves, are compelled to travel with a heavy load on their heads, yet are as cheerful and good-natured as if they were at home grinding corn in their own native country. The road lay over a level plain covered with trees; the soil a red clay, with gravel and ore, among rocks of clay ironstone, appearing, from the softer parts, to have been washed or worn away, as if it had undergone the action of fire. We halted near to a small rainy-season stream, in which were pools of water. Here and there saw numerous traces of the large antelopes, buffaloes, and elephants. The latter, they say, the natives do not kill, because they can get plenty of other meat, and they can prevail on no one to buy the tusks. They destroy wild animals with poisoned arrows, one of which they pretend to say will kill an elephant in about an hour. They eat the flesh of the animal slain with these arrows, but cut out and throw away the piece around the poisoned wound. Yarro’s messenger has promised to show me the tree from which they get the poison when we arrive at Wawa: they tell a number of extravagant stories about its power and effects, which are too ridiculous to believe.

In the evening I went to the place where the Houssa people were encamped, in order to conclude my bargain with the taya, or head man of the caravan, and to make him sign the written agreement in Arabic by which he was to be bound to carry my baggage and presents from Boussa to Kano; and for which I was to pay him, the day after my arrival at the latter place, two hundred thousand cowries. He had always fought off the agreement, saying, I could conclude the bargain when I got over the river; that I must get the sultan of Boussa to allow me to go, and then we should conclude the bargain. I never could get him to say how much he would take them for, or even that he would take them at all. I now said he must determine, as, before I knew whether he would for certain take them or not, it would be of no use asking the sultan of Boussa; “for if I get the sultan’s leave, and you get me on the road, you may charge what you please: if he does not allow me to go, signing the agreement will do no harm, it will only be the loss of the papers. You are mistaken if you think I have any thing to fear from the sultan of Youri; I am a servant of the king of England, and will receive assistance and protection whichever route I take.” He said he would send for his partner. His partner came, Malem Mohamed, or the learned Mohamed; a man that could not read or write, but could repeat a chapter or two of the Koran by heart. He was a palavering old rogue, who always repeated, to whatever the taya said, the words “madealla, madealla,”—“very good, very good,”—without giving any answer to what I asked. I told them, it did not require much consideration about the matter: this must be done, yes or no, before I see the sultan of Boussa; for if they did not determine whether they would take my things or not, I would go direct to Youri. The taya then said, how many loads would I have? I said, fifteen bullocks or asses; that I would pay him at Kano, the day after my arrival, as I could have what money I wanted from Hadji Hat Saleh on giving him a receipt, as I had no money here; (not wishing to let them know that I had a dollar here, as it might endanger my existence and that of all my property). “Well,” says he, “I know you can have what money you want from the merchants of Kano: I and my partner will consider of the affair to-night, and give you an answer to-morrow.” The taya returned with me to my encampment, and, to my surprise, told me that I must not let it be known that I was going to the Fellatas: “Say you are going to Bornou.” “So I am,” I said; “I have got a letter for the sheikh, which I will show you to-morrow.” When the taya left me, I began to think that what Yarro of Kiama had told me was true. When I asked him to go with the caravan, says he, “Are you a merchant? if you are, go with the caravan: if you are the king of England’s messenger, you have nothing to do with them; your way is to go from one king to another, not with caravans of merchants. You will find plenty of people to put evil in your head; if you are wise, do not believe them.”

Monday 20th.—At 6 A.M. left our encampment. Our road through a woody country, rising into hill and dale, with some beautiful rocky mounts, perched on the heights composed of blocks of sandstone and clay ironstone; the soil a red clay and gravel. We halted at the village of Barakina, where I stopped until the carriers came up. As I arrived at this village, a hunter came in from the chase. He had a leopard’s skin over his shoulder, a light spear in his hand, and his bow and arrows slung over his shoulder. He was followed by three cream-coloured dogs, a breed as if between the greyhound and cur: they were adorned with round collars of different coloured leather. The hunter and his dogs marched through the village as independently as ever I saw a man, without taking the least notice of us, or even looking at us. He was followed by a slave carrying a dead antelope that he had killed this morning. They say the people of Borgoo are the greatest hunters in Africa, and that the people of this village and of those we have passed live entirely by the chase; the little ground they cultivate being worked by the women.

Leaving Barakina, and travelling until noon, I came to a rocky ledge, formed like a wall, in some places rising into beautiful rocky mounts with bold precipices, shaded on the top with trees of the most luxuriant foliage. The road lay through a narrow pass in the ledge, shaded with fine tall majestic trees. Here, I said to myself, is the pass, or gates, leading to the Niger. The rocks of which the ledge is composed are of a conglomerate, formed with large square pieces of white quartz, imbedded in a shining dark gray substance; the pieces of quartz about an inch square, the strata forming an angle of about 40° with the zenith. At noon crossed the river Oli, which has a very rocky bed, and is said to be impassable, from the swiftness of the current, in the rainy season. At this place the rocks in the river were a dark clay slate: its course was from west-north-west to east-south-east. The head man of the village at the ferry told me that it had its rise in the hills to the north of Niki, ran to the north of Kiama, and entered the Quorra above Rakah. At the place where I and my baggage crossed it was dry; but all other passengers, not being in the service of a king, are required to cross at the ferry by a canoe, where they have to pay ten cowries a head for each passenger, and twenty cowries for a load for goods. After crossing, I halted at the village of the ferry, which is called Billa, on the south side of the river. I encamped under a shady tree for the superior coolness, though I was offered the best house in the village. The head man brought me a present of a sheep, some yams, milk and honey; and, a short while after my arrival, the head man of the village of Barakina arrived with a sheep, yams, and honey, making an apology for his not being at home when I passed. Alligators are plenty in the river, as one of the carriers, in going to bring water, was chased from the river side by one: parrots, paroquets, and game abound near the banks of this stream. In the evening it was reported to me that the whole of the horses were lost: whether it be to extract a present or not, time will show.

Tuesday, 21st.—It was 8 A.M. before the horses were brought back. I sent all the baggage and stores off, except three boxes, which I gave in charge to the head man of the village, who promised to forward them to me at Wawa. I gave him and the head man of the village of Barakina two yards of cloth each, with a knife and a few beads, with which they were very well pleased. An escort of four horsemen arrived to conduct me to Wawa, and at 8.30 A.M. I left Billa and the escort, who had made the head man of the village provide them with a breakfast. The road lay over a plain, well cultivated, and planted with cottons, yams, and corn in a number of places. At 10 halted under the shade of a tree, near the walls of Wawa, until the escort came up, which they did in a short time afterwards, when I proceeded with them into the town, to the gate of the governor’s house, where I halted under a large spreading tree for upwards of an hour. I then desired Yarro’s messengers to tell the governor that if I was kept longer waiting outside I should return to Kiama; that I was the king of England’s messenger, and would not be kept outside of any door in this way. They went in and told the governor, who sent out to say he was dressing to receive me, and would be out immediately. In a few minutes a number of men came out of the house, and sat down in two rows outside the door; then a high stool was brought out, and placed in the entrance; after which the great man came slowly out of the gate, with a long staff in his hand, and seated himself on the stool. He sent for me. Until then I had not dismounted. I went up and shook hands with him: he kept his hand wrapped up in the sleeve of his tobe, for fear the touch of a white kaffir should kill him. I told him at once who I was, and what I wanted. He said, every thing I wished should be done, and as I must be fatigued with my journey, I should see him again to-morrow. I was shown to a very good house, but found it excessively hot: the thermometer in the shade was 105° of Fahrenheit, which is higher than it has been since I have been in Africa this time. In the afternoon, the governor sent me a present of a goat, yams, honey, and eggs, and the same from his head man.

I was not a little surprised, towards sunset, by a visit from the king of Dahomey’s messengers. I thought that all my prospects were now blasted; that they had been sent to detain me, and bring me back; but my fears were soon allayed, by their saying that they were on their way home; that they had heard white men had arrived here, and they had come to pay their respects to me; that they had been in Youri, and twelve months since had left Dahomey; that the king of Dahomey had sent them to get a camel, but the war between the people of Youri and the Fellatas prevented any camels coming to Youri. These men brought two muskets to salute me with; they had been here twelve days, and were intending to leave this for their own country as soon as they could procure an answer from the governor.

I am lodged in the house of a widow, whose husband was one of the governor’s head men. She is the only wife that bore children to the deceased, and in consequence was not taken and sold at her husband’s death. She wears a rope round her head, another round her neck, and one round her waist, until she has passed her time of mourning, or procures another husband; but I suspect this will be until she dies, as she is ugly in the extreme. I had a visit, amongst the number, from the daughter of an Arab, who is very fair, calls herself a white woman, is rich, a widow, and wants a white husband. She is said to be the richest person in Wawa, having the best house in the town, and a thousand slaves. She showed a great regard for my servant Richard, who is younger and better looking than I am: but she had passed her twentieth year, was fat, and a perfect Turkish beauty, just like a walking water-butt. All her arts were unavailing on Richard: she could not induce him to visit her at her house, though he had my permission.

The next day I went, after sending to say I was ready to give the governor his present, to his house, accompanied by his head man, and gave him seven yards of red cloth, seven yards of blue cloth, seven yards of blue silk, an umbrella, ten strings of beads, and a phosphorus box, after showing them off to the greatest advantage, a thing never to be neglected in Africa. I sat down and told him what I have told them all, and which has been so often repeated. He said there were two roads, one where there was war, the other peace. The one where there was war was by Youri; that the sultan of that country was out fighting the Fellatas: the other by the way the merchants went, through Nyffé, which was safe, and he would advise me to go by that road. I thanked him, and said I would follow his advice, for that I had nothing to do with war. Says he, “You are come to make peace among all people, and make the kings leave off war.” I said, “God willing, I would do what I could.” This opinion of my being a peace-maker prevails strongly in all places that I have been in: perhaps it may arise from the people of the coast and those of Dahomey informing them of the active part we take in preventing the slave trade. He said he should send to the sultan of Boussa, and tell him to forward me by the way of Nyffé, with the merchants, as the other road was bad; that he had never had such a valuable present from any one before; and that I should see every thing I pleased in his country. I told him that three white men who were with me had died on the road; that I was very anxious to get to Bornou before the rains, as being a dry sandy country, I considered that there I was safe: but that in this country or Houssa it was very unsafe and unhealthy for white men to be caught by the rains. The governor is a thin, spare, old man; he had on a cap in the form of a foraging cap, with some of the Stuart tartan riband in several folds around it, a white tobe or large shirt, a Moorish kaftan of Manchester cotton, and a pair of sandals on his feet. The room in which he received me had nothing worth note but the stool on which he sat, which had two lizards carved in bas relief on the top, and the heads of two as handles for carrying it. His house is inside a high square clay wall, with one gate on the western side, and consists of coozies, or circular huts, built of clay and thatched, and one square tower of clay, having little projections at each corner, and an ostrich egg on the top of each of the huts.

After returning home I had numerous visitors, who brought presents of rum, palm wine, and pitto, none of which I would accept, nor allow to be brought into the house for the servants; but as for my man Ali, an Arab, whose freedom I had purchased at Badagry and taken as a servant, all my care could not prevent him from getting drunk. He is a confirmed liar and a thief, and I have often regretted that I gave him his freedom, as I cannot well get rid of him here. The inhabitants of this place appear to be the most roaring, drinking set of any other town I have yet seen. Last night, until near morning, nothing was to be heard but fiddles, Arab guitars, castanets, and singing.

The Kiama messenger, according to his promise, brought some of the leaves of the tree or bush called by them kongkonie, from the seeds of which the natives extract the poison for their arrows; from the leaves and branches exudes a resinous gum which sticks to the fingers; the flower is small and white, with a very long foot-stalk; the seeds are enclosed in a long case surrounded by a silky substance; the seeds are small, like caraway seeds, and are boiled to a thick black paste before they are put on the arrows. They say that the seeds are a deadly poison if taken into the stomach; the seeds I have got in the case, but dried, and fit for use.

The king of Dahomey’s messengers came to me in the evening and told me they wanted to speak to me, saying they wished to do so privately. I sent Pascoe to one side with them, but they came back observing that they must say it to myself only; their mighty secret was this: that they had been in Youri five months assisting the king of that country against the Fellatas; that, if I either regarded my safety or wished to reach the end of my journey, I ought not to take that road, as I should never get on; that they had stood the brunt of all his battles, and that all their guns but two were burst; that they were now on their way to their own country, but expect to be sent back by the king of Dahomey with a larger force after the rains. They said that Niki was the capital of Borgoo and not Kiama; that it is fifteen days only from Dahomey; that Borgoo and Dahomey are joined together, or two neighbouring kingdoms; that there are high hills on the road between Niki and Dahomey; that they left the Maha country on their left hand when they came here; that Kiama is five days distant from Niki; that it is from Dahomey the people of these countries receive all their rum and European articles. This account I believe to be true, as I have seen great abundance of rum, pewter, and earthen ware. They begged I would send a letter by them to say I had met them, which I shall do to-morrow. They are much superior looking men to the people of Wawa, and from their knowledge of white men in their own country, have been very civil to me. They seem to entertain a poor opinion of the courage and behaviour of the people of Youri and of this country, and say that with a few men they could take them all.

Thursday, 23d.—I had heard various stories, at different places on the road, concerning the fate of the late unfortunate and enterprising travellers Park and Martin, none of which I considered worth relating except that which I now heard from the governor’s head man; but they all with whom I have conversed agree in asking me if I am not going to take up the vessel, which they say still remains. The head man’s story is this: that the boat stuck fast between two rocks; that the people in it laid out four anchors a-head; that the water falls down with great rapidity from the rocks, and that the white men, in attempting to get on shore, were drowned; that crowds of people went to look at them, but the white men did not shoot at them as I had heard; that the natives were too much frightened either to shoot at them or to assist them; that there were found a great many things in the boat, books and riches, which the sultan of Boussa has got; that beef cut in slices and salted was in great plenty in the boat; that the people of Boussa who had eaten of it all died, because it was human flesh, and that they knew we white men eat human flesh. I was indebted to the messenger of Yarro for a defence, who told the narrator that I was much more nice in my eating than his countrymen were. But it was with some difficulty I could persuade him that if his story was true, it was the people’s own fears that had killed them; that the meat was good beef or mutton; that I had eaten more goats’ flesh since I had been in this country than ever I had done in my life; that in England we eat nothing but fowls, beef, and mutton.

The women here are marked on the body somewhat in the manner of the lace on a hussar’s jacket: in some, where the skin has not healed properly, it looks very disgusting.

The widow Zuma has been kind enough to send me provisions ready cooked, in great abundance, ever since I have been here. Now that she has failed with Richard, she has offered Pascoe a handsome female slave for a wife, if he could manage to bring about matters with me. Not being much afraid of myself, and wishing to see the interior arrangement of her house, I went and visited her. I found her house large, and full of male and female slaves; the males lying about the outer huts, the females more in the interior. In the centre of the huts was a square one of large dimensions surrounded by a verandah, with screens of matting all around except in one place, where there was hung a tanned bullock’s hide; to this spot I was led up, and, on its being drawn on one side, I saw the lady sitting cross-legged on a small Turkey carpet, like one of our hearth rugs, a large leather cushion under her left knee; her goora pot, which was a large old-fashioned English pewter mug, by her side, and a calibash of water to wash her mouth out, as she alternately kept eating goora and chewing tobacco-snuff, the custom with all ranks, male or female, who can procure them: on her right side lay a whip. At a little distance, squatted on the ground, sat a dwarfish hump-backed female slave, with a wide mouth but good eyes: she had on no clothing, if I except a profusion of strings of beads and coral round her neck and waist. This personage served the purpose of a bell in our country, and what, I suppose, would in old times have been called a page. The lady herself was dressed in a white coarse muslin turban; her neck profusely decorated with necklaces of coral and gold chains, amongst which was one of rubies and gold beads; her eyebrows and eyelashes blacked, her hair dyed with indigo, and her hands and feet with henna; around her body she had a fine striped silk and cotton country cloth, which came as high as her tremendous breasts, and reached as low as her ankles; in her right hand she held a fan made of stained grass, of a square form. She desired me to sit down on the carpet beside her, which I did, and she began fanning me, and sent hump-back to bring out her finery for me to look at; which consisted of four gold bracelets, two large paper dressing-cases with looking-glasses, and several strings of coral, silver rings, and bracelets, with a number of other trifling articles. After a number of compliments, and giving me an account of all her wealth, I was led through one apartment into another, cool, clean, and ornamented with pewter dishes and bright brass pans. She now told me her husband had been dead these ten years, that she had only one son, and he was darker than herself; that she loved white men, and would go to Boussa with me; that she would send for a malem, or man of learning, and read the fatha with me. I thought this was carrying the joke a little too far, and began to look very serious, on which she sent for the looking-glass, and looking at herself, then offering it me, said, to be sure she was rather older than me, but very little, and what of that? This was too much, and I made my retreat as soon as I could, determined never to come to such close quarters with her again. During the night squally, with thunder, lightning, and rain.

Friday, 24th.—Amongst my numerous visitors this morning, I had a travelling musician, attended by two boys. His instrument was a violin made of a gourd, with three strings of horse hair, not in single hairs, but a number for each string untwisted; the bow the same; the body of the violin was formed of half a long gourd; the bridge, two cross sticks; the top, the skin of a guana stretched tightly over the edges; the neck was about two feet long, ornamented with plates of brass, having a hollow brass knob at the end. To this instrument was hung a diminutive pair of sandals to denote his wandering occupation, a piece of natron, strings of cowries, and stripes of cloth. He said he would take any thing that was given to him. The boys had hollow gourds with stones or beans in them, with which they kept time by holding them in one hand and beating them against the other. The musician himself was past the middle age, his beard being tinged with gray, and neither too long nor too short; his face inclining more to long than oval, with a nose slightly hooked; his forehead high; his eyes large, bright, and clear, with a kind of indefinable expression of half rogue and half a merry fellow, and when he sang he sometimes looked sublime; his mouth and teeth were good; his voice clear and melodious; his stature about the middle size, and spare form; his dress was a white turban and large sky-blue tobe or shirt. He accompanied his instrument with his voice, the boys joining in chorus. His songs were extempore. I should have taken one down, but found they were all about myself; and a number of visitors coming in, I gave him fifty cowries and sent him away rejoicing. Received a present of a sheep, yams, milk, eggs, and a goat, from the governor.

I went outside the town with Yarro’s messenger to see the kongkonie tree which I have before mentioned, and from the seeds of which they are said to extract the poison for their arrows. The tree is a parasite (meaning probably a creeper), about the thickness of a man’s thigh at the root, from which shoot up several stems, that ascend the large tree at the root of which it grows, twisting itself round the stem and branches to the top of the tree; the bark of the young branches is like the darkest of the hazel; the stem and older branches smooth and whitish, like the bark of the ash; the flower, which is now fading, has five leaves tapering to a point, from which they have a string about two inches in length hanging; they are about the size of our primrose, but of a darker yellow; the leaves of the tree are rough and furry, exuding a gum that sticks to the fingers; the part which grows from the flower and contains the seeds is about a foot and a half in length, and one and a half or two inches in circumference in the thickest part; the seeds are like caraway seeds, and are surrounded by a silky substance; they are boiled until they turn into a paste, when they are fit for use, and put on the arrows. I had a present of five alligators’ eggs sent me by the governor; they are only eaten by the principal people, and considered a great delicacy: they were brought from the banks of the Quorra. The taja called upon me, but he appeared still to shuffle off coming to any arrangement, saying he could not say for how much he would carry me to Kano, until he saw whether I was to go with him or not. I observed to him it was very easily said, and that until he told me how much, I would not ask the governor to go with him. He said he wanted half the money here. To which I replied, “You must go with this understanding in all future affairs between you and I, that I will not give you one farthing until I arrive in Kano, when, the day after I arrive there, you shall have every cowrie of the money. If you come to any bargain with me, it must be with the understanding that I have no money here.” “Well,” says he, “I will call to-morrow and see your things, and then come to a written agreement with you—half the money here.” This taja must take me for a fool; I will sooner stay here all the rains, than let him have the money and leave me in the lurch.

Saturday, 25th.—Clear and warm. At noon the taja visited me, when, after a great deal of unnecessary palavering and manœuvring on his part, we came to the following bargain,—that he is to carry all my baggage and stores to Kano for 200,000 cowries. I also found out that he does not go to Boussa, but crosses the Quorra at a place called Comie, and goes to Koolfu in Nyffé, where he stops for a few days. I am therefore to ask the governor here to carry my baggage to Koolfu, where the taja will find bullocks. I must however go out of the way to visit the sultan of Boussa, as all this part of the country is nominally under him. The sultan of Niki is next to him, and equal to him in power. My baggage, therefore, and stores with my servants must proceed to Koolfu without me, as I have no other alternative but to take this route or that of Youri. After the taja left me, I went to the governor, and acquainted him with the agreement I had come to with the taja, who immediately promised to send a messenger with myself to Boussa, and another with my servants and baggage to see them safe to Koolfu. I would not on any account miss the opportunity of going to Boussa, being most anxious to see the spot where Park and Martin died, and perhaps get their papers. If I am detained, my servants go on with the taja; and I have left directions with them how to proceed in the event of my death or other accidents.

Sunday, 26th.—On inquiring to-day of the same person, the governor’s head man, concerning the fate of Park and Martin, he said the natives did shoot arrows at them, but not until guns had been fired from the boat: in all other parts of the story he agreed with what he had told before, adding, that the boat was to be seen above water every Sunday. They all treat the affair with a great deal of seriousness, and look on the place where the boat was wrecked with awe and superstition, telling some most marvellous stories about her and her ill-fated crew. I also learnt from this man their manner of burial in Borgoo, which is as follows: they dig a deep round hole like a well; the corpse is put in the hole in a sitting posture, with the wrists bound tight round the neck, the legs bent, and the thighs, legs, and arms, bound tight round the body. The grave is made in the floor of the deceased’s house, and his horse and dog, if he has any, are killed to serve him in the next world. The Mahometans bury in their usual fashion, and have a burying-ground on the east side of the town, inside the walls.

Monday, 27th.—Received a present of a goat, two fowls, yams, and milk, from the brother of the governor, who has got a sore leg, and wishes me to cure it. In the afternoon we had thunder, lightning, and rain. I took this opportunity of waiting on the governor to press my departure, as the taja is rather too slack for me. I asked him if he would not send me to Koolfu to-morrow, as he saw now that the rains were close at hand. “Oh,” says he, “they will not set in these two months, yet it is always thus before the rains.” I told him that no one knew the seasons better than I did; and that, if I travelled as slow as I had done of late, I would be caught by the rains in Houssa, and I might as well have a sword run into my breast. He said he would send for the taja to-night, and give me into his charge. I said, I must go to Boussa, and make a present to the sultan; that if I did not, he would say, a white man has passed through my country without paying his respects to me, or bringing a present: it would be going out of the country like a thief, not like the messenger of the king of England. “Very well,” says he, “I will despatch a messenger with you to request he will not detain you. You must send all your things up to my house; I will give them and your servants in charge of the taja, and all will go well; my messenger shall accompany them to Koolfu”—(sometimes pronounced Koolfie and Koolfa). He then began asking me if Englishmen would come into the country. “Yes,” says I, “if you use them as well as you have done me: there is now a doctor on his way to join me from Dahomey.” He said he would be very glad to see him, and would forward him on to me. I asked him if this country or Borgoo owed any allegiance to Yourriba: he said, none; and laughed at the idea. He said he owed allegiance to Boussa, as Kiama, Niki, and Youri did; that he was separated from Kiama by the brook I halted at the second day I left that place, and that the province of Wawa extended as far south as Rakah; that Kiama owed no allegiance to Yourriba, but was a province of Borgoo, subject to the sultan of Borgoo, who was the head of all: he added, the sultan of Boussa could take Yourriba whenever he chose, but, says he, the Fellatas will take it now. I asked him if he thought the sultan of Boussa would give me the books that were found in the boat belonging to the white men lost there. He said, if there were any, he would certainly give them to me, as they were of no use to him, he could not read; and he then related to me the same story nearly that his head man had told me of that affair, and asked me if the unfortunate people were not my countrymen, and had great riches: I said they were, but that they were not rich, but honest men like myself; that one, the head man, was a doctor.

Tuesday, 28th.—This morning I visited the governor’s brother who has got the sore leg, as he had sent a fee, and could not come and see me. His left ankle was dreadfully ulcerated and swelled, and had been in the same state since the last rainy season. The leg was thin and wasted; and he complained of suffering much pain. He could move his toes very well; and inquiring if it was the effect of a hurt, he said no, that it had come on at the beginning of the last rains. I directed him to wash it clean night and morning with warm milk and water, to apply poultices night and day until the swelling was reduced, and on no account to drink spirits or palm wine: an advice which he did not at all admire, as he said when he drank it eased his pain and gave him sleep. I desired moreover that when the swelling in his leg was reduced by the poultices, he should put clean fat on a soft rag and lay over it, and on no account to drink any thing stronger than water. After my return home he sent me a present of a sheep, four fowls, eggs, milk, and honey. I now began to prepare for starting to Boussa in the morning at daybreak, but the taja is working against me, and I doubt being able to get off, as I have just learned that he does not leave this until Saturday next, and wishes to detain me also. The sky being clear, before the moon rose I was able to get the meridian altitude of the star Dubbe in the Great Bear, which gave the latitude of my house in Wawa, 9° 53′ 54″ north. Its longitude I calculate to be 5° 56′ east.

Wednesday, 29th.—Wawa is the capital of a province of the same name in the kingdom of Borgoo; it is in the form of a square, and may contain from eighteen to twenty thousand inhabitants. It is surrounded by a good high clay wall and dry ditch; and is one of the neatest, most compact, and best walled towns between this and Badagry. The streets are wide, spacious, and airy, the houses of the coozie, or circular hut form; the huts of each house being connected by a wall, forms an airy and open space inside, and does not take away from the regular appearance of the houses. One of the coozies next the street has two doors, which forms an entrance into the interior, into which the other coozies open. The plan of the one in which I lived may serve for all, except the governor’s and that of the widow Zuma. This plan will afford a fair specimen of the accommodations of Wawa. The governor’s house is surrounded by a clay wall, about thirty feet high, in the form of a square, having large coozies, shady trees, and square clay towers inside.

The marriages of the Wawanies are very simple. The pagans make up matters with the girl first, give the father or mother a present, and all is right. The Mahometans read the fatha, and make a present; read it again, and part, when tired of one another. The virtue of chastity I do not believe to exist in Wawa. Even the widow Zuma lets out her female slaves for hire, like the rest of the people of the town. Neither is sobriety held as a virtue. I never was in a place in my life where drunkenness was so general. Governor, priest, and layman, and even some of the ladies, drink to excess. I was pestered for three or four days by the governor’s daughter, who used to come several times in a day, painted and bedizened in the highest style of Wawa fashion, but always half tipsy; I could only get rid of her by telling her that I prayed and looked at the stars all night, never drank any thing stronger than roa-in-zafir, which they call my tea,—literally hot water: she always departed in a flood of tears. Notwithstanding their want of chastity, and drunkenness, they are a merry people, and have behaved well to me. They appear to have plenty of the necessaries of life, and a great many of the luxuries, some of which they would be better without; this being the direct road from Bornou, Houssa, and Nyffé, to Gonja, Dahomey, and Jannah. Since the war between the Fellatas and people of Yourriba, they are able to procure plenty of European articles, such as pewter jugs and dishes, copper pans, earthenware, Manchester cottons, &c. Their fruits are limes, plantains, bananas, and several wild fruits in the season. Their vegetables are yams, calalou, or the leaves of a plant which they use in their soups, as we do greens or cabbage; grain, doura, Indian corn, and millet. Fish they procure in great plenty from the Quorra and its tributary streams: those I have seen were all smoked, and principally a kind of catfish. Their best and largest horses come from Bornou: the native breed are small, like the Shetland ponies, hardy, active, and generally of a brown or mouse colour. Oxen are in great plenty, principally in the hands of the Fellatas; sheep and goats are also plentiful; domestic fowls plenty and cheap; honey and bees’ wax abundant; ivory and ostrich feathers they say are to be procured in great plenty, but they can get no sale for them. The country abounds in wild animals of all the different kinds to be found in Africa. Slaves are numerous: the males are employed in weaving, collecting wood or grass, or on any other kind of work; some of the women are engaged in spinning cotton with the distaff and spindle, some in preparing the yarn for the loom, others in pounding and grinding corn, some cooking and preparing cakes, sweetmeats, natron, yams, and accassons, and others selling these articles at the markets; the older female slaves are principally the spinners. The mere labour is very light, and a smart English servant would accomplish their hardest day’s work in one hour: but if their labour be light their food is also light, being confined to two meals a day, which almost invariably consist of paste of the flour of yams, or millet, in the morning about nine o’clock, and a thicker kind, approaching to pudding, after sunset, and this only in small quantities; flesh, fowl, or fish, they may occasionally get, but only by a very rare chance. Their owners, in fact, fare very little better: perhaps a little smoke-dried fish, or some meat now and then; principally only a little palm oil, or vegetable butter, in addition to their paste or pudding; but they indulge freely in drinking palm wine, rum, and bouza.

Of the slaves for sale I can say but little, and a stranger sees very little of them. In fact when not going on a journey to some slave mart, or sent out to the wells or rivers in the mornings to wash, they are seldom seen. Even then they are fastened neck to neck with leather thongs; and when this duty is over, they are confined closely in the houses until they are marched off. When on their march, they are fastened night and day by the neck with leather thongs or a chain, and in general carry loads; the refractory are put in irons, in addition to the other fastening, during the night. They are much afraid of being sold to the sea coast, as it is the universal belief that all those who are sold to the whites are eaten; retorting back on us the accusation of cannibalism, of which they have perhaps the greatest right to blame us. The slaves sold to the sea coast are generally those taken in war, or refractory and intractable domestic slaves. Nyffé at present is the place that produces the most slaves, owing to the civil war raging in that country.

The people of Wawa would take beads in exchange for any articles their country might produce; also brass bracelets for the arms and legs; brass, copper, pewter, and earthenware dishes; Manchester cottons of gaudy colours, and calicoes. Their arms are bows and poisoned arrows, and light spears. They say they do not like war, but appear to be very tenacious in not permitting interference with their country; and they like the Fellatas better than their neighbours of Kiama, of whom they are very jealous. They have a good character for honesty; are cheerful, good-natured, and hospitable; and no people in Africa that I have met with are so ready to give information about the country as they are; and, what is very extraordinary, I have not seen a common beggar amongst them. They deny their Borgoo origin, and say they are descended from the people of Nyffé and Houssa. Their language is a dialect of the Yourriba: but the Wawa women are very good-looking, and the Youriba women are not: the men are strong and well made, but have a debauched look. Their religion is partly a loose Mahometanism, and partly pagan. The most pious of the former can only say a few prayers, or go through the necessary forms, and are called Malem, or learned: the latter are called Kaffirs; and what they worship it is hard to tell; every man choosing his own god, which they pray to that he may intercede with the Supreme Being for them; and they offer sheep, dogs, and sometimes a bullock, according to the benefit they expect. A woman is sent to the market and sold, if, when she has a child at the breast, she is known to go with a man, and, in addition, loses her child, and is flogged.

In this country, as well as in all others I have passed between this and the sea, I have met with tribes of Fellatas, some of whom are not Mahometans, but pagans. They certainly are the same people, as they speak the same language, have the same features and colour, except those who have crossed with the negro. They are as fair as the lower class of Portugueze or Spaniards, lead a pastoral life, shifting from place to place, as they find grass for their horned cattle, and live in temporary huts of reeds or long grass.

Thursday, 30th.—Having had every thing prepared last night for starting this morning at day-break, I went and took leave of the governor, who repeated his promises of sending my baggage on to Koolfu. On my return from the governor, I met a messenger of the sultan of Boussa, who had been sent expressly for me. He said he would just wait on the governor, and deliver a message, and follow me. I left Wawa, mounted on an old red roan mare of the governor’s, on a good road, leading through a woody country, with numerous plantations of yams, and Indian corn. At 8.30 A.M. passed a village about a quarter of a mile from the south side of a range of low rocky hills, running in a direction from east-south-east to west-south-west by compass. The rocks were composed of pudding-stone, the white quartz pebbles of which were square, not rounded, and imbedded in a gray substance. At the end of an opening in the range was a beautiful sugar-loaf mountain, overlooking all the rest, and bearing from the village east-south-east, distance half a mile. This I presumed to call Mount George, after his present majesty George the Fourth. After passing the village and entering amongst the hills, I found the valleys well cultivated, and planted with yams, corn, and maize, but the road winding and rocky. At 10 A.M. came to the village of Injum, the first belonging to the province of Boussa. Here I halted, until the messenger, who had joined me some time before, got his breakfast. This village is on the north-east side of the hills. Amongst the number of people who came to look at me was a woman, whose face, neck, right breast, and part of her right arm, were covered with a scurf, like a person very ill with the small pox: the borders of the scurf were bare, raw, and inflamed. This is the disorder the young man’s mother died of, to whom I gave the medicines at Kiama. When the disease reaches the toes and fingers, they first contract, and then drop off; when, in a short time after, the unfortunate person is relieved by death, as they have no cure for it, nor do they attempt any. I called the woman, and asked her if she suffered much pain: she said no, nor did it itch. She sent for some yams, and offered them, as she said my looking at her would do her good.

At 10.30 the messenger having finished his breakfast, we left Injum. He gave me his horse to ride, as I could not get the old Wawa mare to go on without a great deal of beating. At noon halted at the side of a brook, to water the horses. Here end the hills and the pudding-stone of which they are composed, and the rocks are now a dark gray slate, which moulders away with the rains, the soil a strong blue clay, with deep gullies formed by the rains. At 1 left the brook: the country thickly wooded with tall trees, amongst which are a number of the acacia or mimosa, many of them thrown down by the elephants, for the purpose of feeding on the upper and tender branches. The traces of elephants, buffaloes, and the larger kind of antelopes called in Bornou corigum, are numerous. At 2.40 halted at a village of the Kumbrie, or Cambrie, a race of Kaffirs inhabiting the woods, on both sides of the river. They made a great difficulty in procuring me a drink of water, so I mounted and left them, and at 3.30 arrived at a branch of the Quorra, called the Menai, close to its junction with a second branch. The Menai is about twenty yards in breadth, and about two fathoms in depth; the current hardly perceptible, and the water dark and muddy; that of the branch into which it runs being about thirty yards in breadth, with a strong current, about three or four knots, throwing a back-water up the Menai. The island on the other side of it is low and swampy, and covered with high reeds; the colour of both the streams red and muddy, as if in flood; but the messenger, on my asking if this was the case, said no, that the river was now at its lowest mark, and pointing to a place on the opposite bank of the Menai, about fifteen feet above the present level, said the river rose to that height during the rains. The trees on both banks were close down to the water’s edge, and the branches were in the stream, and every now and then a branch would be broken off, and washed away by the strength of the current. From this, and the muddiness of the water, I concluded it was rising; but certainly the inhabitants must know best: had I not made inquiry, I should certainly have said it was rising. The canoe being on the other side of the Menai, the messenger stripped off his tobe, and swam over for it. After crossing and swimming the horses over, in about a quarter of an hour’s ride I entered the walls of Boussa, by the western gate. The walls appeared very extensive, and are at present under repair. Bands of male and female slaves, accompanied by drums and flutes, and singing in chorus, were passing to and from the river with water, to mix the clay they were building with. Each great man has his part of the wall to build, like the Jews when they built the walls of Jerusalem, every one opposite his own house.

I was much surprised, after entering the gate, to see only clusters of huts here and there, and no regular town, as I had been led to expect. I remained under the shade of a tree until the messenger went and acquainted the sultan of my arrival. On his return I accompanied him up to the sultan, whom I found sitting under a small projection of the verandah of one of his coozies: his midaki, or principal wife, sitting alongside of him. To this personage I had been advised by the widow Zuma to pay particular attention, as she was every thing with the sultan. He received me very kindly, and said the sultan of Youri had kept seven boats waiting for me for these last seven days to take me up the river to Youri. I said I was much obliged to the sultan of Youri, but that I did not intend going that way, as the war with the Fellatas had shut up the communication between Bornou and Youri; that with his permission I would go by the way of Koolfu and Nyffé, where there was no war. He said I was right, and that it was good for me that I had come to see him; that I should take what path I chose.

We then parted, he ordering his head man to take me to a house. He would have come with me himself, but the midaki pulled him back; she had acted, during the time I was there, as prompter. The sultan is a fine looking young man, about twenty-five or twenty-six years of age, five feet ten inches high, with a high forehead, large eyes, Roman nose, decent lips, good teeth, short chin covered with about an inch and a half of beard, more of a spare than robust make. He was dressed in a white tobe, striped Moorish kaftan, with a red Moorish cap on his head. The midaki appears somewhat older, below the middle size, with nothing remarkable about her but her voice, and a winning womanish way, sitting on his left side, a little behind him, with her arm half around his neck. His house does not differ from those of other people, except the huts being a little larger, and surmounted by ostrich eggs. I found my house a very good one, with three rooms or huts, and a shade for the heat of the day; and the sultan and midaki sent me a sheep, yams, fish, milk, honey, and eggs.

Friday, 31st.—This morning I waited on the sultan with my present, which consisted of eight yards of red cloth, eight yards of blue, eight yards of silk, a blue silk umbrella, an African sword, three pair of white cotton stockings, three pair of gloves, two phosphorus boxes, three clasp-knives, and three pair of scissars, a mock-gold chain, beads, and coral; for the midaki, pictures of the king, and royal family, &c. I displayed my present to the best advantage, and explained the uses of the different articles. The sword he was delighted with, and the chain, I saw, had won the midaki’s heart. She first put it around her own neck, then taking it off, and putting it around the sultan’s, looked up in his face with as sweet an expression of countenance as ever I saw. Upon the whole, my present appeared to have the effect I wished. After giving me a great many thanks, and the presents were taken away, he began again about Youri: said, that Yarro of Kiama had informed him that I was going there. I said, I meant to have gone there, but that I should now defer my visit until my return; that the rains were now at hand; that by the way of Youri there was war, and I could not get to Bornou before the rains; that remaining in Youri or Houssa during that season would kill me, and they had better put a sword through me at once than detain me. He said there was no sultan between Koolfu and Guari. I told him the taja had engaged to find me bullocks to carry my baggage to Kano. He then asked me when I wished to go away. I replied, “To-morrow.” “Well,” says he, “you shall go in the afternoon.” I said I would prefer daybreak, as I wished to make observations at the river side, and see my baggage safely over. I had some apprehension that the king of Youri, should he hear that I am going by the way of Koolfu, might outwit me; on which account I mentioned my preferring to travel in the morning. “Well,” says he, “you shall go when you please.”

This point being settled, I asked him to lend me a horse and saddle, which he promised to do. I next inquired of him after some white men who were lost in the river near this place twenty years ago. He seemed rather uneasy at this question, and I observed that he stammered in his speech. He assured me he had nothing belonging to them; that he was a little boy when the event happened. I said, I wanted nothing but the books and papers, and to learn from him a correct account of the manner of their death; and that with his permission, I would go and visit the spot where they were lost. He said no, I must not go; it was a very bad place. Having heard that part of the boat still remained, I asked him if it was so: he replied, that such a report was untrue; that she did remain on the rocks for some time after, but had gone to pieces and floated down the river long ago. I said if he would give me the books and papers it would be the greatest favour he could possibly confer on me. He again assured me that nothing remained with him, every thing of that kind had gone into the hands of the learned men; but that if any were now in existence he would procure them and give them to me. I then asked him if he would allow me to inquire of the old people in the town the particulars of the affair, as some of them must have seen it. He appeared very uneasy, gave me no answer, and I did not press him further. In the afternoon the sultan came galloping up in front of my house, a man running after him, holding the umbrella I had given him; but the bearer could not keep up with the horse, or hold it over his head.

In the evening I was visited by the sultan and midaki, and the king of Youri’s messenger with them. The messenger said his master had sent provisions and every thing for my voyage up the river to Youri. I told him I could not but feel much obliged to the king of Youri for his kindness; but that the rains were close at hand, and the road between Youri and Bornou shut up by the war; that on my return, after the rains, I should certainly visit the king, for his kindness on this occasion. The sultan of Boussa said I should be making an enemy of the king of Youri if I went away without seeing him or sending him a present. I said I really had nothing here to give; that if the messenger of the king of Youri would accompany me to the ferry where my baggage was, I would give him as good a present as I was able; but that I had now very little to give. The Youri messenger was very anxious that I should go with him; but the midaki, whose heart the gold chain has won, fairly beat him off the field, and it was decided that I am not to go to Youri. The sultan made a great many inquiries about England, and asked me two or three times if I had not come to buy slaves. I laughed in his face, and told him there was nothing we so much abhorred in England as slavery; that the king of England did every thing to prevent other nations buying slaves; that the slave trade was the ruin of Africa; that Yourriba presented nothing but ruined towns and deserted villages, and all caused by the slave-trade; that it was very bad to buy and sell men like bullocks and sheep. It was now nearly dinner-time, and he said he would come and see me at night.

At eight in the evening the sultan came, accompanied by the midaki, and one male slave. He began again about Youri; but I repeated what I had said before. He then asked me if the king of England was a great man. “Yes,” I said, “the greatest of all the white kings.” “But,” says he, “you live on the water?” “Oh no,” I said, “we have more land than there is between Boussa and Badag (as they call Badagry), and more than five thousand towns.” “Well,” says he, “I thought, and always have heard, that you lived on the water. How many wives has the king?” “Only one wife,” I said. “What!” says he, “only one wife?” “Yes,” says I; “no man is allowed more than one wife, and they hang a man if he has two at one time.” “That is all very good for other men,” says he; “but the king having only one wife is not good.” When I told him, if the king had a daughter and no son, she would rule the kingdom at her father’s death, he laughed immoderately, as did the midaki, who was apparently well pleased with the idea of only one wife, and a woman ruling. I asked him who were the first people who inhabited this part of the country. He said the Cambrie; that his ancestors were from Bornou; that the sultan of Niki was descended from a younger branch of his family; that his ancestors and people had come into this country a long time ago; that his family were descended from the sultans of Bornou; and that they had paid the latter tribute until, of late years, the road had been shut up; but that he would pay it all up whenever the road was open; that the sultans of Youriba, Niki, Kiama, Wawa, and Youri, paid tribute to Bornou. I then asked him at what place the river entered the sea. He replied he did not know: but he had heard people say it went to Bini, which is the name they give to Bornou. I asked if he had ever seen any of the Bini people, or if they come up as far as this by the river. He said, no, he had never seen any of them; that he understood they never came higher up the river than Nyffe or Tappa (as they call Nyffe). He remained with me until near morning, and when he was gone, finding I could not sleep, and hearing the sound of sweet-toned instruments, I sent for the musician, and made him play and sing to me. On sending him away, I desired him to call in the morning and I would pay him, and to bring his instrument with him.

Saturday, 1st April.—Morning cool and cloudy, with a little rain. The Houssa musician came to his appointment, and I made him play and sing. I made a sketch of his instrument, which I asked him to sell to me; but he said he had played on it to his father and mother, and they were pleased with it; they were now dead, and he would not part with it. My servant Ali was cooking a fowl for my breakfast, and having occasion to call him, he came with a knife in his hand; on seeing which, the musician started, and ran as if he had been going to be put to death instantly. The women in the house, when they saw him run, rolled on the ground, and laughed at the poor man’s fright. After breakfast I visited the sultan, and asked him to be allowed to depart, as my baggage was to have been at the river-side yesterday. He said I must not leave him to-day, and that when I came back I must stay forty days with him. I was visited by a great number of people, amongst which were many Fellatas, the chief of whom sent me a sheep, honey, and milk. The sultan, when I inquired of him again to-day about the papers of my unfortunate countrymen, said that the late imam, a Fellata, had had possession of all the books and papers, and that he had fled from Boussa some time since. This was a death-blow to all future inquiries here; and the whole of the information concerning the affair of the boat, her crew, and cargo, which I was likely to gain here, I have already stated. Every one in fact appeared uneasy when I asked for information, and said it had happened before their remembrance, or that they did not see it. They pointed out the place where the boat struck, and the unfortunate crew perished. Even this was done with caution, and as if by stealth; though, in every thing unconnected with that affair, they were most ready to give me what information I asked; and never in my life have I been treated with more hospitality or kindness.

The place pointed out to me, where the boat and crew were lost, is in the eastern channel: the river being divided into three branches at this place, not one of which is more than a good pistol-shot across. A low flat island, of about a quarter of a mile in breadth, lies between the town of Boussa and the fatal spot, which is in a line, from the sultan’s house, with a double-trunked tree with white bark, standing singly on the low flat island. The bank is not particularly high at present, being only about ten feet above the level of this branch, which here breaks over a gray slate rock, extending quite across to the eastern shore: this shore rises into gentle hills, composed of gray slate, thinly scattered with trees; and the grass at this season gives it a dry and withered appearance.

The city of Boussa is situated on an island in the river Quorra, and is in latitude 10° 14′ north, longitude 6° 11′ east. The course of the Quorra here is from north-north-west to south-south-east by compass; and, as they informed me, is full of islands and rocks as far up the river as they were acquainted with it, and the same below. Boussa stands nearest the westernmost branch, which is called by the natives the river Menai; the other two branches have no other name than the Quorra. The Menai’s stream is slow and sluggish; those of the other two strong, with eddies and whirlpools breaking over rocks, which in some places appear above water. Boussa island, as I shall call it, is about three miles in length from north to south, and a mile and a half in breadth at the broadest part. A ridge of rock, composed of gray slate, runs from one end of the island to the other, forming a precipice from twenty to thirty feet high on the eastern side, and shelving gently down on the west: below this precipice extends a beautiful holm or meadow, nearly the whole length of the island, and about three hundred yards broad, to the banks of the river, where there are several rocky mounds, on which villages to the number of four are built. The wall of Boussa is about a quarter of a mile from the banks of the Menai, and unites with the two extremities of the rocky precipice, where they fall in with the banks of the river; and may be about three quarters of a mile or a mile in length. The houses are built in clusters, or forming small villages, inside the wall, not occupying above one-tenth of the ground enclosed. Outside the walls, on the same island, are several villages, with plantations of corn, yams, and cotton. The language of the people of Boussa is the same as the other states of Borgoo, and appears to be a dialect of the Yourriba: but the Houssa language is understood by all classes, even by the Cambrie. I should not think that the whole of the inhabitants living between the wall and the river amounted to more than ten or twelve thousand; but I was informed that the state of Boussa was more populous than all the other provinces of Borgoo; and that, next to Houssa, the sultan of Boussa, from that state alone, could raise more horse than any other prince between Houssa and the sea. The inhabitants, with a very few exceptions, are pagans, as is the sultan, though his name is Mohamed. Milk is his fetish, and which he, therefore, does not taste. This I learnt when he drank tea with me. They eat monkeys, dogs, cats, rats, fish, beef, and mutton; the latter only on great occasions, or when they sacrifice. This morning when I was with the sultan, his breakfast was brought in, which I was asked to partake of. It consisted of a large grilled water-rat with the skin on, some very fine boiled rice, with dried fish stewed in palm oil, and fried or stewed alligators’ eggs, and fresh Quorra water. I eat some of the stewed fish and rice, and they were much amused at my not eating the rat and the eggs. Their arms are, the bow, sword, spear, and a heavy club of about two feet and a half in length, bent at the end and loaded with iron: their defensive armour is a tanned leather shield, of a circular form, and the tobe or large shirt gathered in folds round the body, and made fast round the waist with a belt.

From the front of the Sultan’s house they pointed out to me a high table-topped mountain, bearing by compass north-north-east, distant from twenty-five to thirty miles. On the south-west side of this mountain they say Youri lies; and the Quorra runs past the west end of the mountain.

When I went to take leave of the sultan and midaki, the latter made me a present of a fine young native horse; his brother, a fine young man, accompanied me; the head man, or, as he is called, the avoikin sirka and the principal people of Boussa, also accompanied me to the banks of the Menai, when I crossed and took leave of them; the messenger of the sultan of Boussa, and a messenger of the king of Youri, to whom I had promised to deliver a present for his master when I got to the ferry, attending me. Thus ended my visit to Boussa.

CHAPTER IV.
JOURNEY FROM BOUSSA, ACROSS THE FERRY OF THE QUORRA, BY GUARRI AND ZEGZEG, TO THE CITY OF KANO.

Leaving the banks of that branch of the Quorra called Menai at 10.30 in the morning of the 2d of April, I travelled on the Wawa road as far as the Cambrie villages mentioned on my way to Boussa. Here we turned off south-south-west ½ west., sometimes near the banks of the river; the road winding, woody, and rocky, and cut up into deep ravines, in which there were pools of water, and near which were the traces of numerous wild beasts, but few were seen, and those were of the large species of antelope. At 2 P.M. halted at one of the rocky ravines to water the horses. I heard the Quorra roaring as if there was a waterfall close at hand. I ascended the high rocky bank of the ravine, and the rocky ridge which here formed the banks of the river, where I saw the stream rushing around two low rocky and wooded islands and among several islets and rocks, when taking a sudden short bend to the westward, the waters dashed with great violence against the foot of the rock on which I sat, and which might form a precipice of about fifty feet high above the river. Just below the islands, and nearly half way across, the river had a fall at this time of from three to four feet; the rest of the channel was studded with rocks, some of which were above water. It occurred to me that even if Park and Martin had passed Boussa in safety, they would have been in imminent danger of perishing here, most likely unheard of and unseen. When I attempted to get up and mount my horse, after finishing a rough sketch of the scene, I was taken with a giddiness, and lost the use of my limbs and sight. They carried me under the shade of a tree, where I broke into a profuse perspiration; and at 3.30 being much relieved, I mounted and rode half an hour, when I halted at a village of the Cambrie, called Songa, the inhabitants of which gave me the best hut in the village: but bad was the best; it was infested with rats, scorpions, and centipedes, and the furniture consisted of old nets, rotten wood, and broken gourds: I therefore left it, and remained on a mat in the open air all night. The head man of the village gave me a sheep and some yams, and at my request sent one of his young men to the ferry, to see if my baggage and servants had arrived. I gave the sheep and yams to the two messengers and their attendants. The young Cambrie man returned about midnight with an answer from the taya, saying that Richard would be up with the baggage at the ferry in the morning.

Monday, 3d.—Morning clear and cool. These Cambrie appear to be a lazy, harmless race of negroes; and, as I was informed, inhabit the villages in the woods near the Quorra, in the states of Boussa, Wawa, and Youri. They plant a little corn and yams, and keep a few sheep and goats. The men employ their time in hunting, fishing, and sleeping; the most laborious work falling on the women. They are apparently a mild people; in general tall; more stupid-looking than wild; go with very little clothing, seldom any thing more than a skin round the waist. The young people of both sexes go entirely naked until they have cohabited, when they put on a skin, or tobe, as their circumstances will afford. They are, from their unwarlike and mild dispositions, often very ill used and imposed upon. When any of their rulers has a sudden demand for slaves or sheep, they send and take away from the poor people their children or their flocks; and any of the slaves of the sultans passing through their villages live at free quarters. They are pagans; and their temple here was a platform raised about five feet from the ground, on which were piled the heads of the hippopotamus and the alligator. The upper and under jaws of the alligators appeared in all to be of an equal length. I took some of the teeth from one that was last offered. Their language differs from that of the surrounding inhabitants.

The Quorra at this village was in one whole stream, and not above three-fourths the breadth of the Thames at Somerset House at high water, with a current from about two to two and a half or three knots: the colour of the water red and muddy: the banks on each side the river rising to the height of forty-five or fifty feet; in some places rocky: about a quarter of a mile below, it divided into three rocky streams.

At 7.30 A.M. left Songa: the road through a woody country, cut up by deep ravines with very rocky beds: the rocks mostly of red and gray granite. At 9 A.M. passed between the east end of a rocky hill, composed of porphyry, and the river; the hills on the east side appearing of the same: the river running with great force through this natural gap, which appeared as if cut on purpose to let the waters through. The river between Songa and this is full of rocky islets and rapids. After having passed the hill about a mile, the western bank shelved away from the river, leaving a high ridge by the river side, composed of sand and clay, with occasionally ridges of clay-slate, between which and the high ground it appeared as if it had formerly been the bed of the river, and is now a swamp. The ridge close to the river was studded with villages; the river full of small rocky islands, and occasionally rapids. At 10.30 arrived at the village of Comie, or, as it is more commonly called, Wonjerque, or the king’s ferry. Here the river is all in one stream; and this place is the great ferry of the caravans to and from Houssa, Nyffé, &c. The village is built on the high ground, the bank shelving gradually down to the river side, where there is a second temporary town composed of the huts of the merchants: here and in the village all was bustle and confusion. A caravan going to Gonja was halted on the eastern bank; on the western, the goffle from Gonja, with kolla nuts, &c. The village was filled with horses and men dressed out in their gayest trappings: here merchants were offering horses for sale; there their slaves, with gay glass beads, cords of silk, unwrought silk, and tobes and turkadoes for sale; some dancing and drumming; while others, more wicked, were drinking and rioting. I was provided with a good house, and received presents of milk, honey, eggs, ducks, sheep, and goats, as soon as it was known I had arrived; but I returned the whole of them, and said I would accept of nothing until my servants and baggage arrived. Several people came and said they had left Wawa early in the morning, and that my baggage was on the road. The widow Zuma, who is at a neighbouring village, sent me boiled rice and a fowl, and also an invitation to go and stop at her house until my things came, and I should cross the river; but my anxiety for my baggage, and my being rather unwell, prevented me accepting her invitation. I had a visit from the taya, who declares the baggage will be here in the course of a short time. He has now changed his tone: he says I must buy bullocks and pay for them at once, as he will not carry my baggage: he will buy the bullocks for me, and find men to drive them; that he will sell me those which he has bought from the widow; and that he will trust to my generosity for a present when I arrive at Kano; that my baggage, he said, would be here directly, and advised me to go and stop at the widow’s until it came. Towards evening my anxiety was very great on account of my baggage, as no appearance of it, or any tidings that I could depend upon was to be learnt. The governor’s son of Wawa, who is here, offered to go to Wawa and see what was the reason they had not come.

Tuesday, 4th.—I found on his return from Wawa, to my great surprise, that my baggage would not be allowed to come until the widow Zuma went back to Wawa. “What have I to do with the widow?” I asked him. “Yes, you have,” says he, “and you must come back with me and fetch her.” “Not I,” I answered; “what have I to do with her? If I were governor of Wawa I would bring her back if I wanted her, but I am a stranger.” “Then,” says he, “I will go if you will send a token and a message, to say I come from you.” I gave him my umbrella, but no message, declaring I would not send any. The governor’s son went to the widow, and I went to Wawa, where I arrived at noon. My trusty servant Richard arrived at the same instant from Boussa, where he had been to seek me, and acquaint me of the detention of my property: his only guide, a boy whose language he did not understand, or any other but his own native English. He had seen the sultan and midaki, who understood from the little boy who accompanied him what he had come for. They treated him with great kindness, making him remain all night; and in the morning sent him with two armed men to protect him and to find me, and to desire the governor of Wawa to allow my things to go instantly: a convincing fact that the minds of men here must be much changed for the better since the days of Park and Martin. He had left Wawa yesterday, to come and inform me of the detention of my baggage, and the cause why; which was the widow Zuma’s having left Wawa about half an hour after I did, with drums beating before her, and a train after her, first calling at my house before she waited on the governor; giving Pascoe a female slave for a wife, without the governor’s permission, which I had allowed him to accept; and the widow’s declaration before she went away, that she intended following me to Kano, and come back and make war on the governor, as she had done once before.

I was glad to find all my things safe; and was more amused than vexed to think that I had been so oddly let into the politics of Wawa, and that the old governor meant me no harm, but just to let me see his consequence before I left Wawa. I certainly never would have thought that the widow Zuma would have been at the head of the malcontents in Wawa. I was now let into their politics with a vengeance; and it was believed I was taking a very great share in them. It would have been a fine end to my journey indeed, if I had deposed old Mohamed, and set up for myself, with a walking tun-butt for a queen.

I sent to the governor the instant of my arrival at Wawa, to say I was ready to wait on him. I had tea to refresh me and clear up my ideas; and went, accompanied by his head man. My servant Ali brought the rifle, which was loaded; but I ordered him back with a severe reproof, as I always make a point of going unarmed; as the least show of fear or distrust would most likely cause me to pay dearly for my unnecessary caution. The head man said, “Ah! dua, dua,” or that I had taken medicine to keep me from harm. I found the governor just roused from his noon-day nap, which was done by sound of horn. I put on as many smiles as I was master of, shook hands with him, and asked how he did, and how he had been since I last was blessed with the sight of him. I told him that I had seen the sultan of Boussa, and said what a good and generous man he was; and how well he and the midaki, his wife, and the governor’s sister, had behaved to me. I then said, I was surprised that my things had not come to the water side, according to his promise. He asked if the widow was not going to take them, as he thought she was. I said, I had nothing to do with the widow; I was a servant of the king of England, and it was to him I looked; that I did not know the widow before I came here. “Is she not going to Houssa with you? if she is greater than me, let her take them.” I said, no; it was he, and not the widow: I had nothing to say to her; and I would thank him to send me and my things off as soon as possible. “As soon as the widow comes back,” says he, “you shall go, not until then: send for her.” I said, I would not send for her; I had nothing to do with her. “You allowed your servant to take a female slave from her; send her back; and if the widow comes back to-night you shall go to-morrow.” I said, as to the widow’s coming or going, it was nothing to me: with respect to Pascoe’s returning the girl, that was his affair; and that no offence had been meant to the governor in allowing him to accept her. He said, return her, and he would give him another; and if the widow came to-night I should go in the morning: she was his enemy, and was gone to stir up war against him, as she had done once before. I said, he might blame his head man for my acquaintance with the widow: he was present when she first came to my house; and, as she was an enemy of the governor, he ought to have told me then, and I, as a stranger, and the governor’s guest, would not have allowed her to come to my house. We parted after this, and in the evening he sent me a present of one fowl, yams, milk, and honey.

Wednesday, 5th.—This morning the widow arrived in town, with a drummer beating before her, whose cap was bedecked with ostrich feathers; a bow-man walking on foot at the head of her horse; a train behind, armed with bows, swords, and spears. She rode a-straddle on a fine horse, whose trappings were of the first order for this country. The head of the horse was ornamented with brass plates, the neck with brass bells, and charms sewed in various coloured leather, such as red, green, and yellow; a scarlet breast-piece, with a bright brass plate in the centre; scarlet saddle-cloth, trimmed with lace. She was dressed in red silk trowsers, and red morocco boots; on her head a white turban, and over her shoulders a mantle of silk and gold. Had she been somewhat younger and less corpulent, there might have been great temptation to head her party, for she has certainly been a very handsome woman, and such as would have been thought a beauty in any country in Europe.

After the heat of the day was over, I went to the governor, Pascoe having previously sent back his wife to the widow. They parted without reluctance, though he declared that she had fallen in love with him at first sight. She was the second wife the old fellow has had since we left Badagry: the first he got at Jannah; she turned out to be a thief, a jade, and used to get drunk with the king’s wives at Katunga, for which I was obliged to order her out of the house; but Pascoe, with tears in his eyes, begged me to forgive her, as she really loved him, and he loved her. I was not sorry when I heard, the day we left Katunga, that she had walked off with all the coral and other little trinkets which Mrs. Belzoni had given him before he left England, as I trusted it would be a lesson to him in future. I told the governor that the widow was now arrived, and I wished he would send me off according to his promise. He said, he did not know that she had arrived, but would send for her. He again repeated what he had said yesterday, and so did I; to which I added that I should be sorry if such a foolish affair should have any effect on the good understanding that existed between him and me before I went to Boussa. The widow arrived, having stripped off her finery, and put on only a common country cloth around her, and one female slave in attendance. She saluted the governor according to the custom of the country; that is, by kneeling down on the ground on her knees and elbows, with the palms of her hands before her face. It was some time before the governor spoke: he then began, and gave her a lecture on disobedience and vanity, and asked her where she was going: she said, after some slaves of hers who had run away and gone to Nyffé: with which excuse, after his telling her she did not speak the truth, she was dismissed; and when she got outside the coozie, or hut, she shook the dust from her cloth with the greatest contempt. “That,” says he, “is a bad woman; none of the sultans like her; she will not pay duty on any thing: but you shall go to-morrow.” I went home, determined never to be caught in such a foolish affair in future, as my last journey ought to have taught me never to make friends of the opposition party in any place, for they were always sure to lead to trouble, if not mischief.

As the governor said I should go to-morrow, I took him at his word, and accordingly left Wawa the second time, determined that politics should never bring me back to the place again. We halted at a village of the Cambrie, remained here an hour, then proceeded an hour, and halted at another, where the gentlemen seized a sheep, as they had done at the former place. I gave them a severe lecture, which they listened to very quietly, but killed the sheep, lighted a fire, and roasted it with the skin on, before the poor Cambrie its owner. In the evening I arrived at the ferry, where I had an excellent house, and plenty of presents of sheep, eggs, and honey, sent to me and my friends: the carriers arriving at sunset with the baggage, and living at free quarters on the inhabitants, as they had done on the Cambrie.

Being unwell, I remained at the ferry three days; and on the 10th, about noon, having got all my baggage over, I crossed the Quorra, which at this time was about a quarter of a mile in width, running at the rate of two miles an hour, and in the middle ten or twelve feet deep. The ferry is crossed by canoes of about twenty feet long and two broad. Cattle are occasionally made to swim over.

The four rogues of slaves wanted to cheat me out of my horse, and urgently invited me to pass over first. I told them, when I saw the horses fairly over I would go, but not until then: at which they were evidently much disappointed; and as it was, they succeeded in cheating me out of one which the governor had lent me.

The master of the house in which I lived in Comie, a very respectable man, and formerly head man to the king of Nyffé, but who had fled to escape the civil war, told me that the river was full of rocks and islands nearly the whole way to the sea, which it entered at the town of Fundah; that the people of that country visited the southern parts of Nyffé; that the people of Benin came up by land, and had the river to cross, as they never travelled by water if they could avoid it, it being against their fetish; that the river farther down ran more to the eastward, until joined by the river Kadania, flowing from the east, when it turned to the west, and fell into the sea.

I now proceeded on my journey towards Kano, and having travelled about six miles, came to a walled village called Dallu; and beyond that five miles to El Wata, which appeared to be inhabited by blacksmiths. Though the village was small, I counted, on the way to where I was to lodge, four large blacksmiths’ shops with five forges in each. The blacksmiths were very civil to me; they gave me their best house, some corn for my horses, and a goat and some yams.

The natives of Borgoo, of whom I have now taken leave, and to whom the Arabs and their neighbouring nations give such a bad character for theft and robbery, always behaved honestly to me. I never lost the smallest article while amongst them. I have travelled and hunted alone with them, and myself, servants, and baggage, have been at their mercy. I ever found them cheerful, obliging, good-natured, and communicative; and the plundering of the sheep, goats, &c. from the villages, by the slaves of Yarro and Mohamed of Wawa, was not the act of natives of Borgoo, but of Houssa; as were the four messengers of Wawa, who had also formed a design to plunder me. These persons are nearly half-starved, and possessed with the idea that it is only right their masters’ subjects should feed them when on a journey, as they have no other provision but what they can catch in this manner; and therefore all they can lay their hands on is considered by them as good and lawful prize. They are more warlike than any of their neighbours; more bold and independent also: and parties of two or three will infest the roads of the neighbouring kingdoms, and carry off passengers whom they may meet, and sell them as slaves.

The kingdom, as I have already said, is divided into the petty states of Niki, Kiama, Wawa, and Boussa, of which Boussa is considered the head, Niki the next. The governors are all hereditary as long as they can keep their place. These states sometimes make war upon one another, when the sultan of Boussa interferes, and makes both parties pay. The kingdom is bounded on the east by the Quorra; on the south by Yourriba; on the west by Dahomey; and on the north by a large country called Gourma, which they assert to be inhabited by naked savages, but the Mahomedans say by a civilized people, and governed by a powerful sultan. The country is eleven days’ journey from north to south, and thirty from east to west: its rivers are the Quorra, Moussa, and Oli: its mountains are the range which passes through Yourriba, Youri, Zamfra, Guari, and Zegzeg. The face of the country is partly plain and partly mountainous, abounding in game of all the kinds common to Africa; and the inhabitants are said to be great hunters. Through Borgoo the caravans from Houssa and Bornou pass to Gonja and Yourriba. They have few cattle, but plenty of corn, yams, plantains, and limes. Their religion is paganism, but they offer no human sacrifices.

Tuesday, 11th.—Left El Wata, the country around which is well cultivated. The ant-hills here are the highest I have ever seen, being from fifteen to twenty feet high, resembling so many Gothic cathedrals in miniature. Halted at another walled village to change carriers, which, like El Wata, was also full of blacksmiths. In all the villages I passed through to-day there is a fetish-house, or pagan house of worship, in good repair; showing that the head people and the majority of the inhabitants, though pagans, have a regard for religion. Figures of human beings are painted on these houses, as are also the boa, the alligator, and the tortoise. The country is well cultivated, and planted with corn, and yams, and cotton. They have plenty of sheep and goats, a few small horses, but no cows; and large plantations of bananas and plantains are seen by the river side. The blacksmiths are still in great numbers. They get their iron ore from the hills, which they smelt where they dig it, and which is done without mining. The taya paid me a visit, wishing me to remain at this place to-morrow, as an army of the Fellatas were in Koolfu, on their return to Sockatoo. He still shuffles off his bargain, and begged hard that I would remain here until the day after to-morrow, as the Fellatas would then be gone. I said I had nothing to do with the Fellatas; they would not hurt me: that he had put me off from day to day, always making a fresh bargain, different from the one he had made before. I offered him half the money here, on his giving me proper security; but he began haggling again, and went off without coming to any certain agreement, as he has always done. I however determined to get to Koolfu to-morrow if possible, as these Fellatas are the very people I want to meet, more particularly if they are from Sockatoo.