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James M Nichols

PERRY'S SAINTS

OR

THE FIGHTING PARSON'S REGIMENT IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION

BY

JAMES M. NICHOLS

BOSTON

D. LOTHROP AND COMPANY

32 Franklin Street

Copyright, 1885, by

D. Lothrop and Company.

Electrotyped by

C.J. Peters & Son, Boston.

MEMORIAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR.

To the rising generation the war of the rebellion already seems more like a romance than a reality. One by one the active participants in that momentous period of the nation's history are passing away. In a few years there will not be a veteran left to tell the story of his own experience on field and in camp. Hardly had the writer of the following pages completed and revised his work, and placed the copy in the hands of the publishers, when he, too, was summoned to join the great army beyond. That he had a touch of the rare quality which we call heroism, as well as fervent patriotism, is sufficient reason why the reader should know something more about him than is disclosed in the faithful and comprehensive record of his army life contained in this volume.

James M. Nichols was born in Haverhill, Mass., in 1835. His early education was received in the public schools of his native town, and he prepared for college at Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. He graduated at Williams College in 1857, having been a fellow-student with President James A. Garfield. The storming of Fort Sumter fired his heart with patriotism, and he was soon among his own townsmen actively engaged in enlisting a company which was at once consolidated in another organization. He then went to New York, and was commissioned as a lieutenant in the 48th regiment, but afterwards rose to the rank of captain. During his three years of service Colonel Nichols was second to none in that famous regiment in thorough devotion to duty and in the display of soldierly qualities. On several occasions he was in command of the regiment, and led it through many a fiery ordeal with courage and ability. In recognition of these services he was brevetted successively major, lieutenant-colonel, and colonel. In private life Mr. Nichols was frank, manly, impulsive, sympathetic, and an earnest Christian. To these qualities were added musical gifts and a rare power in conversation, which made him a delightful companion; while to those who knew him best, his thorough genuineness, and the nobility of a nature which scorned everything narrow and mean, made him the trusted and beloved friend. He died suddenly, July 1, 1886, from the effects of disease contracted in the service. He was tenderly borne to his last resting-place by comrades from the Grand Army of the Republic, and he has left behind as the inalienable possession of his sons the legacy of a pure, upright, and useful life.

PREFACE.

The following narrative is, for the most part, a transcript from journals kept by the writer during his three years and more of service in the army of the Union. Facts, experiences, and observations, were noted down from day to day, whether we were in camp, in garrison, or in the field, and are given to the public in the hope not only of affording pleasure to those who have never shared in such experiences, but of correcting erroneous impressions in regard to the real life of the soldier. Those who served in the army, I feel assured, will recognize the truthfulness of the picture of army life.

James M. Nichols,
Brev.-Col. U.S. Vols.

Haverhill, Mass.

CONTENTS.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

[Fort Sumter].
[The Union Volunteer Refreshment Saloon].
[Fortress Monroe].
[Map of a Portion of "Sea Islands," showing "Port Royal."]
[Plan of the Battle at Port Royal Harbor].
[Fort Walker].
[Fort Beauregard].
[Drayton's Mansion].
[Pope's House at Hilton Head].
[Live Oak Grove at Port Royal].
[Negro Quarters].
[Obstructions in Savannah River].
[Fort Pulaski].
[Breach in Fort Pulaski].
[The Planter].
[Headquarters of Hunter and Mitchell].
[Martello Tower, Tybee Island].
[New Ironsides and Monitors].
[The Interior of Fort Sumter].
[Siege of Charleston].
[Noiseless Hauling of the Guns].
[Bomb and Splinter Proof].
[Fort Wagner at Point of Assault].
[Fort Wagner, Sea Front].
[The Swamp Angel Battery].
[A Florida Swamp and Jungle].
[General Grant's Headquarters at City Point].
[Line of Defence at Bermuda Hundred].
[Pickets on Duty].
[Fort Darling].
[General Smith's Headquarters, Cold Harbor].
[Position of General Smith's Command at Cold Harbor, Va.].
[Battery and Church Tower. Site of Jamestown].
[Battery near Dutch Gap].
[Defences of Richmond and Petersburg].
[Outline of the Crater and Magazines].
[Army's Huts at Chapin's Farm].
[Officer's Quarters, Chapin's Farm].
[Pontoon Bridge at Jones' Landing, near Deep Bottom].
[Interior of Fort Fisher].
[Plan of Land and Naval Operations at Fort Fisher].
[Mound Battery near Fort Fisher].
[M'lean's House, the Place of Lee's Surrender].
[Place of Johnston's Surrender to Sherman].

PERRY'S SAINTS.

[CHAPTER I.]

Causes of the War.

For years the irrepressible conflict had been going on. From the halls of Congress to the remotest hamlet of the North, the subject of slavery—its national wrong and its individual cruelties—was the constant occasion for irritating debate and violent denunciation. The wall of separation between the North and the South was slowly but steadily building. In the North there had grown up a settled determination that the territorial limits of slavery should be extended no farther, and that the relation of master and slave should not exist in any State north of Mason's and Dixon's line. As this sentiment found frequent expression in active resistance to those laws which sought to protect the master in his rights when travelling or sojourning in the North for purposes of business or relaxation, and in the increasingly aggressive acts of individuals and societies, who sought by all the means in their power to awaken in the slaves a desire for liberty, and to make their way easy for escape from bondage, the conviction became universal at the South that to preserve that institution, regarded as so necessary to their physical and social life, and to establish an effectual barrier to the encroachments of the popular sentiments, not of the North alone, but of the civilized world, there must be separation, and a distinct government of their own.

FORT SUMTER.

The conclusion was a logical one, but the territory gained by the blood and treasure of all the people belonged equally to all; and separate existence on the part of the two sections was impossible; and the echoes of the first gun in Charleston harbor, aimed against the Federal flag at Sumter, reverberated among the hills and through the valleys of the North, till every household was awakened, and every arm nerved for the coming conflict. The South had calculated upon divisions and dissensions. It had long been maturing its plans and organizing its forces. The head of the Federal government, and many of the councillors and advisers of the administration, were men who either quietly ignored or actively participated in these preparations. The arsenals within its limits, and the fortified points along its coast, with the vast quantities of government property which they contained, were with few exceptions taken possession of without a struggle. Everything at those places in the North where materials of war were manufactured or stored had been ordered to the South. Our navy had been detailed to foreign service, so that at the outbreak of the rebellion there were but two small vessels available for immediate use. Consequently, at the outset, the South possessed many important advantages. But it was mistaken in its conclusions. The unanimity of feeling at the North was hardly less than at the South; and when a new executive sent out his appeals to the loyal States, the answer was immediate. From every city and town, from every village and hamlet, and almost from every household, the word came back: "We are ready for any sacrifice"; "All we have is at the service of the government." The young men put on their armor and gathered themselves together, and the old men lifted their hands towards heaven and blessed them. Wife and mother, though with tears of anguish, said God-speed. The way was dark; but there was no hesitation, no doubt.

[CHAPTER II.]

Colonel Perry. Formation and character of the regiment. Luther B. Wyman, Esq.

Among those to whom the call to arms came with especial force, was the Rev. James H. Perry. He had received a military education from his country, and his country needed his services, and although for many years his mission had been one of peace and good will, his country's needs were an urgent call, and, like the prophets of old, he girt on his armor and prepared for battle.

His was a singular history. Born in Ulster County, N.Y., June, 1811, he early developed great physical and mental strength. That he naturally inclined to a military life, he gave evidence by the fact that, while yet a youth, he was prepared for entrance to West Point, the appointment to which had been promised him by President Jackson for political services rendered by his father. But the wishes of the President were thwarted during his first administration, and it was not until his second election that he secured to young Perry the appointment by sending the warrant to him by special messenger from Washington. In the mean time, the young man had not been idle, but had prepared himself for and entered upon the practice of the law, was married, and seemed settled in his life work. His early tastes, however, and his natural inclinations, decided him upon the acceptance of the appointment.

At West Point his independent and manly character brought him into frequent difficulties. The terms "Mudsills" and "Chivalry," and those of similar import, were, even at that early period, used to distinguish the Northerners from those of Southern birth, and while many of the Northern youth submitted tamely to the assumptions of the Southrons, Perry, who was not of a yielding disposition, and recognized no arbitrary claims to superiority, asserted his right to equality, and maintained it with such courage and ability that he soon became the acknowledged leader of his party, and his strength and skill were often called into requisition to repel attacks, which were the more vicious and dangerous because it was soon apparent that no one of his fellow-students could cope with him on equal terms. In one of these encounters, he barely escaped with his life, having, without suitable weapons, to protect himself against the attack of several, who were well armed and specially prepared for the contest. Court-martialled for participation in this affair, he was sentenced to dismissal. President Jackson not only annulled the sentence, but sent him a letter of commendation.

Soon after leaving West Point, he offered his services to the Texan government, which was then engaged in its struggle for independence. In his endeavor to raise a regiment he was only partially successful, but, with a considerable number of followers, he joined the revolutionary forces, when his natural abilities and military education soon secured to him a prominent place in the little army. We are not able, if space would permit, to give a detailed account of his experiences while in the Texan service. We only know that he held a high and honorable position through the whole struggle, which was finally decided by the battle of San Jacinto.

This proved the turning-point in his career. A short time previous, the forces under Santa Anna had been guilty of an unprovoked and cold-blooded massacre, which so outraged the feelings of the Texan officers that they bound themselves by the most solemn oaths to take the life of Santa Anna, whenever and wherever they should encounter him. The battle of San Jacinto, which secured the independence of Texas, and led to its annexation to the Federal Union, occurred soon after. In this battle, Colonel Perry commanded the Texan left, and, although the Mexican army outnumbered many times the revolutionary forces, in the final charge it was completely routed. In this charge, Colonel Perry found himself opposed by Santa Anna in person, as he thought, and, in compliance with the oath which he had taken, he sought and slew him. Learning soon after that he had been misled by the description given him of the Mexican commander, and that he whom he had slain was a brave and honorable officer, especially esteemed for his high character, he was so grieved and shocked that he left the Texan service abruptly, and all the offices and honors to which he was entitled by reason of his eminent services, and wended his way back to the North, carrying with him a burden of regret and sorrow, from which, in all the varying experiences of his after life, he never fully escaped. A dark cloud overshadowed his life ever after, and at times he seemed to suffer intensely.

Whether it was under the influence of this feeling that he was led to turn so completely from his chosen profession to seek in the ministry a relief from this burden, or subjected to religious influences at a time when he was unsettled in respect to his future, he felt called to this special field of labor, we cannot tell. We do know, however, that in a short time he prepared himself for the work, and for upwards of a quarter of a century devoted himself to it with unwavering zeal. For the most part, his labors were confined to the states of New York and Connecticut, where he occupied some of the most important pulpits of the Methodist-Episcopal Church.

In his new calling he exhibited marked ability, being distinguished no less for his earnest piety, and the zealous discharge of the duties of his office, than for the intellectual vigor which characterized his pulpit utterances. Several times in the course of his ministry, he was selected to represent his brethren in the general conferences of the church, and we cannot doubt the statement which we find in the short sketch of his life, from which we have gathered many facts relating to him, that in the ministry, as in the profession of arms, he found few equals and very few superiors.

At the time of the breaking-out of the war, he was the pastor of the Pacific Street Methodist-Episcopal Church, in the city of Brooklyn, having previously ministered to several others of the most prominent congregations in the same city, in all of which he is remembered with the highest respect and most tender affection. From Dickinson College he received the degree of D.D., and, at the time of our introduction to him, was in the pride of his strength, a man of noble form, of impressive manner, quiet and deliberate in his utterances, and clear and steadfast in his purposes. He had then embarked in the service of his country, and there was no looking back to more congenial employment.

The news of the bombardment of Fort Sumter was received while the conference of which he was a member was in session. Immediately rising in his seat, he said: "I was educated by the government; it now needs my services. I shall resign my ministry, and again take up my sword." His resolution was loudly cheered by the conference. Accepting the command of an organization, which had for some time been recruiting, by authority from the Secretary of War, under the title of Continental Guards, he infused into it new life and character. As companies formed, the regiment took its place as a part of the state quota, and was known as the 48th New York State Volunteers.

Under the State law, all officers, before receiving their commissions, were subject to examination by a military board appointed for the purpose; but, by the courtesy of the Governor, Colonel Perry was allowed to select his own officers, without the intervention of this board; and those whom he selected were sworn into service with the companies as fast as they were formed, without examination. He took personal charge of the enlistments, sending out to those places where he was well known, and as a result, the personnel and morale of the regiment were far above the average of those who entered the service. Indeed, I believe I should not trespass upon the truth, should I venture the statement, as the result of observations extending over more than three years, among troops from all sections of the North and West, that no regiment entered the service of the United States, during the war, which could claim superiority over the 48th, in the character of its officers and enlisted men.

While this result was due, in a large measure, to the influence of Colonel Perry's name and character, more especially in respect to the officers (and we cannot overestimate this influence), to Lieut.-Col. William B. Barton, and Quartermaster Irving M. Avery belongs the credit of originating the organization, and preserving it for a considerable period under circumstances most perplexing and embarrassing. It happened in this wise. Being personal friends, and fired with the enthusiasm which prevailed so generally, they conceived the plan of raising a company, and opened a recruiting station for that purpose. The number of recruits soon passed the limits of their early ambition, and they found themselves with several hundred men on their hands; and the problem as to how to secure them, and at the same time provide them with food and shelter, taxed to the utmost their energies, as well as the pecuniary resources of themselves and friends. Both were young, and with limited means, and their conduct under the circumstances illustrates most happily the generous impulse of enthusiasm which seized upon the people of the North, and for a time shut out all those baser and meaner motives which developed among certain classes during the progress of the war.

By most persistent efforts among the wealthier citizens of Brooklyn, and at the War Department at Washington, and at great pecuniary risk to themselves and their immediate friends, they succeeded so far in the enlistment of men, and the provision for their needs, that they felt warranted in looking forward to a regimental organization. It was then that they cast about for a suitable commander, and were led to approach Colonel Perry, with whose previous history they were somewhat acquainted, with the result as indicated in the foregoing pages.

When we take into consideration the circumstances of these two young men, and the nature and extent of the difficulties they encountered, at one time feeding and housing several hundred men out of their scanty resources, for a considerable period entirely alone and unaided in their work, we feel that they may well take to themselves a full share in the achievements of the regiment, whose birth and early life were so largely the results of their personal exertions and sacrifices.

It is scarcely to be wondered at that the regiment received the appellation of "Perry's Saints," for while many, both officers and men, were very far from being saint-like in tastes or disposition, the term was not altogether without significance. As an illustration, Captain Knowles, of Company D, was both teacher and preacher, when word was received that Dr. Perry was raising a regiment. In a short time he joined him with a company taken from school and parish, of which he became the captain. I remember very well that at the time of the re-enlistment as veterans, when I was temporarily in command of the regiment, a member of that company, a private, came to me to inquire about the terms of re-enlistment, stating that he had a farm worth several thousand dollars, and other property; that he had not been home during his term of service, and he not only wished to see his friends, but to be assured, by personal examination, that his interests were well cared for by those to whom they were entrusted. Satisfied that the terms of re-enlistment would be carried out, and that he would have the furlough promised, he did not hesitate, and as a veteran served faithfully to the end of the war. He illustrates the quality of Company D.

They were called the "Die No Mores," from the fact that while in Fort Pulaski, in their social meetings, the hymn of which this forms a part was their favorite. Poor Paxton! the brave and noble fellow! how fond we were of him, and how much we missed him. Even now I seem to hear him, as he calls to his company, in that terrible attack on Fort Wagner, "Come on, Die No Mores, follow me, Die No Mores." And they followed him, out of the darkness and tumult of that bloody night, into the light and peace of a better life, as we trust; unto Him who hath said to all men, "Follow me, and thou shalt die no more."

But comparisons are odious. Each company in the regiment had its characteristics, and all were excellent; and their officers, almost without exception, were men of education and refinement. In the work of forming the regiment, and preparing it for the field, Colonel Perry was not left alone, but was materially assisted by many influential friends from among his parishioners, who liberally provided whatever was necessary, and did all in their power to lighten his burdens and remove obstacles. The same men were the generous friends of the regiment during its whole term of service. Among them, the most prominent, and the most constant, was Luther B. Wyman, Esq., of Brooklyn, for whom our first camp, at Fort Hamilton, was named, and who will always be held in affectionate remembrance by the members of the 48th. He was a gentleman of high social qualities, of cultivated tastes, of wide influence and considerable means, and his personal friendship for Colonel Perry induced an active interest in the regiment which he was forming. He sought to promote its welfare and secure its rights, as well as to minister to its comforts, to such an extent that he was known as its special friend and patron. While engaged in service at the front, we were assured of a zealous friend at home, whose interest at the State House was powerful to secure us against the intrigues of political managers, who too often found convenient places for friends and followers in the offices which became vacant through the casualties of war.

[CHAPTER III.]

Camp Wyman. Incidents of camp life. Lieutenant Elfwing. Fête Champêtre. Departure for seat of war. List of officers. In camp near Washington. Off for Annapolis. General Butler in Maryland. Attitude of Governor Hicks. Waiting at Annapolis. Colonel Perry's last sermon. Journey to New York. Return of contrabands. Departure for Fortress Monroe.

July 24, 1861, Camp Wyman was formed, at Fort Hamilton, in New York Bay. August 16, the first two companies were mustered into service, and September 15 we received orders to be ready to proceed to Washington. In camp, the time was spent in preparing for the field. The men were regularly drilled, and the officers, by study and practice, endeavored to fit themselves for the duties before them. Not all the time was given to serious work. The men had leisure for recreation, and the officers, as they became acquainted with each other, found suitable amusements while in camp, and were allowed ample opportunity to visit friends, and procure whatever was considered needful or desirable for the campaign before us.

Lieutenant Elfwing, who had enjoyed larger experience than most of us, and withal something of a military education, undertook to initiate us into the mysteries of the sword exercise, which was supposed to be necessary to give us good and regular standing among our fellow-officers; but, fortunately for us, experience proved it to be an accomplishment, rather than a necessity. The only result of Elfwing's proficiency which became generally known, was through the good-natured acquiescence of Colonel Perry, in the proposal for a friendly trial, which occurred while we were in camp on Dawfuskie Island, S.C. We never knew that he renewed the proposal. It was generally understood that, recovering his sword, he wended his way back to his rustic bower, and in the company of congenial friends, found comforting assuagement of his mortification and chagrin, in that indescribable, but most mollifying mixture called puddle.

Elfwing was a noble-hearted, generous man. Educated not only in the schools, but by varied and extensive travel, quick of apprehension, of retentive memory and ready humor, his mind was stored with incidents of personal experience, gathered not only in his native country, Sweden, but in different parts of Europe, as well as through several years of residence in our own country. It was a delight to listen to him, for he had a very happy manner in conversation, and with his friends about him, and fairly engaged in his reminiscent wanderings, took from many an hour its weariness and many a night its sleep. A gallant soldier, he distinguished himself in every engagement in which he participated, and even the loss of a leg did not prevent his continuance in service. When we last heard of him, he was United States Consul at Stockholm, and we trust is still enjoying the honor and comfort of that office, and a more quiet and restful life than when we were together.

As previously stated, September 15, orders were received to be ready to proceed to Washington. The President had urged upon the governors of the loyal states, to hurry forward all regiments as fast as they were prepared for the field, and Governor Morgan, who was always earnest in support of the government, gave personal attention to the matter, visiting the camps, and endeavoring by his presence to arouse enthusiasm, and push forward the troops. He had not succeeded according to his wishes when he visited our camp, and on that account seemed especially pleased, when the colonel assured him that we were ready to start at a moment's notice. Among the members of his staff who accompanied him, was Chester A. Arthur, Ex-President of the United States, remembered by those who saw him at that time as a young man of fine appearance and agreeable manner.

We cannot omit to mention the fête champêtre, on that beautiful evening shortly before our departure, when so many of the friends of the regiment gathered for a few brief hours of enjoyment, before the last good-by was said. All the available resources, within and without the camp, were called into requisition to make the occasion a joyous one: and so it proved. But there is sadness linked with the happy memories of that night. Many a last good-by was said, as the early hours of morning bid the guests depart. Never again did Colonel Perry look on the face of wife or children left behind. And many a sod, in the valleys and along the hillsides of the South, rests over the silent forms of those who parted from kindred and loved ones then. But no one, at that time, had thought for such things; and when, on the 17th, we broke camp, and took our departure for the seat of war, 964 strong, we felt only the justice of our cause, and the glory of our purpose. Fortunate is it that weak human nature does not always stop to measure the probable or possible consequences of its act: a provision of Infinite Wisdom, that we know naught of the future.

The following is a list of the officers when we left Camp Wyman:—

STAFF OFFICERS.

Colonel, James H. Perry.
Lieut.-Col., Wm. B. Barton.
Major, Oliver T. Beard.
Adjt., Anthony W. Goodell.
Surgeon, Joseph L. Mulford.
Asst. Surgeon, Patrick H. Humphries.
Chaplain, William P. Strickland, D.D.
Quartermaster, Irving M. Avery.

LINE OFFICERS.

Co. A.

Captain, Louis H. Lent.
1st Lieut., B. Ryder Corwin.
2d " Asa H. Fergurson.

Co. B.

Captain, Edward R. Travis.
1st Lieut., Nere A. Elfwing.
2d " Theodore C. Vidal.

Co. C.

Captain, James Farrell.
1st Lieut., George McArdle.
2d " Townsend L. Hatfield.

Co. D.

Captain, Daniel C. Knowles.
1st Lieut., James O. Paxson.
2d " John Bodine.

Co. E.

Captain, William B. Coan.
1st Lieut., Frederick Hurst.
2d " Rob. S. Edwards.

Co. F.
Captain, James M. Green.
1st Lieut., Sam. K. Wallace.
2d " H.W. Robinson.

Co. G.

Captain, Anthony Elmendorf.
1st Lieut., Wm. H. Dunbar.
2d " James M. Nichols.

Co. H.

Captain, D.W. Strickland.
1st Lieut., W.L. Lockwood.
2d " C.N. Patterson.

Co. I.

Captain, Joseph G. Ward.
1st Lieut., S.M. Swartwout.
2d " Jas. H. Perry, Jr.

Co. K.

Captain, Samuel J. Foster.
1st Lieut., Sylvanus G. Gale.
2d " Albert F. Miller.

The spirit with which we went forth to service is evidenced by the following, taken from the journal of Melville R. Conklin, a private of Company K. Mentioning the fact that Governor Morgan visited the camp on the 15th, bringing orders to go to Washington, he says: "The order was hailed with joy by every man in camp, as we are all anxious for active duty." The 16th was occupied in packing up, and the Long Roll was beaten for the first time at 2 o'clock on the morning of the 17th, when the men were formed in line, with knapsacks, haversacks, and canteens, but without arms. These were furnished us when we reached the boat which conveyed us on our way to the South.

It is an interesting fact that Colonel Perry did not give up his work as preacher and pastor until informed of the final order to march, which was communicated to him while he was engaged in the public exercises of the church. Bringing the services to an abrupt conclusion, he started for his command, and never resumed the office of preacher, except on one occasion, which will be referred to hereafter.

Of our journey, we remember only the hospitable welcome at Philadelphia, where we stopped for dinner. Ample provision had been made, and, in common with thousands of others, we have occasion for gratitude to the men and women who, not only at this time, but during the whole war, contributed so generously of their means and personal services, to provide for the wants of the soldiers who passed through their city on their way to the front. At Washington, we were assigned quarters for a single night, in a large brick building on Pennsylvania Avenue, not far from Willard's Hotel. Early the following morning, orders were received to go into camp on the plain back of the Capitol, but, the colonel not being decided as to the exact location, we spent the night without shelter. This was a slight foretaste of the life before us, and in many minds, through that first night of exposure, away from friends, and fairly entered upon new and uncertain experiences, there was a lingering look behind, while through the imagination swept those changing pictures of the future, to which a vague uncertainty or sad foreboding gave a solemn tone.

But the morning light dispelled these dreams, and the novelty of pitching tents and establishing camp for ourselves, kept mind and hand busy. In a few days we changed our location to the immediate vicinity of the other regiments of our brigade, and for the next few weeks our time was fully occupied in perfecting our company and regimental drill. Well we remember the idle speculations of officers and men in regard to our final destination, but while we were soon assured that we were to form a part of the expeditionary corps under Sherman, beyond this, we were completely at fault. And well we might be, since the particular point to be attacked was left to the selection of General Sherman and Admiral Dupont, who were themselves some time in doubt. Colonel Perry soon gave ample evidence of his superior qualifications as an officer, and as a regiment, in a short time, we took the highest rank among the troops with whom we were associated.

October 5 we left Washington for Annapolis, and this movement determined for us, finally, that we were to join the great southern expedition, and that our point of attack was to be in the very centre and hot-bed of the rebellion—and we were satisfied. There was no thought of the danger from the enemy or the inclemency of the climate, but only of the possibility of being able to strike such effective blows as would give us an honorable place in the final suppression of the rebellion.

At Annapolis Junction, we found part of the troops who had been detailed to protect the railroads, rendered necessary by the attitude of the people of Maryland, who at this time leaned all too generally towards their Southern brethren. Even Governor Hicks, although loyal at heart, under the pressure of the hot-headed secessionists who surrounded him, had protested to the President against the passage of troops through the state, and had it not been for the prompt decision and energetic action of General Butler, the Federal government would have suffered serious embarrassment in this matter. The bayonets of his soldiers opened the way, while their intelligence supplied the means of transportation. Roads were rebuilt, and engines repaired, while troops were stationed along the lines to guard them from interruption. Although Governor Hicks, in the meantime, had recovered his loyalty, so nearly lost, the troops whom we met were still needed to secure its constancy. It was midnight when we reached Annapolis, in the midst of a driving storm, and the deserted college buildings were the only places which promised shelter. To these we were refused admittance by the trustees, but upon the colonel's remarking that he had never seen a lock that a bayonet would not pick, there was no further hesitation. Some other lessons were needed before the people learned the temper of our troops. The answer of the colonel gave a tone to the arguments of the officers when they were refused accommodations by the landlord of the City Hotel, and he acknowledged their cogency. The man who maltreated one of our negro servants assumed a most melancholy attitude of entreaty under the influence of a similar kind of logic, and, if still living, has not forgotten the lessons of that night. Indeed, the whole town was so quickly converted that a delegation was sent to our colonel, as soon as his previous profession became known, to request him to conduct the services in the Methodist church on the first Sabbath after our arrival. Turning to the adjutant, and expressing a disinclination to officiate, he remarked, "You can detail Dr. Strickland, or Major Beard, or Captain Knowles, or Lieutenant Gale, or Sergeant Irvine, or some of the enlisted men." And so he could, for each of those named, and some others in the regiment, were regularly ordained ministers. But the colonel was induced to perform the service, and, attired in full military dress, preached an eloquent sermon.

We soon found many loyal people in the city. The officers were kindly welcomed at the house of Governor Hicks, and Judge Brewer opened his doors with generous hospitality. Orders were strict, and none were permitted to go out of camp without special permission, for no one knew the time for our departure, but such liberty was granted as this uncertainty would allow.

At this time we had a band, but no suitable instruments, and the colonel, knowing that I had reasons for wishing to visit New York once more before our departure on the expedition, kindly detailed me to attend to the business of procuring them. The railroads were then pushed to their utmost in the transportation of troops and supplies, and, finding that the road to Baltimore was so blockaded as to render it very uncertain how long a time the passage to and from that city would occupy, by much persuasion a loyal colored citizen was induced to furnish a horse for the journey.

To any one familiar with the condition of the roads in our Southern states at this period, a journey of thirty miles or more on horseback, through a strange country, would have presented little attraction, and if you add the fact that the sentiments of the people throughout the state were such that Federal troops were picketed along the railroads, and at other points, to guard against the destruction of property, and quell seditious movements, the journey would not have been rendered any more fascinating. Fortunately for my peace of mind, the exact state of things was not fully known by me, and more fortunate still that the horse so quickly developed a better acquaintance with the way than his rider as to be left almost entirely to his own guidance. Occasionally, when a fallen tree had completely obstructed the path, or a dense undergrowth had, from infrequent use, been suffered to obliterate all trace of its presence, or, worse still, when an angle of the road (if it could be dignified by such a term), discovered several paths of equally uncertain character, I admit to a degree of apprehension lest he should take me to some convenient crib, where my welcome would be somewhat warmer than I desired. But if the currents of his life moved rather slowly, they ran in loyal veins, and except for a few uncertain companions who joined me at times, I gave myself up to such enjoyments as the somewhat monotonous way afforded.

Arrived at Baltimore, I left my horse, and proceeded to New York by rail. One day was all the time needed for the transaction of my business, and the following afternoon found me again in Baltimore, anxious to get back to camp, in fear lest the expedition might have sailed, and I be left behind. A short time was taken to collect a few supplies previously overlooked, and as the western sun was just sinking behind the hills, I started on my journey back. I had become better acquainted with the condition of affairs in the state, and scrutinized more closely the countenances and manners of those whom I met, especially of the few who, travelling in the same direction as myself, seemed to insist upon the value of their company to a degree not fully warranted by the suddenness and limited extent of our acquaintance. There was quite sufficient opportunity for reflection during the long hours, that seemed to drag so slowly, as I picked my way in the darkness through those interminable woods, but, like all other things, the journey had its ending. As I approached Annapolis, I was neither shocked nor disconcerted by the challenge of our outpost sentinel, "Who goes there." The orders were strict, and I had no countersign, and it was a relief when the presence of the officer of the guard permitted suitable explanations. These were given while we walked along together towards the camp-fire, and as soon as its light permitted recognition, the exclamations, "Hello, Jim!" and "How are you, Val?" left no room for further hesitation. College and classmates, we had parted several years before, to meet for the first time again under these peculiar circumstances. But the impatience of both horse and rider permitted no lengthened colloquy, and in a few moments I was enjoying the hearty welcome of the colonel and other officers.

October 18 we steamed away from Annapolis in the Empire City, towards Fortress Monroe, the general point of rendezvous for the expedition. Here, by order of the general in command, Colonel Perry was compelled, much against his will, to detail a guard from the regiment to return to slavery a negro found on the transport. Thus the great moral, social, and political movements of the world have always been hampered and clogged by their early scruples. We were never after called upon to perform a similar service.

[CHAPTER IV.]

At Fortress Monroe. General Viele's talk. Weary waiting. Off at last. Order of sailing. Storm. Horrors of the voyage. Vessels lost. Off Port Royal. Tatnall's Mosquito fleet. Bombardment of Hilton Head and Bay Point by navy. Surrender. Captain Drayton. Landing of troops. First camp on Confederate soil. Foraging. Negroes' account of bombardment. Inspection and review. The sutler. Thanksgiving.

At Fortress Monroe we remained until the 29th, when, with a fleet of seventy vessels, transports, and men-of-war, we put to sea, and steered for our final destination. I must not forget to mention that, during our stay at this point, there was much talk of a landing; whether for an attack upon some place in the vicinity, or merely for practice in view of what was before us, we never knew, but it gave occasion to General Viele, who commanded our brigade, to call our officers together in the cabin of the steamer, to impress upon them the dangers of the undertaking. It was a bloody lesson, probably thought necessary in the case of simple volunteers, the conclusion of which was that we need entertain no hopes save of a glorious departure to the shades beyond. However, as it is the immediate danger which impresses us most, it was not surprising that we took courage from our hopes, and there was no unusual despondency on our part. Some of the more reckless even ventured to suggest a doubt of the general's information on the subject of our final disposal.

FORTRESS MONROE.

The passage to Port Royal, S.C., which proved our objective point, was a very trying one. The breeze, which at the time of our departure was blowing freshly from the storm quarter, soon stiffened into a gale, such as is seldom encountered even on our dangerous coast, and which threatened the destruction of the fleet. The very admirable order in which we started, with the transports in three columns, covered and protected on either side by the gunboats, was soon broken up, and many of the smaller vessels, which were unfitted for sea service, soon found themselves separated from the fleet, which became completely scattered and in the utmost danger. Some put back to Hampton Roads; one, the Governor, went down, after being relieved for the most part of its crew and the marines who had charge of its freight, and several went ashore and were destroyed by the rebels. During the storm the sealed instructions which had been given to each captain for such an emergency, were opened, and when it abated, the vessels that had weathered the gale quickly gathered at the point designated in the orders.

The discomforts of that voyage, no one can realize who has not been similarly situated. The sea-sickness was trying, but was as nothing compared with the discomfort arising from the close confinement in the fetid atmosphere of the ship, with no means of relaxation and no way of escape. It was a terrible experience. Owing to the great numbers crowded into the vessel, bunks were built all around and in the immediate vicinity of the boiler, and to these the men were very closely confined, until the effluvia from their reeking bodies—for, in the intense heat, all clothing was dispensed with—added to the stench of the filthy vessel, and the irritating annoyance of the vermin with which the steamer was infested, made a fitting counterpart of pandemonium, in point of suffering. Some relief was gained by the transfer, at Hampton Roads, of two companies, with a portion of the freight, to the steamer Matanzas, and a small detail, under Lieutenant Dunbar, to the steamer Belvidere, but it was only slight.

MAP OF A PORTION OF "SEA ISLANDS," SHOWING "PORT ROYAL."

Our grand old colonel, in the height of the storm, securing himself to the mast, spent many hours apparently enjoying the magnificent exhibition of power. Nothing disturbed his equanimity, and his watchful care of those committed to him was never remitted.

November 4 we arrived off Port Royal bar. Under the supervision of an officer of the Coast Survey, soundings were made, and buoys planted along the channel. That night a few vessels crossed the bar, and in the morning the whole squadron moved in, headed by the flagship Wabash. While the soundings were being made, the Confederate Mosquito fleet, under Commodore Tatnall, opened quite a spirited fire, but without effect. And as all the movements of the various vessels were plainly visible from the transports, which were well out of range of the guns, we enjoyed the advantage of witnessing the proceedings, without sharing either the responsibility or danger. On the 6th, the weather was unfavorable, and the attack on Forts Walker and Beauregard, which defended the harbor on either side, was deferred until the 7th. On that morning the gunboats moved farther in, headed by the Wabash, and the attack on the two forts commenced about 10 A.M. The more effectually to escape the fire of the forts, the gunboats moved continually in a circle, each delivering its broadside as it approached the forts. First, the Wabash poured in its heavy shot and shell upon Fort Beauregard, at Bay Point, as long as its guns bore upon it, and wearing round, opened on Fort Walker, at Hilton Head, while the gunboats, following in order, kept up the cannonade without cessation. This continued until between 2 and 3 o'clock P.M., when the forts surrendered.

PLAN OF THE BATTLE AT PORT ROYAL HARBOR.

Although anchored nearly five miles away, we could follow the direction of many of the shot and shell, especially the latter, and observe their effect. A little after noon, the Mercury, a small gunboat, got on the southerly side of Fort Walker, so near that its guns could not be sufficiently depressed to bear upon her, and from that point was able not only to shell the troops outside of the fort, who were held in reserve, but to throw in so effective an enfilading fire upon the fort itself that its guns could not be served. It was a stroke of impudence which seemed so ludicrous on account of the apparent insignificance of the little craft that the troops on the transports shouted themselves hoarse in admiration of this seeming act of bravado, which, however, proved an important feature of the attack. As soon as the fire from Fort Walker ceased, and it was apparent that at least a part of its garrison, with the other forces on the island, was retreating, a flag of truce was sent ashore to arrange the terms of surrender. But it was too late for any conference, as none but the dead and wounded remained, and the Stars and Stripes soon waved the announcement that the first step in the avenging of Fort Sumter had been consummated.

FORT WALKER.

Not a man in the command but felt the significance of that victory. Charleston was nearer now than it had been before, and, in the minds of many, it seemed but a little thing to cover the intervening distance with victorious troops. The flight of the Confederates was precipitate, and they left behind everything that would cumber a rapid retreat. Fort Beauregard had suffered less from the bombardment than Fort Walker, but the fall of the latter hastened its evacuation, and on the following morning no opposition was offered to its occupation by our forces.

FORT BEAUREGARD.

One fact in this attack is worthy of special mention. General Drayton commanded the Confederate forces on Hilton Head, and the home of the family was located on a prominent point near the shore, overlooking the bay, while his brother, Captain Drayton, commanded the gunboat Pocahontas, which participated in the bombardment. Some time afterwards, in company with other officers, I visited the Monitor, which he then commanded, and his grave and saddened demeanor told of the sacrifice he had made in his loyalty to the government.

DRAYTON'S MANSION.

I know that patriotism is a word with some considered stale and obsolete. Such know little of the temper of the brave men who composed our army and navy during that terrible struggle. For while few were called upon to make such sacrifices as Captain Drayton, the number of those who went to war for hire only was but a small detachment of that great army. And the arguments, even of those unlettered men who formed so large a part of the rank and file, as I have often heard them stated, though clothed in rude and homely language, had in them a degree of intelligence, and were so charged with honesty and sincerity, so backed by courage and fidelity on many a gory field, that it were shame to say the stream of patriotism has run dry. It has not now, and never will, while men have manhood left, honor to defend, homes to protect, good laws and a righteous government to transmit.

November 9 we were all ready to land, having been provided with two days' cooked rations, but for lack of transportation we were detained on board the steamer until Sunday morning, the 10th. The night previous was spent in securing boats and attaching them to our steamer, so that on Sunday morning, as soon as the word was received, we pulled for the shore with a will. At this time, the harbor presented a most animated appearance. The transports were crowded together near the shore, all busy in discharging freight. Boats of all sizes and descriptions were passing to and fro, and horses and other animals were being hoisted from the holds by means of broad bands which encircled them, swung over the sides of the vessels, and gently dumped into the water, to find their way to land as they could, while men stood by ready to secure them on the shore. Occasionally the poor distracted brutes, confused by the unwonted sounds, and half drowned by their sudden and unexpected immersion, turned seaward, but were soon brought back.

POPE'S HOUSE AT HILTON HEAD.

It was a beautiful Sabbath morning, but with little to remind us of the sacred character of the day. After landing, we marched a little way from the beach and remained until about noon, when our camp was located, not far from general headquarters, and we proceeded to prepare the ground for our tents, and establish guards and pickets. Two nights were spent without shelter, on account of the difficulty and delay in landing baggage. After this we settled down to regular work. From ten to twelve each day we had battalion drill, in which the colonel was very exacting, requiring the officers to know their duties, and holding them responsible for the condition and drill of their companies. Company drill was from two to four in the afternoon, and dress parade in the evening, often followed by more battalion drill. Details were made for fatigue duty in building entrenchments, an extensive line of earthworks was thrown up as a precautionary measure, and frequently nearly the whole regiment was picking, shovelling, or felling trees to furnish material for the works. There was no idle time, except when a day on picket or other guard duty secured the following as a day of rest.

LIVE OAK GROVE AT PORT ROYAL.

Having been detailed as officer of the guard the first day in camp, the following day I was permitted by the colonel to accompany a small party bound on a tour of observation. During the day we wandered far away from camp, to the other side of the island, and the afternoon found us on the borders of a large plantation, which proved to be that of a Mr. Seabrook. Approaching the place, we mistook the whitewashed huts of the negroes for tents, and remained a long time in doubt whether to advance or retreat, feeling quite certain that it was a Confederate encampment that we saw. While debating what course to pursue, a stray contraband relieved our apprehensions by informing us that our troops occupied the place. We found on our arrival a detachment of the 45th Pennsylvania, posted there to keep watch for Confederates and prevent foraging. That night we spent in Mr. Seabrook's store, after using the portion of the afternoon that remained to us after our arrival in endeavors to secure some of the cattle, pigs, and poultry, which seemed to be wanting an owner, to which the guard, usually lenient on such points, raised few objections. These came mostly from the quadrupeds and bipeds themselves, and were so strenuous that the result of our efforts was a meagre show of two or three lean pigs, an occasional hen, and an ancient goose, which succumbed to my own personal prowess.

On our way back to camp, the next day, we narrowly escaped arrest, as General Viele had issued an order that all parties coming in from foraging should be deprived of what they had collected and sent to his headquarters under arrest. My poor goose suffered the fate of the pigs and hens, and no doubt rested heavily on the stomachs of the pickets, if not on their consciences. We were glad to escape with the loss of our plunder.

NEGRO QUARTERS.

Supplies were abundant, the negroes bringing to camp whatever the plantations produced, and although General Viele issued an order that everything should be taken to his headquarters, where a general market would be held every morning, no attention was paid to it, and as far as we ever heard, no general market was established.

About a week after the capture of Hilton Head, I was detailed to take command of the Grand Guard, whose headquarters were at Drayton's plantation. The negroes had generally remained here, as well as at the other places within the range of our command, and were encouraged to cultivate the plantations abandoned by their masters. This was important, as the famous Sea Islands formed a part of the territory captured by our forces, and considerable of the cotton remained unpicked, while nothing had been done towards the harvesting of corn, potatoes, and many other products of the soil. Some of the negroes here were owned by Captain Drayton, who had left them in the care of his brother, and no doubt some of the shot from his guns had fallen among his own people. The evidences of the cannonading were manifest all about, and the negroes, when questioned as to its effects upon them, declared that at first they didn't mind the firing, but "when them rotten shot began to spatter about them, they jes' ran for de woods."

The regiment soon became proficient in drill, in spite of the frequent details for fatigue duty, and was regarded as one of the best, if not the very best, in the Department.

November 24 we had a general inspection and review, by Generals Sherman and Viele, in which the brigade marched first in quick, and then in double-quick time, around a circle of some two miles in extent, according to the journal of Conklin, to which reference has before been made. We can all testify that it seemed much longer, with the sand sometimes almost ankle-deep. General Viele perhaps thought us amply paid for the exertion, when he declared that we marched as well as regulars, and were equal to any regiment in the service.

Day followed day with about the same round of duties. We had already become fairly accustomed to tent life, our food supply was ample and good, and the paymaster furnished the means of providing ourselves with comforts and luxuries according to our several positions, or, rather, the amount of pay received. Besides the regimental sutler, who was prepared to furnish anything, from Golden Seal to toothpicks, for a consideration, shops of all kinds sprang up with amazing rapidity, as soon as it became known that this would be a permanent basis of operations, and usually only a short time elapsed after the visit of the paymaster, before his next appearance was looked for with eagerness, even by the sutler, who cultivated a disposition for extravagance, by giving credit to such as seemed likely to regard the obligation. Occasionally, when, too grasping, he became exorbitant in his prices, or in the rate of interest charged for accommodation loans—for too often the offices of banker and sutler were combined—a sudden raid would equalize the account.

At this time, measles and smallpox prevailed to some extent, and from the former several deaths occurred, while the latter was limited to a few cases by the isolation of those attacked.

Thanksgiving and Christmas passed with no observance on the part of the non-commissioned officers and privates, except perhaps a more general application to pick and spade. On Thanksgiving Day, the officers, many of whom had been suitably remembered by friends at home, united their private stores with such good things as could be collected in the vicinity, and indulged themselves in unusual luxuries, forgetting for the time their surroundings, and giving themselves up to the full enjoyment of the day, so far as their duties permitted.

[CHAPTER V.]

Expedition to Port Royal Ferry. Progress up Broad River. Colonel Perry acting brigadier-general. The rebel yell heard for the first time. The regiment's first baptism of fire. The old horse. Night on the field. Return to Hilton Head. Object of the expedition. Presentation of flag to the regiment. Off for Dawfuskie. Southern homes. Preparatory work by Major Beard and others. Building batteries on Jones and Bird Islands. Mud and malaria. Reconnoissances and midnight wanderings.

The closing day of the year brought rumors of a contemplated movement. The scene of operations, and their extent, were only subjects for conjecture. Early on the last day of the year, we received notice to be in readiness to march with a number of days' cooked rations, and about noon of that day started for the dock. The expedition was under the command of General Stephens, and two regiments were taken from our brigade,—the 47th and our own,—in addition to those of his regular command. By the middle of the afternoon we were on board of the steam transport Delaware, and on our way up Broad River towards Beaufort, where we anchored for the night. In the early morning, we started for Port Royal Ferry, against which point we learned that the expedition was directed. Several gunboats accompanied us, under the command of Captain Rodgers. Our progress up the river was slow and cautious, until we arrived opposite the plantation of Mr. Adams, where we disembarked.

We were much interested, while on the steamer, in watching that portion of our troops already landed, as they could be distinctly seen, pursuing their winding way through the woods and over the fields, their bayonets glistening in the sunlight. Sometimes they went at slow step, at others in quick or double-quick time. Sometimes they fired, and charged the Confederates whom they encountered, while the gunboats covered them to guard against attack by superior forces, all the time shelling the woods in front of them as they advanced. As soon as landed, we formed in line and moved forward, the two regiments—the 47th New York and our own—under the command of Colonel Perry. Acting as reserves, the duty assigned us was to intercept the Confederate retreat. Very soon, however, orders were received to attack the battery which was found to cover the road over which we were expected to advance, and the 47th was moved through the woods on the right to attack it in flank, while the 48th was to charge in front. Some delay occurred in establishing the position of the 47th, and arranging so that the attack might be simultaneous. Well do I remember the rebel yell, heard for the first time as I was returning from conveying orders from our colonel to the 47th. Accompanied by the discharge of cannon and musketry, it seemed, to my unaccustomed ears, as if the inhabitants of pandemonium had been let loose, and as I rounded the last point of woods which shut out from view the scene of operations, I expected nothing less than a hand-to-hand conflict. Instead, I found the regiment lying quietly down between the furrows of a cornfield, over which the Confederate shot skipped harmlessly. In this way the men were protected while awaiting the final order to charge. This was found unnecessary, for the yell of the Confederates proved only the parting word given while in the act of abandoning the battery, which was speedily occupied by our troops. The guns were removed, and the works destroyed, and we continued our advance towards Port Royal Ferry, where the enemy was known to be strongly entrenched.

At this time two horses had been captured and placed at the disposal of the colonel and his aid, to which position I had been appointed. I have no recollections of the colonel's, but my horse soon gave evidence of manifold infirmities. Three times we rolled over together on that cotton-field, before it was discovered that, with his other weaknesses, he was stone blind, when he was left to tempt some other officer, and I returned to nature's conveyance, sadder and sorer for the experience. That night we lay down on the field, but gained little rest, as the Confederates were known to be in force in the vicinity, and an attack was looked for. The next morning we embarked for Hilton Head, the objects of the expedition having been accomplished, in the destruction of the Confederate works, which were being constructed for the purpose of preventing any forward movement on our part in that direction, and confining us closely within the territory already captured. This was only one of the points which the Confederates proposed to fortify, which were intended not only as a restraint upon any forward movement by us, but also as bases of aggressive operations against us.

January 12 the regiment was presented, through Adjutant Goodell, with a beautiful flag from the ladies of Hanson Place Methodist-Episcopal Church of Brooklyn, of which Colonel Perry had been pastor. That flag has waved over many battle-fields, and is a witness that the 48th never faltered in the discharge of any duty. It is now in the custody of the Long Island Historical Society, having been committed to its charge, with suitable ceremonies, on the evening of April 21, 1881.

January 25, 1862, we broke camp, and marched to Seabrook's Landing, on our way to Dawfuskie, an island bordering on the Savannah River, some four or five miles above Fort Pulaski. That night we spent at Seabrook's, and on the next morning embarked on the steamer Winfield Scott, and proceeded to a place on Dawfuskie called Hay's Point, where five companies disembarked, and at 9 P.M., under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Barton, started for the other side of the island. Three hours of wearisome marching brought us to Dunn's plantation on the bank of the river. Pickets were established, and sentries posted, and we got what sleep we could. The next day was occupied largely in procuring supplies of food, as everything of that nature had been left on the Winfield Scott. Detachments were sent out in all directions to secure the cattle, pigs and poultry abandoned by their owners on the approach of our troops, and to collect whatever else could be found that was edible. The men were quartered in the houses and sheds, while the officers occupied the family mansion. In the afternoon we learned that the Winfield Scott had been wrecked on Long Pine Island, where the other wing of the regiment remained until taken off by the steamer Mayflower, which conveyed them, with the regimental baggage and supplies, to Cooper's Landing, on Dawfuskie. At this point they remained until February 1, when they joined us, and, a permanent camp was established near the borders of the woods, a little way back from the river.

During the interval there was little of severe duty, and all were allowed the largest liberty consistent with proper discipline. Frequent excursions were made to different points on the island, especially to the beautiful residences along the shore. Of these, the most attractive were Munger's and Stoddard's, the former a short distance below us, the latter some miles away, and occupying a commanding position, overlooking the sound. Both gave evidence of large wealth and cultivated tastes, in the character of the houses and beauty of their surroundings, and as we wandered through the shaded avenues, and among the shrubs and flowers, in gardens where roses and japonicas grew in tropical luxuriance, where the air was full of sweet odors, and the eye confused with the multitude and variety of brilliant colors, and remembered that these abodes of happiness and beauty had been abandoned to pillage and destruction, and that wherever our armies penetrated, homes would be broken up, and in the place of comfort would come suffering, and in the place of beauty, desolation, we cursed the madness of those who had brought such miseries on the land.

OBSTRUCTIONS IN SAVANNAH RIVER.

While we were enjoying this short season of comparative idleness, active and aggressive operations were going on all about us. Expeditions were planned, obstructions removed from the creeks and rivers where openings were desired, and midnight scouting parties penetrated the surrounding country in all directions, even to the very walls of Pulaski. In all of these, Major Beard, of our regiment, took a leading part, and did most efficient service. As we sat around the fire one evening at Dunn's, he suddenly appeared among us, with General Gilmore, who had already been promoted from the position of Captain of Engineers in the regular army, to that of Brigadier-General of volunteers. They had just returned from the work of clearing the spiles from Wall's Cut, by which a convenient way was opened for our boats to the Savannah. Much of the night was spent in listening to their adventures, but we little knew how intimately connected these were with our own immediate future.

It was not long after our camp was established, before we had our full share of labor and danger. It had been determined to establish batteries on the islands of the Savannah, to cut off communication with Fort Pulaski, and prevent re-enforcements and supplies. The points where these were to be located having been selected, the engineers were ordered to prepare the materials for their construction, and our regiment and a portion of the 7th Connecticut were employed for weeks in conveying this material from the woods to the dock for transportation. Some eight or ten thousand logs, of from ten to fifteen feet in length, and from three to six inches in diameter, were carried a distance of from three-quarters of a mile to a mile and a half, on the shoulders of our men, and, in consequence, many of our best soldiers were ruptured or otherwise injured, and crept out of the service, maimed and ruined for life. Late on the evening of February 9, a detachment under Captain Greene was ordered to report at the dock to complete the loading of the Mayflower. It was raining very hard, but the men worked faithfully until after midnight, when word came from brigade headquarters to take off a part of the load. This was done, and the admirable foresight of the commanding general was fully appreciated, as was manifest from the frequent comments in which the men indulged, which had the merit of earnestness if not of elegance.

At 3 A.M. of the 10th, we started for Jones Island. We were all wet, hungry, and tired. Not expecting to leave Dawfuskie, we had taken no provisions. There was no opportunity for sleep, for, arriving quickly at the point of debarkation, the work of unloading and conveying the materials across the island was pushed forward hurriedly. It was a season of the year when, even in this southern latitude, the sun gave but scanty heat, and the men must needs work lively to keep the blood from chilling. The island was but a deposit of soft mud, into which they sank to their knees at almost every step, while occasionally the logs or planks which they carried were needed to bridge over spots otherwise impassable. During the forenoon, a party was despatched to camp in a small boat, for food, but the supply which they brought was totally inadequate, from the size of the boat and the number to be fed. During the day all the materials for building the battery were conveyed across the island, a distance of about a mile.

While engaged in this work, a Confederate steamer made its appearance, and stopped opposite, and so near to us that every movement of those on deck was discernible. The officers, with their glasses, scoured every point in the vicinity, while we crouched down among the cane-brakes. So long as the steamer remained, we expected a shot from her guns, or a closer inspection by one of her boats, which would have been extremely disagreeable, as the order for detail required us to leave our guns in camp, and there were not six rifles on the island. Fortunately we were not discovered, and the steamer, after a little delay, proceeded down to Fort Pulaski. About this time the guns for the battery arrived, and the general in command of the district, who had arrived with them, declared that they must be mounted before morning. We felt very much like harnessing him to the foremost, and giving him a taste of Jones Island mud, but there were objections to such a procedure, and, instead, we made a platform on which to load them, and prepared to do our utmost. By frequent crossing and recrossing, a way had been sufficiently marked through the canes, but the constant tread of heavy feet had reduced the soft mud to the consistency of oil for a depth of several inches, making a road not perfectly calculated for the transportation of cannon. However, there was no time for hesitation, and placing two planks before the wheels, we united our strength in the task of maintaining them on these planks, while we carefully urged them on, replacing the planks as we proceeded. Woe be it, if, slipping on the greasy mud which covered the planks, as they sometimes did, they buried themselves in the soft embrace of its slimy nastiness. Should it be asked how were they recovered, it would be impossible to tell. We can only say they were, and that with slow and suffering steps we guided, pushed, and pulled them forward, until flesh and blood rebelled at loss of food and sleep, and they were covered up, and we ordered back to camp, to be relieved by others. We had to wait, however, until the relief came from Dawfuskie, and I quote from Sergeant Thompson's journal to show how this second night was spent: "At midnight we covered the guns and endeavored to find some place to lie down in. Found a place, but was soon routed out by the tide. Came to the conclusion to walk the rest of the night to keep warm. Found a twenty-foot plank with four men on it. Jumped on and ran my chance. Kept moving until morning." This was only the beginning of such labor and exposure, and is it a wonder that so many men, protected from rebel bullets, have come out of such a service as we have here described, to worry through a life of suffering, the effects of which they have transmitted, and will continue to transmit to children and to children's children. The malaria of those mud islands is considered death to any one, even to such as have been acclimated to the South, and their only inhabitant is the ugly alligator.

This battery was hardly established before, pushing across the river, another was planted on Bird Island, farther up, so that, together, they cut off all further communication with Fort Pulaski, by way of the Savannah. An attempt was made to destroy these batteries, but without result, except in the disabling of several of the enemy's steamers, after which we were left in undisputed possession.

The smell of the mud of Bird Island lingers in the nostrils yet, and it is no wonder that in the progress of the work of establishing the battery, at times not a man was fit for duty. Whiskey and quinine were powerless to stay the effects of such labor and exposure. As a partial protection, our tents were nailed to heavy timbers a foot or more in diameter, snatched from the river as they floated down, while boards were laid across on which we slept, but even then in the high spring tides we were scarcely out of water, and not a spot was dry on the whole island.

During our stay on Bird Island, frequent reconnoissances were made up the river in different directions. One dark night, two boats were sent up the Savannah, on either side of Elba Island, to ascertain if batteries were being planted, which would threaten ours of Bird and Jones Islands. Closely hugging the shore, we worked along cautiously, to avoid being seen by the Confederate pickets. At a distance of some miles from where we started, while the pickets on the shore were plainly visible by the light of their camp fires, one of our men was attacked with a sudden and most sonorous cough. Suspecting that it was intended to stop our further progress, we waited patiently for its cessation, and resumed our progress up the river, until suddenly the sound of voices immediately in front of us gave warning that we had gone too far for safety. Fortunately, the tide had turned, and a single whisper stopped the motion of the oars, otherwise we should not have suffered long from the chillness of the night air. Dropping back with the tide, stopping occasionally to learn more certainly that there were no batteries where they had been suspected, we reached our quarters in season for an early breakfast.

Lying alongside, but extending much farther up the river than Bird, was McQueen's Island, the upper extremity of which was bounded by St. Augustine's Creek, which connected the Savannah with Wilmington River, and afforded a channel of communication with Fort Pulaski by means of small boats. Across St. Augustine's Creek, the telegraph wire connecting the city with the fort had been stretched on tall, heavily constructed spindles. The wire had been destroyed some time before, but the fact that steamboats from Savannah, at some risk from our battery, continued to come down to this point, and seemed busily engaged in some operations near these spindles, determined Major Beard, who commanded on the island, to investigate the matter, and, if possible, to bring away a scow which was known to be lying in that vicinity. The investigation was very proper, but the object of getting the scow we never understood. However, a detail was made, a boat was dragged across McQueen's Island to Wilmington River, and from that point a small party, with a guide supposed to be acquainted with the region, started for these spindles. It was a curious experience, paddling along under the overhanging banks in perfect silence, save when the vivid imagination of some one of the party pictured a Confederate picket from some peculiar conformation of the shore or eccentric growth of bush or shrub, when a word of caution would stay our progress until cooler eyes discovered the deception. One of the party even descried a picket beside its camp fire, whose bright glow shed a clear light upon their waiting figures, but to all the others there was but the blackness of darkness, and we passed on without molestation. The leaky little dug-out, which required constant bailing to keep it afloat, had room for neither rest nor comfort. Hour after hour we paddled along with the incoming tide, vainly hoping to reach the point we sought, every moment taking us farther within the lines of the enemy, and when, at last, completely lost amidst a maze of devious, winding creeks, the tide turned, we turned also, and by marvellous good fortune found our way back before the morning dawn discovered us to the Confederates. Determined to have that scow, and equally determined to have a better knowledge of the country before a second attempt was made, a small party was started one bright afternoon, which, rowing some distance up the river, landed on McQueen's Island, and striking through the canes, made straight for the spindles. We took no notice of the picket on the other side of the island, but kept right on, until, approaching the shore of the creek, the men were held back behind the trees and bushes which grew along the bank, until we could be assured of no special danger. Satisfied on this point, they were allowed to come on, and we gathered along the shore, and endeavored to impress upon each others' minds the direction of the creek, the location of the scow, and the probable means of reaching it from Wilmington River. The order to return had been given, when suddenly the Confederates appeared from behind the timbers of the spindles opposite, and not a hundred yards distant, and from the bushes near, and the order to lie down was given none too quickly to avoid the bullets which came whistling over our heads in close proximity. No one of our party was hurt, and we never received an official report of the number killed and wounded by our return fire. The locality was not sufficiently attractive to induce us to remain until the report was made up. Not only the danger of being cut off by the picket we had passed, but the shells from our own battery soon began to trouble us, for, as it afterwards transpired, one of our number, unaccustomed to the sound of bullets, became so thoroughly frightened at the first discharge that he started for camp by the most direct course, and on his arrival announced that we had been attacked by greatly superior numbers, and that he had been sent back for re-enforcements. Our own battery was soon throwing shot and shell over our heads, much to our discomfort,—for those missiles often make serious mistakes, and fall where they are least intended,—and all that could be spared were preparing to set out to rescue us from the peril to which we were exposed, when our appearance on the river put an end to the alarm. On reaching the island, we found the utmost excitement prevailing, and that every preparation had been made for the reception and care of our wounded. The author of all this confusion was discovered to be suffering the extreme effects of fright, and in a pitiable condition of mental and physical prostration. His youth, for he was a mere boy, shielded him from the consequences of his conduct, which otherwise would have been very serious. He was never permitted, however, to forget the circumstances and effects of his fright. Soon after this I was sent to Wilmington River to intercept the despatch boats, which, we had reason to suppose, found their way to the fort, but although many nights were spent in watching, while the miasma from the swamps was doing its deadly work, penetrating to the very bone and marrow, and preparing many a poor fellow for his final rest, the creeks and rivers which intersected the country in all directions afforded abundant means for avoiding us, and we made no captures.

[CHAPTER VI.]

Planting batteries on Tybee Island. General Gilmore. Listening for the opening gun. Bombardment of Fort Pulaski. Watching the contest from Dawfuskie. Surrender of the fort. Its appearance after the bombardment.

While we were engaged in the work described in the last chapter, General Gilmore was planting his batteries on Tybee Island, which borders the mouth of the Savannah. These were placed from one to two miles distant from Fort Pulaski, and in the work of establishing them, difficulties were encountered similar to those which so thoroughly tested the skill and endurance of our men on the mud islands above. It required the combined efforts of two hundred and fifty men to drag a single mortar from the beach where they were landed, to position, and as several of the batteries were in plain sight from the fort, the work was largely done at night, until the embankments afforded sufficient protection. The fire from the fort was annoying, but less constant and spirited from the confidence of its commander in its security against the fire of guns so far distant. The value of rifled cannon for siege operations at long range was about to be tested, and while the result in this instance was not entirely to the satisfaction of the commandant of the fort, it fully justified the confidence of General Gilmore, for to him belongs the credit of this achievement, from its inception to its final termination.

By April 6 we became aware that the crisis was approaching, and from that day anxiously listened for the opening gun.

FORT PULASKI.

On the 9th, a demand was made for the surrender of the fort, to which the commandant replied, "I was placed here to defend, not to surrender." And he had an opportunity, for on the morning of the 10th the boom of cannon was heard, and from that time until about two o'clock of the afternoon of the following day, the batteries kept up a steady and constant fire. On the first day we could discover little effect, as we watched the progress of the contest from the shore of Dawfuskie, but the next day the frequent clouds of dust arising, especially from the southwest angle of the fort, indicated that progress was being made. During the night the firing had been continued, with intervals of about fifteen minutes, permitting little rest to the garrison, and effectually preventing all attempts to repair or strengthen the fort, and in the morning all the batteries opened and kept up a terrific cannonade, until the white flag appeared. Throughout the day the shore was lined with the excited soldiers, especially in the vicinity of Munger's, where a few of us secured places in a large willow tree overhanging the water, and affording an unobstructed view of the conflict. It was not long before a large breach was visible, which gradually widened as the day advanced. The firing from the fort was spirited, but had little effect. Several times the flagstaff was cut away by our shot, and as often replaced, until about 2 P.M. of the 11th, when the firing ceased. Still, we were ignorant of the exact state of affairs, until an accident revealed the fact that the fort had surrendered. A sailing vessel was seen slowly drifting towards it. A steamer followed, apparently for the purpose of rendering assistance, but for some reason she seemed to be unmanageable, and gradually approached and passed the fort without drawing its fire. By this we knew that Pulaski was ours, and another entrance for blockade runners was closed.

BREACH IN FORT PULASKI.

Soon after its surrender, the officers were from time to time allowed to visit it. One bright morning, after the details for the day had been made, in company with several other officers, I was rowed across the river, and spent the day in the quiet inspection of the fort and surroundings. The effects of the bombardment were everywhere visible. Guns were dismounted, bomb-proofs torn and shattered, and the traverses—great mounds of earth for the protection of the gunners, and to guard against the effects of enfilading shots—were levelled almost to the ground. The terre-plein was ploughed and furrowed in every direction, while wide and deep ditches extended across it, to ward off the effects of bursting shells. In many places the blandages, which were heavy timbers inclined against the inner wall, although covered with earth to the depth of three or four feet, were splintered and broken, and large sections of the walls themselves destroyed. The angle against which the heaviest fire had been directed was a gaping mass of ruins, through which at last the shot and shell drove steadily against the magazine, threatening to envelop fort and garrison in one common destruction. It was this danger which compelled the surrender.

[CHAPTER VII.]

Camp life at Dawfuskie. Scheelings and his "leetle tog." High living. Effects of malaria. Discussing the situation. Emancipation order of General Hunter. Lincoln the emancipator. John C. Calhoun and nullification. Ordered to Pulaski. James Island expedition. A sad failure. Shouting service of the negroes.

For the next few weeks our duties were less severe than they had been. The men, by various expedients, had softened down the severer features of camp life. The tents were enclosed in frameworks of poles, which were covered and decorated with evergreens and southern moss, and the officers vied with each other in rendering their quarters attractive. The most pretentious of all were perhaps those of Captain Elfwing, commonly known as Volks Garden, from the fact that, having many friends in the 46th New York, a German regiment, he brought back from his frequent visits to them liberal supplies of their favorite beverage. Several companies of the regiment were stationed at Cooper's Landing and at other exposed points on the island, and on moonlight nights we sometimes made up parties to accompany the officer of the day in his grand rounds. Often these were made occasions for pleasant entertainments at the little outposts. At Cooper's Landing especially we always found hearty welcome, perhaps because we were often the bearers of letters, which, received at headquarters, were sent in this way to those on detached service. Sometimes the colonel visited not only these stations, but other points less carefully guarded, but from which an attack might be possible. At times the officers united in a general mess, but for the most part were divided up into small parties of such as were most congenial, which allowed to a greater extent the indulgence of individual tastes.

The bugler, Anthony Scheelings, must not be overlooked, for at this time especially he was one of the most useful members of our organization. With his little pack of dogs, he was roaming the woods from early morning till evening parade, and seldom returned without an abundance of appetizing game, which he distributed among the messes with impartial liberality. Occasionally a huge rattlesnake contested with him the right of way, but with gun and dogs he was more than a match for beast or reptile. On one occasion however, Scheelings returned from his accustomed ramble with downcast countenance, and upon being questioned as to the cause of his depression, could only answer, "mine leetle tog, mine leetle tog." Some time afterwards, when his grief had lost some of its poignancy, he was able to explain that, while hunting in the marsh, the little cur which was his special favorite, in jumping across a narrow creek, had suddenly disappeared from sight. A huge alligator was discovered soon after, making its way to deeper water, whose movements were hastened by the contents of Scheelings' gun, but the "leetle tog" never returned. The woods abounded with birds and animals, and the numerous creeks and bayous furnished a continuous supply of delicious oysters, and the great sea-turtles, which deposited their eggs along the shores of the river and sound, were often caught too far from their favorite element to effect a retreat. Drill, guard and picket duty were kept up with regularity and constancy, but we look back upon the interval between the fall of Pulaski and our assignment as its garrison as one of comparative rest and comfort. The effects of our exposure on the river batteries now began to be manifest in the pale faces and shrunken forms that crept about the camp, showing that the slow but deadly malarial poison was fastening upon its victims. Loss of appetite, broken sleep, and a general feeling of lassitude, which found but slight alleviation in quinine, were the precursors of more violent attacks, from which many escaped at the time, but whose after life of miserable weakness and suffering has told how deeply were sown the poisonous seeds of lingering disease.

Our mails came with frequency and regularity, and the papers were fairly devoured in the eagerness to learn of operations in the other departments of the army, but the confusion of statements, often half falsehoods and half conjecture, with the reports of deserters, and negroes who found their way through the rebel lines, and the claims of the Southern papers which they brought, altogether, made a jumble and jargon, in which the truth was buried too deeply for any hope of resurrection. The affairs of our own department were equally involved in obscurity and doubt as far as we were concerned, except those matters in which we took part. This uncertainty, however, did not prevent an active interest in and frequent discussion of movements, and that fiction took the place of fact detracted nothing from the hotness of the argument. We fed on what was furnished us, and often built our hopes and theories, fought battles and gained great victories, on the brilliant but groundless conjectures of unreliable correspondents.

From the journal of Sergeant Thompson I learn that on May 12 the emancipation order of General Hunter was read to the troops. While this was somewhat premature, and was annulled by orders from Washington, it foreshadowed the purpose of President Lincoln, who, with a majority of the people of the North, soon came to regard it as a military necessity, and as such the proclamation of January 1, 1863, was issued, by which slavery in this country was forever abolished. Comparatively few slaves were immediately affected, but as our armies penetrated the rebellious states at different points, and the negroes were not only received and protected, but were organized into regiments for service against their late masters, the wisdom of the measure was fully demonstrated. For this act the name of Lincoln, handed down from age to age, will ever be held sacred in the memory of man, as one of the greatest benefactors of the race.

By the middle of May it became manifest that new movements were contemplated in the department. The other regiments on Dawfuskie were gradually withdrawn, and we became interested to learn what disposition was to be made of us. On the 19th the rumor reached us that we were to garrison Fort Pulaski, while most of the troops were to be concentrated in an attack upon Charleston. The 6th Connecticut and the 28th Massachusetts, which had been encamped near us, were ordered away, and we were left almost alone. On the 21st a party visited Hilton Head, where assurances were received that we should form a part of the attacking force, but results showed the falsity of this assurance.

On our return from the Head we stopped at the house on Braddock's Point formerly occupied by John C. Calhoun, and, among the letters scattered about, found many dating back to 1832, which showed the general prevalence of the nullification doctrines at that time, throughout the state. Had the loyalty and energy of President Jackson descended to Buchanan, these years of suffering and loss would all have been avoided. But out of the evil has come such good that few will dare to say that the results are not worth all the sacrifice.

May 23 all doubt in regard to our destination was removed by despatches from Generals Terry and Benham, directing us to proceed at once to Fort Pulaski to do garrison duty. We were very indignant, and felt ourselves grievously wronged, in being placed in what we regarded as ignominious retirement, after having labored so hard, and prepared ourselves so thoroughly for the field; and the officers united in a respectful but spirited protest to be forwarded to the commanding general, but the colonel, knowing better than we, disapproved, and there was no alternative.

On the 25th, the steamer Mattano took seven companies to the fort, leaving E, B, and C on the island, under the command of Captain Coan. At the wharf we were met by General Terry, who directed us to pitch our tents in the most convenient places outside the fort, still occupied by the 7th Connecticut, which was under marching orders. Several days elapsed before the final orders came for the transfer of this regiment to Edisto Island, during which nearly our whole command was constantly engaged in fatigue duty. Company K was detailed to occupy the hulk of an old vessel that had been anchored in the channel, just opposite the fort, and it was not until June 2 that the remaining companies were moved into the fort and entered upon garrison duty. On the same day our troops, under General Benham, landed on James Island, on their way to Charleston. The Stono River had been cleared of obstructions by the navy, and it was supposed that the enemy could not interpose an effectual barrier to our advance. The Confederates were gradually driven back, but finally made a stand at a place called Secessionville, which possessed many natural advantages for defence. On the 15th, preparations having been completed, General Stephens charged the earthworks with his division; but the position was too strong, and he was obliged to retire, with heavy loss. A second attempt was about to be made, with a better disposition of the troops, when General Benham ordered the withdrawal of General Wright's division, and General Stephens was obliged to follow. The losses were very heavy, owing to the nature of the ground. The Confederates were able to concentrate the fire of artillery and infantry upon a narrow neck of land between two marshes, over which our troops must pass to make any substantial progress. They soon received re-enforcements, and this attempt on Charleston was abandoned.

From the first it seemed to be determined at Washington that no important movements were expected in our department. The number of troops was always too small for any large undertaking, and in maintaining a depot of supplies and a place for repairs for the navy, and shutting up the entrances to the coast in our vicinity, and thus limiting the operations of the blockade-runners, we seemed to meet all requirements.

THE PLANTER.

While the attempt at James Island was being made, I was on the steamer Cosmopolitan, the headquarters of General Benham, and the reports that were continually brought in were heart-rending. Our troops were cruelly slaughtered, and many fell who had been our companions on Dawfuskie and elsewhere. My business, which was with the commanding general, delayed me several days, and while on the boat, one evening, I was much interested by the performances of the negroes on the lower deck. A great many of them had fled from the neighboring plantations and found refuge on the boat, so that the lower hold was crowded with them. At first, my attention was caught by the sound of the soft, plaintive music of a few female voices. The melody was wild and peculiar, differing from anything I had ever heard before, but presently the character of the music changed to the rude and boisterous, in which a multitude of voices were joined. Being interested, I descended to where I could view the proceedings, and was thus able to witness that singular religious exercise called shouting—which bears a striking resemblance to the ordinary worship of the Shakers. At first the dancing was confined to a few, and some leading voice sang the melody, and the others joined in the chorus, but by and by even the old and decrepit men and women seemed seized by the spirit of music and motion, and one by one were drawn into the moving circle, swelling the volume of sound until the vessel fairly shook with the fierceness of the hallelujah. It was a tumultuous, but hearty expression of thanksgiving that the bonds of slavery had been sundered.

[CHAPTER VIII.]

The wreck of the sutler's schooner. Its consequences. The death of Colonel Perry. His character. Action of officers. Sent to New York. Lieutenant-Colonel Barton promoted. Detailed on recruiting service. General Mitchell commander of the department. Expedition to Bluffton. Blockade-runner Emma. Confederate ironclad. Back with the regiment. Its condition. Bluffton again visited. Ravages of war.

On the 16th and 17th of June, a fearful storm prevailed along the coast during which a schooner was discovered on her beam ends, on the bar off the west end of Cockspur Island. With much difficulty the crew was rescued, but the vessel became a total wreck, and the cargo, which consisted of sutler supplies, floated ashore on Tybee and Cockspur Islands. Cases of claret and champagne and barrels of beer and wine, were too strong an attraction to be resisted, and the result was that on the 17th the regiment was in a terrible state of demoralization. As soon as the facts were discovered by the colonel, the severest measures were applied. Guards were set along the shores to secure the cargo, and those who were intoxicated were confined in the guard-house and dungeon. The liquor was collected, and locked up in the magazine, and comparative order was restored. It is probable, however, that the excitement and vexation so overcame the colonel as to induce the attack of the following day. It was the first time that the brutalizing effects of the war had manifested themselves in our regiment, and he was grievously wounded. At about three o'clock of the afternoon of June 18, while the colonel was writing at his desk, his pen suddenly dropped from his hand, his head dropped, and scarcely with other sign, the silver cord was loosed and the golden bowl was broken. It was a sad day in the regiment. He was so strong—so far above the jealousies of ordinary army life—so just and true—that he was as a rock of defence to such as were in any way dependent upon him. Although holding a subordinate position, we felt that he had no superior in the department, in those qualities which constitute a leader and commander. How well I remember him, as firmly seated on his gray horse, the gift of his ministerial friends and others, he moved about the field at battalion drill, so familiar with the duties of his position as never to suggest a doubt, giving the word of command without effort, but with a power of tone such as I have never heard equalled. Here, as elsewhere, always dignified, always composed. A man to respect, to trust, to obey. It was his misfortune to be confined in a department which furnished so little scope for his abilities, and a still greater misfortune that he incurred the envy and jealousy of those over him. At the time of his death he had applied for leave of absence, and the promise of promotion led him to expect a transfer to some other corps. Had he lived, so large an estimate had we formed of his abilities that we should have expected his rapid advancement to a conspicuous position among the leading generals of the army. As a man he was admired and beloved, for, although reserved and reticent, he did not withhold his confidence, and esteem from such as he deemed worthy of it. Everything relating to those under him received his personal attention, and in cases of discipline, while sometimes severe, he was always just, and when he died the feeling was universal throughout the regiment that the loss we had suffered could never be made up to us. From the time of my first introduction to him, until that morning when I parted from him at Pulaski, never again to see him in life, I recall many instances of his kindness and thoughtful consideration; but they are too personal to be recorded here. Notwithstanding his reserve and his habitual seclusion, except when engaged in active duty, he knew his officers better than they thought, and cared for them better than they knew. As an evidence of this I recall with great distinctness the ride we had together, when we visited various points on Dawfuskie, when he found the rebels were making preparations to annoy or attack us. On our return as we slowly rode towards camp, the conversation turned upon the character and relative merits of the officers of the regiment. He was in a singularly communicative mood, and spoke with unusual freedom. There was no unkindness, no bitterness in what he said, but there was abundant evidence of keenness of observation, and a knowledge of the temper and disposition of those of whom he spoke, and had he lived, no good man would have had occasion to fear him, and no bad man to despise him. His parting words at our last interview in Pulaski, meant more than I knew then, but they were not needed to keep him in my mind, embalmed with loving thoughts and precious memories. We buried him outside the fort, but subsequently his body was removed to Cyprus Hill Cemetery, in Brooklyn; and a granite monument has now been erected above his remains,—by the efforts of James H. Perry Post, G.A. R., and the survivors of the regiment, assisted by the Hanson Place Methodist-Episcopal Church of Brooklyn, of which he had been the pastor. On this is inscribed, in fitting words, the story of his life, his services and sacrifice.

His death left us in a state of some embarrassment. The promotion to the colonelcy naturally belonged to Lieutenant-Colonel Barton, but Major Beard had done much important service in the department, which seemed to deserve recognition, and in addition, his father's relations with prominent men in Brooklyn could command their influence. But he lacked the full confidence of his brother-officers, and his promotion over Lieutenant-Colonel Barton would have been an undesirable precedent to establish, and at a meeting held for the purpose of ascertaining the views of the officers of the line and staff, it was found that we were unanimous in favor of Lieutenant-Colonel Barton, and a paper was drawn up, and signed, requesting from the Governor his appointment. Chosen for the purpose of conveying this, with other letters of recommendation, from Major-General Hunter and Brigadier-General Terry, I hastened to New York by the first steamer, in company with Lieutenant-Colonel Barton, and had the satisfaction of securing all that we desired. From this time until October, being detained in New York, with Captain Farrell, on recruiting service, I must depend upon the journals of Thompson and Conklin, and the sketch recently written and sent me by Major Barrett, for an account of what transpired in the regiment during the interval.

The record is short, and lacking in interesting or important circumstances; occasionally, a flag of truce came down from Savannah, with persons who desired to join their friends in the North. General Mitchell, who had established a character by successful operations in the West, relieved General Hunter, and by his urbanity, and an undefined and indefinable magnetism, had captivated the soldiers, while his reputation as a successful general inspired them with a belief that the department of the South would thereafter have opportunity to make for itself a place in the history of the war, by solid achievements. Poor man! how little he knew of the lack of material, of opportunity and force, in his new command. Better for him had he remained in a subordinate position in the West, where the field was large, and afforded encouragement for the exhibition of military skill and genius.

The work of repairing the fort was carried on energetically, and an occasional excursion up the river, or to neighboring islands, relieved the monotony of garrison duty. One expedition to Bluffton, on the May River, for the purpose of destroying the salt works, resulted not only in its immediate object, but in securing a large supply of excellent and convenient furniture, including a piano for headquarters. The blockade-runner Emma, having for a long time been tied to the wharf at Savannah, made an effort to escape with its cargo of cotton. Just as the sun was beginning to light up the horizon, it was discovered near the entrance to Wright's River, hard and fast, with a receding tide. Boats were manned and sent with all speed to secure her, but too late to save more than the scorched and blackened remains of her valuable cargo of cotton. The fact that an English steamer had, by the contributions of the ladies of Savannah, been converted into a ram of powerful armament kept the garrison on the lookout for an attack, until it became known through deserters that she was an unwieldy mass of iron, with engines of insufficient capacity to move her against the ordinary current of the river.

One morning our gunboats, in the spirit of mere bravado, ran up the river to within range of Fort Jackson and the batteries near, but without result, except to show how poorly both were provided with artillery. Had the navy made a serious attempt on Savannah, we always felt that it would have met with but feeble opposition. There had grown up a wholesome dread of our gunboats, especially of the ironclads, and although our troops met with obstinate resistance, wherever the navy could penetrate the way was almost undisputed.

While affairs were thus comparatively stagnated in the department, Captain Farrell and myself were hard at work recruiting, and, as a result, the regiment was brought up to nearly its original number. It was a pleasant relief from the stale, stupid life in garrison, and afforded an opportunity to recover from the dreadful effects of the exposure on the swamps and islands of the Savannah. Some of the duties, however, were by no means agreeable; and when the order came for a return to the regiment, it was very welcome. We had been away long enough, and were quite willing that others should take our places; and October 2, when we rejoined the regiment, it was with a feeling of pride that we took up the regular duties of army life again.

During our absence, the officers had been accustomed to meet together to discuss tactics and military law, and it was apparent that we must make special exertion to place ourselves abreast of those who had thus profited. Some few changes had taken place. At night the "All's well," which every hour was carried round the fort from sentinel to sentinel, proclaimed the fact that every one was watchful, and illustrated the system which prevailed. The several expeditions to Bluffton had furnished our quarters with useful and attractive furniture, and, with every convenience for garrison duty, we should have been content, except for the feeling that we might be serving our country better in more active operations.

October 9, General Mitchell and staff visited the fort, and it soon became known that an expedition was planned in which a portion at least of our regiment would take part. From that time until the 21st, the companies which were to join the expedition engaged in target practice every day, and there was much emulation among them. The officers also joined in the practice, for the sake of encouragement. In the meantime the steamboat Planter made another expedition to Bluffton, to complete the demolition of the salt works. Just as we were about to cast off from the dock to return to the fort, the Confederates, who had been awaiting their opportunity, attacked us, and for a few moments the firing was quite sharp. Owing to the low state of the tide, our artillery was useless, until, having cut the hawser, we swung out into the stream, when a few discharges of grape and canister scattered the enemy and we proceeded back to the fort. Our casualties were one killed and several wounded. The frequent expeditions had stripped the town of almost everything portable, and it is not surprising that the inhabitants were desperately angry. It was a pretty village, apparently a summer resort for the wealthier people of Charleston and Savannah. The houses, for the most part of neat and attractive appearance and embowered in trees, stretched along for some distance on the high table-land near the water, and the shore of the river was dotted here and there with boat and bathing houses of pretty design. Deep ravines ran from the river back through the town until lost in the darkened shades of the woods beyond. But the houses were desolate and given up to pillage, the happy households scattered, lost in the whirlpool of mad rebellion, fathers and sons were measuring out their life-blood in the rebel army, and mothers and daughters were mourning over the loss of friends and homes and all that makes life dear, while suffering the terrible privations of an invaded country. A sad picture of the cruelties of war!

[CHAPTER IX.]

Expedition to Coosawhatchie. Landing at Dawson's plantation. March to Coosawhatchie. Ambuscade. Firing on Confederate train. Confederate prisoners. Destruction of track. Retreat. Peril of Lieutenant Corwin. Lieutenant Blanding wounded. Pocataligo expedition a failure. Perilous voyage back to Pulaski. Confederate weapons. Yellow fever. Death of General Mitchell. His character. Review of Coosawhatchie.

October 21 we embarked on the steamer Planter, six companies of fifty men each, and proceeded to Hilton Head, where we joined the main body of troops belonging to the expedition, and, accompanied by a number of gunboats, started for the point of attack. The morning of the 22d found us opposite Mackey's Point on the Coosawhatchie River, in rear of the fleet, which numbered in all fifteen gunboats and transports. This was the point of disembarkation for the main body, but we proceeded farther up the river, accompanied by two gunboats. We had not gone far before our boat grounded on a point on the Dawson plantation near the house, and we landed in small boats. A few cavalry pickets delayed us a little, but we finally started up the road with Company H deployed as skirmishers under command of the writer. This road led directly to the village of Coosawhatchie, and ran nearly parallel to the railroad. The attempt to skirmish through the woods was soon abandoned, owing to the dense growth of plants and shrubs and trailing vines. The Spanish bayonet plant was the most formidable, its thick bristling points presenting such obstacles to our progress that we were soon compelled to confine ourselves to an advanced position on the road. Where other roads intersected, guards were stationed. A short march brought us to an open space, with the railroad in plain sight, only about two hundred yards distant from the turnpike. Without waiting for special orders, Company H was deployed along the railway embankment, at the same time that the whistle of an engine warned us that a train was approaching. Carefully posting the men along the track, but out of sight, a cautious observation discovered the train stopped a short distance below us. It was a period of anxious suspense, until we were assured that it was again in motion, when, the most careful instructions having been given as to when and how to fire, we awaited its approach. Several platform cars were loaded with troops, and as we poured in our fire upon them, at only a few feet distance, the effect was terrible. In an instant those crowded masses of humanity had disappeared. Some were killed and more were wounded, but a large number jumped from the train and concealed themselves in the swamp and woods. A few were taken prisoners, but the wounded were left to be cared for by their own people, who were known to be near by, as we had no means of caring for them. It was a cruel ambuscade, for as they came to the place where we were awaiting them, it was apparent that they had no intimation of our presence in the vicinity. We hoped to injure the engine and so wreck the train, and a number of the most reliable men were assigned to that special duty; but it passed on out of sight, and we gave our attention to the destruction of the railroad, under the direction of the engineers who had accompanied us for such purposes. Not much was accomplished before heavy firing warned us that we could not delay; and, collecting the prisoners and such arms as we had captured, we proceeded to join the regiment. This had arrived at the open space just in season to discharge the little cannon, which the colonel had borrowed from the navy, at the passing train, when it pushed on, hoping to destroy the bridge which crossed the river a little farther up the road; but the Confederates were found strongly entrenched, with heavy batteries guarding its approaches, and, after carefully feeling of the position and drawing the fire of the batteries, the colonel was obliged to give the order to return. Company H was again thrown out as skirmishers, and, discovering what was supposed to be a Confederate detachment, commenced firing. Fortunately, before any injury was done, it was ascertained that it was Lieutenant Corwin with his company, which had been left to guard a threatening point. Nothing further occurred until we reached the boat, when, as we were embarking, the little knot of cavalry which had been closely watching our movements for some time rode rapidly forward and gave us a volley, by which Lieutenant Blanding, of the 3d Rhode Island Artillery, who accompanied us, was severely wounded. A few shells from the little Parrot gun on our bow dispersed them, and we steamed down the river without further casualty. The main body of the expedition had the usual experience at Pocotaligo, where they hoped to be able to effectually destroy the railroad. The force was too small, and was repulsed with severe loss. We nevertheless expected to renew the attempt the next day; but this purpose was given up, and we were ordered back to the fort. The perils of our return passage were quite equal to any that we had encountered, for in the intense darkness the pilot lost his way, and for a long time we were buffeted about by wind and waves, not knowing what was to become of us. The next day we had leisure to examine the weapons we had captured. It was a curious collection, consisting of rifles, swords of venerable age, and a species of cleaver, much resembling those commonly used by butchers, showing to what extremities the Home Guards, at least, were already reduced. As I write I have a specimen of the last mentioned weapon on my table, personally taken from a rebel at Coosawhatchie.

HEADQUARTERS OF HUNTER AND MITCHELL.

October 28, General Mitchell was reported seriously ill with yellow fever, and General Brannon assumed command of the department. October 29, Dr. Strickland, our chaplain, an old friend of General Mitchell, was sent for to attend him. October 30, General Mitchell died, at 6 P.M. And as others at Hilton Head were prostrated with the same disease, there was danger that it would spread through the department, and every precaution was taken to guard against it. The loss of General Mitchell was a severe blow. He had the confidence of the troops, had shown his ability as a commander, and was supposed to be in such relations with the authorities at Washington as to promise such additions to our forces as would enable us to undertake something of importance. Our last expedition would perhaps have had a better result had he been well enough to assume its direction. As it was, the colors of the Whippy Swamp Guards, with the prisoners and arms, captured by Company H of our regiment, were the only favorable results, while the complete failure of the main expedition, with the loss of so many men, added another to the disheartening blows from which the department had suffered from the beginning. And now the loss of General Mitchell, on whom our hopes were centred, left us without a promise for the future. Soon after our return from Coosawhatchie, two deserters from the 1st Georgia regiment, called the Whippy Swamp Guards, came down from Savannah. They reported the loss of thirty men, their major, and the engineer of the train, at Coosawhatchie, together with their colors. These latter, which we had in our possession, attested the correctness of their statement in at least one particular. Had the Confederates whom we attacked been commanded by any one of ordinary ability, troops would have been sent down by the railroad to cut off our retreat, for there was but one road by which we could return, and this was bordered on either side by impenetrable woods, so that a small force could have held us and made our escape impossible. It is probable that our attack at the railroad so disconcerted them that before they recovered, it was too late to interrupt our rapid retreat. Those who sent us into such a trap either knew nothing of the country, or were willing to make the sacrifice of our command for the sake of drawing off troops from the main point of attack. Looking back upon it now, it seems a part of the blundering operations which characterized our department for the most of the time that we were there, the attack on Pulaski forming a happy exception to the general rule.

[CHAPTER X.]

At Fort Pulaski. Changes at Dawfuskie. Amusements. The pride and taste of the soldiers in fitting up their quarters. Mosquitoes and other pests. Thanksgiving celebration. Incidents of garrison life. Flag of truce. Confederate ironclad. New Year's Day. Mr. Logan's account of the condition of things in Savannah. Prices of provisions, etc. Resignation and departure of Chaplain Strickland. Inspector-General Townsend's and Colonel Green's opinion of the regiment. Flag of truce. Interesting interview with Adjutant-General Gordon and Lieutenant Styles, of the Confederate army. Formation of negro regiments. Our theatre. Building a steam-launch. Deserters. Capture of blockade-runner. Effect of garrison life on the regiment. Capture of Confederate ironclad Atlanta.

After our return from Coosawhatchie, for a time, we were left undisturbed in garrison. The work of repairing the fort and replacing the guns injured in the bombardment continued, with company and battalion drill, whenever the weather permitted. November 4, a few officers made a trip to Dawfuskie, visiting Munger's and Stoddard's; but neglect and decay were manifest everywhere. A few old negroes, abandoned because of inability to bring further profit, with the desolated homes, together exhibited the barbarisms of war and slavery. The cold weather soon relieved our apprehensions from yellow fever; and affairs at the fort moved on in the old sluggish current. Games of ball on the terre-plein, and hunting on the islands near, varied the monotony somewhat, and artillery drill added somewhat to our regular duties. The ducks in the bay were numerous; and, as we had collected quite a fleet of boats, parties were made up, almost daily, to hunt them.

Thanksgiving was approaching, and we determined to make the day memorable. The officers contributed liberally, and committees were appointed to plan for a celebration, which should not only afford pleasure to ourselves, but attract to the fort the general officers of the department, as well as others. November 18, we indulged in a regatta. The colonel had selected the most promising craft, and fitted it up quite handsomely; others also had apparently been fortunate in their selections, but Captain Strickland, while obliged to take an inferior boat, had in Company H the most skilful sailors of the regiment, who, for love of their captain and the honor of the company, worked with a will to overcome all inequalities. The trial trip of our boat was made very early in the morning of the day on which the race occurred, and resulted in christening it the "Tub," by those who had watched its movements. A few changes and alterations were made, and it was ready to start with the others. The race was very exciting, and the course a long one, and it was for some time doubtful which would win the prize, but when the Tub came into the dock, having distanced the whole fleet, by common consent she received the more reputable name of Maggie.

During the pleasant days of autumn, scarcely a day passed without some form of amusement or recreation. The Sabbath, while we were in garrison, was usually observed in a becoming manner, and was a day of rest from work and play, save in the matter of inspection. Regularly every Sunday morning the colonel, accompanied by his staff, made a thorough examination of the interior of the fort, and such was the character of the men, and the discipline which prevailed, that no effort was spared to make these inspections satisfactory. The companies which occupied the casemates on two sides of the fort availed themselves of all the materials at hand to fit them up in a manner not only to secure the greatest comfort to themselves, but to render them most attractive in appearance. And it was a great pleasure to note from Sabbath to Sabbath the ingenuity and skill displayed in the arrangements for eating and sleeping, as well as for general effects. Bunks were made, either single or double, and tastefully covered with colored netting, to ward off the attacks of mosquitoes and sand flies. Tables, chairs, and lounges of various designs occupied the spaces around the guns, while dogs, cats, 'coons, and other pets shared the quarters and the messes. The season for sand flies, mosquitoes, and fleas, passed by with the warm weather, but each for a time had proven severe trials to us all. First the sand flies swarmed in countless numbers, microscopic in size, all bite and poison, penetrating everywhere, and, while they lasted, the agony of dress parade, with the men at rest, will be remembered, but cannot be described. The mosquitoes were quite tolerable, but when, under the hot sun of midsummer, the fleas made their appearance, there was little rest night or day. Walking on the shore, it seemed sometimes as if every grain of sand had been quickened into life, like the dragon's teeth of Jason.

Rumors reached us, from time to time, that an effort would be made to recapture the fort, and General Beauregard was reported to have stated, in a speech, that but a few days would elapse before he would replace the present commandant. Others have made similar mistakes, and to few is given the spirit of prophecy.

November 27, Thanksgiving Day, opened bright and beautiful, the atmosphere clear and cool. All preparations had been made, and we awaited the coming of our guests. The chaplain consecrated the day in a short but interesting sermon upon the political aspects of the country. After the discourse, the amusements of the day commenced, with target-shooting and boat-races. When these were concluded, the officers marched to the south dock, to meet the guests. Three boats came, quite loaded with passengers, among them Generals Brannon and Terry. Proceeding to the fort to the sound of music and the firing of salutes which announced the quality of our visitors, the amusements of the day recommenced, with foot-races, followed by hurdle, sack, and wheel-barrow races, greased pole, greased pig, and other games. Perhaps the most ludicrous were the attempts of the negroes, with hands tied behind them, to pick out with their teeth the gold piece concealed in a tub of flour. Finally the day closed with dress parade by the non-commissioned officers and privates, in which the most grotesque costumes were used, and the largest liberty permitted. Taking advantage of this, the peculiarities of the officers were brought out with the grossest exaggerations, manner and tone being imitated so well, and withal in such good-natured frolicsome spirit, that the subjects of the pleasantries enjoyed it equally with the others. The published orders were admirable hits, ending with the one attributed to Major Beard, which, after announcing the death of a member of the regiment, concluded with, "The God of battles will give him a soldier's rest by order of O.T. Beard, Major Commanding." A long nooning gave ample time for the dinner, which was spread in a temporary building on the terre-plein, and consisted of a variety of fish, fowl, and joints, with the usual accompaniments. The evening and most of the night were given up to dancing. At midnight a supper was served, and many of us retired, but a few, who had passed the bounds of moderation in their libations, served to keep alive the echoes of song and laughter until the morning brought exhaustion, and permitted a little rest. The day was a memorable one, contrasting as it did so severely with the events which placed us there and continued to disturb the country. The following day we parted with our guests, and resumed the old routine.

At this time our company was stationed on Tybee Island, with headquarters in the Martello Tower, and it was a common trip to run over and dine with Swartwout, who was one of the most genial and hospitable officers in the regiment. He had very comfortable apartments on the top of the tower, and his men were pleasantly disposed in neat and cheerful barracks near by. There were horses to ride, and a long, beautiful, and solid beach to ride on, little to do, no special annoyances, plenty of game and an almost independent command, so that those detailed there were inclined to remain.

MARTELLO TOWER, TYBEE ISLAND.

Soon after our arrival at the fort for garrison duty, a bed of fine large and luscious oysters was discovered near by, having been planted by the former occupants of the fort, by whose labors we profited much, for the supply seemed unlimited. Base-ball became a regular institution, in which the whole garrison joined, from the colonel down. When the officers were not playing, the men occupied the ground, when off duty. And it was well, for we needed all the exercise we could get, on account of the enervating effect of the long confinement in the fort, and we wished to be ready for active service, which we trusted would come in time.

December 24, Colonel Barton returned from Hilton Head with the announcement that Lieutenant-Colonel Beard had resigned, and his resignation had been accepted, and that several ironclads were expected from the North.

December 27, the steamboat Mattano conveyed a party up the river on flag of truce. Starting early in the forenoon, we proceeded slowly to a point nearly opposite St. Augustine's Creek, when we were hailed by the officer of a Confederate picket, and, having dropped anchor, awaited the return of the messenger which had been sent to the ram Georgia as soon as we appeared in sight. This was plainly visible, about a mile distant,—a low, sullen mass of iron, apparently immovable. While waiting the return of the messenger, we had ample opportunity to examine it, but could make out little beyond her general shape. Designed to clear the river and vicinity of our gunboats, she had thus far proved a failure, and, as confessed by an officer who visited us, had greatly disappointed those who had furnished the means to build her. The officer sent to communicate with us was Lieutenant Johnson, who, in the course of a very pleasant conversation, stated that for seventeen years he was in the United States service. That at the time of our attack on Port Royal he was in command of one of the steamers of Commodore Tatnall's fleet, which was nearly blown out of water by one of our eleven-inch shells. In the afternoon, Captain Sawyer, of General Mercer's staff, came alongside, having started for Pulaski on flag of truce. His boat was manned by sailors from New York.

January 1, 1863, opened with a clear sky and an invigorating atmosphere. It was observed as a holiday, and Captain Elfwing, who could not forget, even in our unfavorable conditions, the good old custom of open house and spread table, invited his friends to partake of his hospitalities. Lieutenant Wallace, who had resigned, spent the day in taking leave of his companions.

January 3, nine men from the 47th New York State Volunteers, a regiment with which we had been brigaded from the first, and between which and our regiment there had always existed a special friendship, came to the fort in the steamer Mattano, for a match game of base-ball with our picked nine. They took their defeat in the best humor, and nothing occurred to mar the good-fellowship between the two regiments.

January 8, Mr. Logan, who went up to Savannah December 27, returned to the fort with several ladies. Lieutenant Johnson came with them, and our acquaintance was renewed. Papers were exchanged, and from the Savannah News we gained information which silenced certain unfavorable rumors which had been current in the garrison for some days. Mr. Logan gave an interesting account of what he saw within the Confederate lines, and we note a few of his statements. The supply of clothing had become so reduced that the cast-off garments of past generations were drawn upon, so that the grotesqueness of costumes, even among the better classes, was often ludicrous. The prices of nearly everything had advanced to enormous figures. The following will serve as examples. Tea was fourteen dollars a pound, salt fifteen dollars a bushel, flour from thirty to fifty dollars a barrel, men's boots from twenty to forty dollars per pair. He further stated that his brother-in-law paid a hundred dollars for a coat made of Kentucky jean, and fifty dollars for two pairs of hand cards for carding cotton. He himself paid two dollars for a tooth-brush, and four dollars for a daguerreotype. Sugar was sold for seventy-five cents per pound by the hogshead, and other articles in proportion. Merchants had but little in their stores; and great inconvenience, and even suffering, generally prevailed. From these facts we derived great encouragement. If they indicated the condition of things generally in the South, the war could not last long. The report of the capture of Vicksburg, about this time, strengthened this feeling. The news, generally, was encouraging.

February 3, Generals Hunter, Foster, Negley, Potter, and Seymour visited the fort. General Hunter was quite extravagant in his praises of the regiments. February 6, Dr. Strickland left us, and was not expected to return. He was an excellent chaplain. Faithful, earnest, and fearless, he helped materially in keeping the regiment to its high standard of morals and propriety. While not aggressive, he was constant in his labors, and was heartily respected in them. There was a wholesome and agreeable freedom in his manner, combined with dignity of habit and speech, which we liked. He had many warm friends, and, if any enemies, they were not known.

February 9, the regiment was inspected by Colonel Green, the assistant inspector-general of the army, who came to the fort accompanied by General E.D. Townsend, Adjutant-General, U.S. A. They both expressed themselves very much pleased at our appearance, and complimented us very highly.

February 16, I was despatched on another flag of truce, with Captain Kenzie, of General Hunter's staff, who was entrusted with special business for headquarters. Near Bird Island, the steamboat Ida met us, and Captain Gordon, adjutant-general of General Mercer's staff, with wife and two children, came on board our boat, accompanied by Captain and Lieutenant Styles of the Virginia army. They were all people of education and refinement, and during the several hours that we spent together, there was no suggestion of personal antagonism as an outgrowth of the general attitude which we maintained towards each other. In spite of my earnest protest against the introduction of any irritating subject, the war, its causes, and its different phases, were discussed with freedom, but without the least appearance of bitterness. Mrs. Gordon and family had suffered privations in common with others, and Lieutenant Styles spoke of the division of the army to which he was attached as often without shoes, and even sufficient food, but bearing everything without complaint. The coat he had on, made of ordinary gray cloth, cost one hundred and fifty dollars, and he had ordered a pair of cavalry boots, to cost sixty dollars—thus corroborating the statements of Mr. Logan. The picture which he drew of the soldiers of the Confederate army,—marching over the snow without shoes, with a cake of gingerbread in hand, costing a dollar, and a newspaper in pocket, costing twenty-five cents,—would have been pathetic had it not suggested such a lamentable want of judgment, in preferring the luxury of gingerbread and newspapers to the comfort and protection of suitable covering for the feet. We parted with mutual expressions of personal esteem, knowing that within the hour of our parting, we might be called upon, in the discharge of duty to which we were bound, to take each other's life, while we equally lamented the necessity for such brutality.

February 20, reports reached us of difficulty between General Hunter and some of the officers on the staffs of the new generals who had come to the department from North Carolina, who showed too little respect for the negro soldiers, the pets of the commanding general. And this reminds me of neglect in overlooking the fact that, in the formation of the negro regiments, Lieutenant Corwin obtained the position of major, and several of our sergeants and corporals obtained commissions. Advanced positions in these regiments were offered to several of our officers, who declined to accept them.

February 23, our theatre was opened, with the following entertainment:—Address by Corporal Michaels. Singing by the members. Farce, "Family Jars." Song, "The Flea," by Owens, of Company H. Recitation by Hutchinson. Light balancing by Dr. Haven. Tragedy, 1st act of "Richard III." Song by Dickson. Concluding with the tableau, "Washington's Grave." The theatre was very pretty, and the performances excellent. The scene-painting was done by Harrison, who was by profession a scenic artist, and was very good. From this time forward, during our stay at the fort, performances were continued regularly, and afforded a great deal of pleasure.

March 3, several officers went to the Ogeechee river to witness the attack on Fort McAllister by the ironclads. About this time a little engine and boiler were completed, under the direction of Captain Paxson, out of materials found in the fort, and placed in a large boat, which had floated down to the island. They worked satisfactorily, and this little craft was used for a long time in trips about the island and to neighboring points. Our regiment might be taken as an example of the material of our army. Every profession, and almost every department of mechanical pursuits, was represented, and, whatever work was required, there was no lack of such as were familiar with it.

March 15, four men, comprising a Confederate picket, came in to the fort, bringing their officer with them, much against his will. They were well armed, with Maynard rifles and Colt's revolvers. In all, twelve deserters came in within ten days. Day after day we were called upon to entertain visitors, and the fort became a place of resort for the idle and curious in the department. The theatre was a great attraction.

March 30, a small schooner was discovered near the entrance to Munger's River, and the colonel started for her in the Mattano. At first she hoisted the English colors, but was compelled to acknowledge that she was a blockade-runner, bound for Savannah with a load of salt. She was our first prize.

NEW IRONSIDES AND MONITORS.

March 31, we learned, through Mr. Whitney, the designer of the monitor Keokuk, who was visiting his cousin, Captain Lockwood, that there were now eight ironclads at Hilton Head, or near Charleston Harbor, which meant that something was to be done. The men were soon set to work moving mortars to the south dock for shipment. Great activity prevailed; constant communication was kept up with Hilton Head by signal to Braddock's Point; and a steamboat was nearly all the time at the service of Colonel Barton. In addition to our regiment, a company of the 3d Rhode Island Artillery, under Captain Gould, had for a long time, formed a part of the garrison; and at this time several gunboats were in the river, to help protect the fort against any attack which might be made on Pulaski while our ironclads were operating against the forts in Charleston Harbor.

April 7, an attack was made upon Fort Sumter, which was unsuccessful, owing to the obstructions in the channel, which confined the operations of our fleet. The Keokuk, which took the most advanced position, and received the heaviest fire, was so injured that she sank on the following morning.

From this time until June 3 nothing occurred of special interest. We all had leisure for recreation, which was really needed to overcome the effect of confinement in this debilitating climate. Every fair day, after the regular drills, the terre-plein was turned into a playground. Every one drifted into habits of idleness, and while an admirable opportunity was afforded, during our stay in the fort, for reading and study, few had the inclination to engage in serious or profitable pursuits; and so many were inclined to occupations of a frivolous and demoralizing character that it is safe to say that the morals of the regiment suffered a severer strain during our stay in Fort Pulaski than during all the remainder of its service in the army.

June 3, several companies were ordered to be ready with cooked rations, and it soon became known that Bluffton was to be burned. Why this order was issued, we never knew; but it was carried out most literally. Judging from the force detailed, opposition must have been expected; but the work was accomplished without any hindrance, and the beautiful little village was reduced to a mass of ruins.

THE INTERIOR OF FORT SUMTER.

June 12, General Hunter was relieved by General Quincy A. Gilmore, the same who was captain of engineers in the first expedition to Port Royal.

June 17, we became aware that something unusual was taking place in Warsaw Sound; and after an early breakfast, several of us took positions favorable for observation, on that portion of the ramparts overlooking that quarter. A number of steamers were visible, and for a few moments there was heavy firing. We thought we distinguished the rebel ironclad Atlanta, formerly the Frugal, and the return of the steamboat Island City from the scene of operations confirmed this impression. From her we received a full account of the affair. The Atlanta came down Wilmington River, expecting to capture the two ironclads, who were on the lookout for her, but four shots from the Nahant were all that was needed to crush in her sides, and reduce her to submission. At close range, even her four inches of iron plate, backed by fifteen inches of solid oak, were not proof against the heavy guns of the monitor. The other vessels which came down from Savannah to see and perhaps participate somewhat in the fight did not wait for their share, but returned with all speed to report the sad failure.

[CHAPTER XI.]

Good-by to Fort Pulaski. At St. Helena Island, under General Strong. Billinghurst and Regua battery. Folly Island. Masked batteries. Attack on Morris Island. Killed and wounded of the regiment. Captain Lent. Capture of Confederate batteries. Building batteries. Hot work and little rest. Completion of batteries. Assault on Wagner. Badly managed. Terrible losses. General Strong. Negro soldiers. Their effect upon the Confederates. After the assault. The shelling by the Confederates. Incident.

June 18, General Gilmore arrived at the fort, and in the evening a telegraphic despatch was received,—for, some time before this, a telegraphic cable had been successfully laid between Braddock's Point and the fort,—ordering us to have eight companies ready to start in the morning, with cooked rations. Although we were ready at the time appointed, it was decided to be better to defer embarkation until evening, that it might not become known to the Confederates that the garrison was so weakened. Accordingly, when the darkness of night had settled down on the fort, the eight companies marched to the dock and embarked in the Ben De Ford, which steamed away from the fort, but anchored off Tybee Island for the night. Companies G and I were left behind; but before we started, the officers all gathered together, and joined in "Auld Lang Syne." Seldom had such a solemn feeling rested upon us, and the cheers and good-wishes of those who parted there were to many the last words of fellowship together upon earth.

The following morning, we passed the Atlanta, on our way to St. Helena Island. It was a formidable-looking craft, being supplied with a heavy armament, and all the appliances for offence and defence, including an immense ram and an ingenious contrivance for exploding torpedoes. Arrived at St. Helena Island, our destination, we found ourselves in the brigade of General Strong.

June 27, the writer was placed in command of the Billinghurst and Regua battery, and separated from the regiment. As soon as detailed, reported to General Strong, and had twenty-five men detailed from the several regiments of the brigade to handle the pieces. Each of these consisted of twenty-five rifle barrels on a carriage, so arranged that the fire from a single cap, opposite the centre barrel, was through a tube communicated to all, so that they could be discharged simultaneously. The barrels were heavy, with long range, and, as a defence against attack of infantry, might be very effective. The idea was similar to the French mitrailleuse; but whether borrowed from it, we cannot tell. This was the only battery of the kind ever used in the department, and, being entirely new, every moment was occupied in practice, in getting the range, and in securing the necessary equipments. Worse than all, it was necessary to improvise a drill while the practice was going on, but General Strong, who was one of the noblest, kindest, and most considerate of men, assisted in every way, and by all the means at his command. It was not long before we were as much captivated by his military bearing and his gentle urbanity of manner as the other officers and men of his brigade. It is given to but few men to attach others to them as he did.

SIEGE OF CHARLESTON.

July 4, we were ordered on board the Harriet M. Weed, and proceeded to Folly Island, on the northerly portion of which we encamped until the 10th, when we moved up to the other end of the island, in rear of our batteries. These contained about fifty guns, and had been masked by a grove of trees until this morning, when a clearing had been made, and the guns opened fire. Only the day previous, a number of Confederate officers had been out on the sandbar which at low tide almost connected Folly with Morris Island, and made a careful inspection of the vicinity, with their field-glasses, all the time in plain sight of our men behind the batteries, but without discovering anything. The bombardment was a disagreeable surprise to them. Arrived behind the batteries, we were compelled to go their whole length and return, on account of confusion of orders, while the shot and shell from the Confederate batteries opposite played around us in the most reckless manner.

NOISELESS HAULING OF THE GUNS.

That night we crossed to Morris Island, and encamped on the beach. In the meantime the 48th, with other troops, had been massed near the end of Folly Island, and as soon as the cannonading from our guns ceased, landed on Morris Island, charged the Confederate works, and, proceeding on, cleared every obstruction, even to the very foot of Wagner. But not without loss. Quite a number were killed and wounded. Among the killed was Captain Lent of Company A, a man of genial, happy disposition, beloved by every one. Although a brave, earnest, and competent officer, he was so quiet and retiring in his habits that he seemed almost out of place in such scenes, and it was hard to reconcile so gentle and amiable a life with such a sudden and cruel death. While encamped on Folly Island, he called at the battery on his way to the front, and I well remember his expression as we parted: "How I wish I had your place! I would rather have it than the command of the regiment." It was not of danger that he thought, but of the independence of the command. Before the attack, our regiment was divided for convenience of landing, and while our guns were thundering against the batteries opposite, the men were waiting in anxious expectancy; and when the word was given they shot across the little strip of water, and, in the face of a murderous fire, rushed up the beach, and with fixed bayonets carried all before them. There was no faltering, but only an onward movement; and, although many fell, others supplied their places, and with cheer upon cheer they cleared the Confederate works, capturing men, guns, camp-equipage, and everything, until the recall was sounded, and they came slowly back to count their dead and wounded. It was a gallant charge, and in it General Strong set the example, when, leaving shoes in the clinging sand, he rushed forward, the first to land, and the last to realize the necessity for a recall. It was a glorious charge and a glorious success, which gave a vantage-ground for our troops on which to plant their batteries, and a place for successful operations against the strong defences of Charleston. Had the proper use been made of this early success, Wagner would have been ours; but, unfortunately, the attack on this fort was delayed until the following morning, when, with a garrison re-enforced, our attacking column was easily repulsed. The days that followed were full of labor and exposure. The guns of Wagner and Sumter searched every nook and cranny of the island, and many men lay down at night to sleep, to waken in the Eternal City. As fast as possible, guns were hurried up into position to bear upon Wagner, and the heavy armaments of the ironclads kept up a constant clamor, but with little effect; shot and shell came flying into camp in all directions. General Strong's headquarters were fairly uprooted by a bursting shell, and when solicited to move to a less exposed position he laughed, as if it were only play. Hour by hour he grew into the affections of his command, and it is certain that no officer was ever more beloved. After a time, earthworks were thrown up across the island, near Wagner; and the men, from habit, learned to protect themselves in some measure from the enemy's fire. July 13, the 48th were at the front for twenty-four hours, during which time the Confederates made a sortie, but were repulsed with considerable loss. A sergeant endeavored to capture Lieutenant Tantum, but made a bad mistake. The powerful grasp of the lieutenant was not to be resisted, and the sergeant went to the rear, an humble prisoner. Attached to our battery, and under my command, was a small company of sharpshooters, with telescopic rifles, who buried themselves in the sand close to the walls of Wagner in the hour before light in the morning, and proved most effective in controlling the fire of the fort. Not a head or hand could appear without being reminded of their presence.

BOMB AND SPLINTER PROOF.

July 18, the attack on Fort Wagner commenced at about 10 A.M., and a steady fire from our batteries and the ironclads was kept up until evening. The following is the account of the assault, written by J.A. Barrett, who was second lieutenant of Company H:—

"We lay on our arms all day, and just before dark were formed in column by companies, and advanced under a galling fire up the beach. It was a trying hour, our ranks thinning at every step. For much of the way the right of our column was obliged to wade in the water. On our left another column composed of the 54th Massachusetts colored regiment, under Colonel Shaw, also advanced on the fort. We waded the moat and scaled the parapet. Our loss was terrible, sometimes whole companies being mowed down at once. We jumped over the parapet into one bastion where there were two guns, but the firing was so hot that we were unable to turn them to any use. Darkness was upon us, and we could see nothing. The supporting columns coming up in our rear, poured in a heavy fire, mistaking us for the rebels. Our killed and wounded kept piling up. A rebel officer for some purpose came among our men, and was seized by a private of the 48th, who called to Colonel Barton that he had a prisoner. To which the colonel replied: 'Take him to the rear.' 'But he won't come,' said the private, who was nicknamed 'Plucky.' 'If he wont yield, then bayonet him,' was the order; when a wounded man dragged himself up, and, with all his remaining strength, plunged his bayonet into the side of the rebel officer, and, falling back, expired. A retreat was ordered, but was not altogether understood, and some fifty of our men remained and continued firing. I was severely wounded in the thigh, but roused myself, and directed the fire of these few men as best I could, collecting ammunition from the dead and wounded. When this gave out, I ordered all who could to go to the rear. This section of the fort was literally full of dead and wounded, piled up even with the parapet. I crossed over their bodies, slid down the slope and crossed the moat, which was full of our dead. A rebel sentry was pacing up and down the beach, but by keeping near the bank I was able to pass him. My scabbard was shot away, my pistol bent and useless, and, leaning on my sword, I hobbled down the beach to camp. The 48th went into this assault with five hundred men and sixteen officers, and three hundred men and fourteen officers were killed, wounded, or prisoners."

FORT WAGNER AT POINT OF ASSAULT.

While this brief account is valuable, as the statement of a cool, self-possessed, and brave officer, who participated in the assault, and was an eye-witness to what he states, no words can adequately describe the horrors of that night. Sufficient time had elapsed, since the occupation of the island by our troops, to allow of a complete and careful preparation for the assault, which the enemy had reason to expect. A large re-enforcement was added to the garrison, and the men were most carefully drilled in the minutest details, to provide against every possible emergency. The heavy bombardment which preceded the assault, while it seemed as if it would tear the fort from its foundation, had really no serious effect in weakening it; and as soon as it ceased, the men were withdrawn from the bomb-proofs, where they had been completely protected, and assigned to their positions, and, when our troops made the assault, were as ready to receive them as if not a cannon had been fired. On our part, there seemed to be a want of accurate information, and of carefully matured plan, which resulted in confusion of action; while on their part, there was the most intelligent and thorough preparation possible, and most perfect concert of action between all those assigned to special duties in the defence. The result was inevitable, and the carnage terrible. The responsibility of the assault was generally ascribed to General Seymour, and, as subsequent events clearly proved, it was a useless sacrifice of life. General Gilmore continued to plant batteries, by which we not only reached the forts in the vicinity, but, with the famous Swamp Angel guns, threw shot and shell a distance of five miles into the city of Charleston. These batteries, and the mine which he constructed, which destroyed one whole force of Wagner, compelled its evacuation on the night of September 6.

FORT WAGNER, SEA FRONT.