Transcribed from the 1862 E. Lewis edition by David Price, email ccx074@pglaf.org

HISTORY
OF
BRIGHTHELMSTON
OR
Brighton as I View it and others Knew it,
WITH A
CHRONOLOGICAL
TABLE OF LOCAL EVENTS.

By JOHN ACKERSON ERREDGE,

(Author of “The Students’ Hand Book,” &c.)

BRIGHTON:
PRINTED BY E. LEWIS, “OBSERVER” OFFICE, 52a, NORTH STREET.

1862.

PREFACE.

The publication of the History of Brighton had proceeded, with the most gratifying success, through ten monthly numbers, when it was suddenly interrupted by the lamented decease of the Author—Mr. J. A. Erredge. Death came upon him, not stealthily, but in its most awful form. It surprised him literally at the desk. Whilst talking cheerfully to the publisher, the hand of Death was laid upon him, and he fell dead to the ground;—the ink of these pages was still wet whilst the Author was extended on the floor a corpse. So terrible an occurrence for a brief space delayed the publication of the work, but fortunately for the family of the author, the MS. was nearly completed, and his sons were enabled, from the materials left by their lamented father, to compile the few last pages and send the two concluding numbers through the press. The History of Brighton is now completed, and whatever shortcomings may be detected in the two concluding numbers, which had not the advantage of being corrected by the Author, will no doubt be pardoned by a generous public.

CONTENTS.

Chapter I.
THE ROMANS AT BRIGHTON.

Although there is no doubt that the vicinity of Brighton at a very remote period was occupied as a Roman military station, it is not the intention of the compiler of this work to date, merely on supposition, the origin of the town, coeval as it might have been with the landing of Julius Cæsar in Britain. The “Magna Britannia,” published in 1737, mentions:—“As to the antiquity of this town, there is reason to believe it to have stood a vast tract of time. From the accounts our historians give of it, for some of them speak of it ever since Julius Cæsar’s arrival in Britain, and affirm, that this was the place where he landed his legions; (August 26th, 55 B.C., [1]) but since others assert his landing to have been at Hastings, we shall not be very positive, yet may justly insist upon it as most probable, because there is good anchorage in the bay here; and besides, there appears on the west side of this town to this day, for near a mile together, vast numbers of men’s bones, and some of them of prodigious size, which plainly proves that there has been some warlike engagement near it.” As an illustration that what has been transmitted to us orally, especially of remote periods, cannot be relied on, there is told the following tale of “Cæsar’s Stile”:—Dr. Stukely, or some other antiquarian, was travelling through England, when he heard that on a certain hill there was a stile called Cæsar’s Stile. “Ay,” said the doctor, “such a road, mentioned in Antoninus, passed near here; and the traditional name confirms the possibility of a Roman camp on this spot.” Whilst he was surveying the prospect, a peasant came up, whom the doctor addressed thus—“They call this Cæsar’s Stile, my friend, do they not?” “Ees, zur,” said the man, “they calls it so arter poor old Bob Cæsar, the carpenter; rest his soul; I holped him to make it, when I was a boy.”

The “Burrell MSS.” state that:—“There are three Roman castra, or camps, lying in a line over-thwart the Downs from Brighthelmstone to Ditchelling, from south to north. The first, a large one, called the Castle, about a mile from Brighton, eastward, and a mile from the sea, on the summit of a lofty hill commanding the sea-coast; the next, a smaller, called Hollingbury Castle, nearly about the middle of the Downs, also commanding from a lofty hill, by Stanmer, the whole western sea-coast of Sussex; and a third, a large one, called Ditchelling Castle, containing between twelve and fourteen acres, is the highest point of the Downs thereabouts, and commands part of the sea-coast, and all the northern edge of the Downs, and the wild underneath it.” A military Roman way was discovered a few years ago, on St. John’s Common, and in the enclosed lands adjoining, in the parishes of Keymer and Clayton, fully confirming the opinion of Camden and Stillingfleet that the Portus Adurni of the Romans was at Aldrington. [2] On the west side also of Glynd Bridge, near Lewes, a paved Roman causeway was discovered, lying three feet beneath the turf, upon a bed of silt, or blue clay, twenty feet thick; and near it was found a large brass coin of Antoninus Pius.

By whatever name Brighton was then known, there is no doubt it was a place of some note in the time of the Romans, as it was peculiarly favourable to all the purposes of the fisher and the hunter. Romish coins are still frequently found in its vicinity, and in the year 1750, near the town, an urn was dug up, which contained a thousand denarii of different impresses from Antoninus Pius to the Emperor Philip; and since that time there have been found in some of the burghs or barrows to the east of the town, ashes and fragments of human bones, enclosed in urns of Roman manufacture. In preparing the ground for enclosing of the Old Stein, in 1818, several Roman coins were turned up by the workmen, on one of which, round the impression of the head, was the inscription, “IMP. ALEXANDER PIUS, A. V. C,” and on the reverse, “MARS ULTOR,” with the initials S. C. between the figure of Mars. The date, however, was illegible. In forming the Race Course to the south of the Stand,—since restored to its original state,—several urns of Roman fabrication were dug up; and since then, to the east of the town, ashes and fragments of human bones have been found enclosed in Roman urns.

Relicts of the ancient Britons, before the time of the Romans in Britain, have at various times been found in the vicinity of Brighton. The most perfect were those discovered in a Barrow in Coney-burrow field, Hove, in January, 1856. In this field was a mound about 20 feet high, situated north of the pathway from Brighton to Hove, about N.N.E. of the church of St. John the Baptist. Some 40 years since, this hillock was covered with furze, and was a burrow for rabbits; but at a more recent date, when the habitations of men became erected contiguous, and the human family extended thither, the colony of rabbits dispersed, and their abode became the rendezvous of rustic games. Our highly respected local antiquarian, Barclay Phillips, Esq., thus describes it, and the incidents connected with it:—

“Rising from a perfectly level plain, and being unconnected with any other hills, it always presented the appearance of an artificial mound, and therefore, when, some years ago, a road was cut through it to the Hove Station of the Brighton and Portsmouth Railway, I was anxious to learn whether any antiquities had been met with; but not any were then found. Now, however, all doubt on the subject has been set at rest, and the hillock proved to be a Barrow, or monumental mound erected over the remains of an ancient British chieftain. Labourers have recently been employed removing the earth of this hill, and last week, on reaching the centre of the mound, about two yards west of the road leading to Hove Station, and about nine feet below the surface, dug out a rude coffin between six and seven feet long. On exposure to the atmosphere the boards immediately crumbled away; but a few of the knots remained, and prove to be of oak. The coffin contained small fragments of bone, some of which I have seen, and the following curious relics:—

“1. An Amber Cup, with a handle on one side. It is hemispherical in shape, rather deep, with a lip turning outwards, and is ornamented merely with a band of fine lines running round the outside about half an inch from the top. From the fact of the rim not being perfectly round, and the band before-mentioned not passing over the space within the handle, and its being marked off at each end with a line seemingly cut across, we may conjecture it to have been made and carved by hand.

“2. Head of a Battle Axe, about five inches long. It is in perfect preservation, and made of some sort of iron-stone, the wooden handle, having of course, long since decayed.

“3. A small Whetstone, with a hole neatly drilled through one end, so that it might be suspended by a thong to the person, and carried about.

“4. A Bronze Spear Head, very much oxidised, and so brittle that it broke into halves as it was being taken out of the ground. Two of the rivets and fragments of the spear handle still remain attached to the lower end of the blade.

“The workmen described the coffin as resting on the natural soil, which is stiff yellow clay, while the mound itself bears every appearance of having been formed of surface earth and rubbish thrown up together. I minutely examined the sections of the hill, and myself picked out several specimens of charred wood, and was informed that such fragments were very abundant.

“The manner of sepulture and all the relics, excepting the spear head, indicate this mound as having been the burial-place of a British chieftain before the time of the Roman invasion;—the spear-head certainly more nearly, though not exactly, resembles those used afterwards. The mound was of the simplest and most ancient form, and therefore I am inclined to think we may reckon it as at least 2000 years old, perhaps more! It has now disappeared. The last clod of that earth which so long covered the bones of a British chieftain was this afternoon carted away; and coffin, bones, and earth have been thrown pell-mell to form the mould of the future rosary of Palmyra square.”

At a meeting of the Archæological Society in London, about a month after the opening of this barrow, the cup, &c., were exhibited; when Mr. Kemble and other celebrated antiquaries gave their opinion thus:—“The cup is the only known specimen of so large a size, and the battle axe is superior to any similar object in the British Museum.” Mr. Hawkins and Mr. Franks, who have the care of the antiquarian departments, both declared the “find” in this barrow to have been the richest ever known. These rare specimens of local antiquity, through the kindness of Sir Francis Goldsmid, of “The Wick,” on whose land they were found, form a prominent feature of the Brighton Museum, at the Royal Pavilion.

Chapter II.
SITUATION, SOIL, GEOLOGY, AND CLIMATE OF BRIGHTON.

Brighton is situated in 50°.55′. N. latitude, and about 3′. W. longitude, on the eastern side of a shallow bay of the south coast. The centre of the town is in a valley, which at the north diverges to Preston in two courses prominently marked by the London road and the Lewes road, Hollingbury Hill intervening. The east and north-west portions of the town are on acclivities, that to the east terminating abruptly at the south in cliffs ranging from 60 to 80 feet in height; and that to the north-west gradually sloping to the sea-shore. The southern front is bold, and commands an extensive view of the British Channel from Beachy Head to Selsea Bill.

The soil to the east and north-west is principally a thick substratum of chalk, covered with a thin layer of earth. The subsoil of the centre is marl and shingle; and to the westward there are large beds of clay of very irregular character. Dr. Mantell, in his valuable work, “The Geology of the South-east of England,” says:—“The town of Brighton is situated on an immense accumulation of water-worn materials, which fills up a valley, or hollow, in the chalk. The diluvial deposit is bounded on the north-west by the South Downs; on the east it extends to Rottingdean, and is there terminated by the chalk; on the west it may be traced more or less distinctly to Bignor; on the south it is washed by the sea, and forms a line of cliffs from 70 to 80 feet high; these exhibit a vertical section of the strata, and enable us to ascertain their nature and position.”

“The soil of the Downs,” says Young in his Agricultural Survey of Sussex, “is subject to considerable variation. On the summit it is usually very shallow, the substratum is chalk, and over that a layer of chalk rubble, and partially rolled chalk flints, with a slight covering of vegetable mould. Along the more elevated ridges there is sometimes merely a covering of flints, upon which the turf grows spontaneously. Advancing down the hills, the soil becomes deeper, and at the bottom is constantly found to be of very sufficient depth for ploughing: here the loam is excellent, generally ten or twelve inches thick, and the chalk rather broken, and mixed with loam in the interstices.”

Coombe rock,—a provincial term,—which greatly abounds in and about the eastern part of the town, is geologically known as the Elephant bed; and, according to the same authority, “is composed of broken chalk, with angular fragments of flint, imbedded in a calcareous mass of a yellowish colour, constituting a very hard and coarse conglomerate. It is not stratified, but is merely a confused heap of alluvial materials; where it forms a junction with the shingle bed, a layer of broken shells generally occurs: they are too fragile to extract whole: they appear to belong to the genera modiola, mytilus, nerita, &c. It varies considerably in its appearance and composition, in different parts of its course. In the inferior portion of the mass, the chalk is reduced to very small pieces, which gradually become larger in proportion to their height in the cliff: at length fragments of flint appear; and these increase in size and number as they approach the upper part of the bed, of which they constitute the most considerable portion. These flints are more or less broken, and resemble those of our ploughed lands that have been long exposed to the action of the atmosphere. In some parts of the cliff, irregular masses occur of an extraordinary hardness; these have been produced by an infiltration of crystallised carbonate of lime. Large blocks of this variety may be seen on the shore, opposite to the New Steine, where they have for years resisted the action of the waves. This bed also contains water-worn blocks of siliceous sandstone, and ferruginous breccia. Small nodular masses, composed of carbonate of iron in lenticular crystals, interspersed with brown calcareous spar, have occasionally been found at the depth of ten or twelve feet from the summit of the cliff. The organic remains discovered in this deposit are the bones and teeth of the ox, deer, horse, and of the Asiatic elephant; [6] these occur but seldom, and are generally more or less waterworn; [7a] but, in some instances, they are quite entire, and cannot have been subject to the action of the waves. The wells in the less elevated parts of the town pass through the calcareous bed, shingle, and sand, in succession; upon reaching the chalk, springs of good water burst forth, and these are said to be influenced by the tides.” [7b]

The sinking of the Warren Farm Well, at the Industrial Schools, has formed a very interesting subject to geologists, and on the 5th of November, 1861, the Surveyor, Mr. George Maynard, made a report to the Directors and Guardians, as to the state of the well, wherein he “wished it to be understood that he was neither a professor of geology nor an hydraulic engineer.” It stated that the work was commenced on the 22nd March, 1858, and had been continued since without intermission:—“In sinking the well (says Mr. Maynard), I have found that the different strata perforated have been thicker than is generally set forth by professors of, or writers upon geology, proving that the dip of the strata is greater at this particular spot than is commonly found elsewhere, especially the gault, which is now being perforated. I have ascertained that the shanklin, or lower green sand, forming the bottom portion of the glaucomic strata, appear on the surface at Henfield, and continue near the base of the Downs as far as Albourne, thus proving, from the depth attained, that a considerable vale is formed in the strata between Henfield and Beachy Head. The well at the Industrial Schools lies nearly in a direct line, and not far from the centre in distance, between Henfield and the point at Beachy Head, at the base of which water is continually flowing between the malm and gault strata. Hence arises the fact of the gault stratum being so much thicker than was contemplated; but if the shanklin, or lower green sand is reached and penetrated, there is little doubt an ample and continuous supply of water will be obtained, which in all probability will run up to the level of the land at Henfield (from whence the supply will originate), or above the bottom pump in the well. I have tested the quality of the stratum now being penetrated, and feel persuaded that if water is obtained it will be of a good quality. I have already reported my interview with Sir Roderick Murchison and other professors of geology, at the Institute of Practical Geology, in Jermyn Street, London, at which meeting I was encouraged to hope that water would be obtained at a depth not far distant from that which the well has already been sunk; they, at the same time, expressing their surprise that the shanklin sand had not been reached before, and also kindly giving me valuable information how to proceed when that stratum was penetrated. The stratum in which the men are at work at this present time is very soft, so much so that if boring was determined on, it would be requisite to insert iron pipes, which, in my opinion, would be more expensive than the present mode of digging and steining. The depth of the well now attained is 1,080 feet.”

Few organic remains have been found near Brighton. Dr. Mantell mentions but a fragment of a bone resembling the femur, and a grinder of a large size, decidedly the latter that of an Asiatic elephant, in the brick-loam at Hove; the jaw of a whale in the shingle bed; the antlers and bones of the red deer in a bed of loam, in sinking a well near the cavalry barracks; the remains of a deer in the diluvium at Copperas Gap, by the Rev. H. Hoper; and similar remains in digging a well near the Western Road.

With respect to climate, medical men, who have made it their study, have divided the town into three districts. In 1845, Dr. Wigan, then in medical practice in the town, published an elaborate treatise, “Brighton and its Three Climates,” and in 1859, Dr. Kebbell, Physician to the Sussex County Hospital, produced his valuable book, “The Climate of Brighton.” The former considers the north-west part of the town the most salubrious, as it is exempt from the keen easterly winds, and is generally free from the fogs and smoke of the central district. It is free, too, of the marine exhalations to which that district is subject. The air of the east division is bracing, and likewise exempt from the saline particles which impregnate the atmosphere of the lower part of the town, a district which differs but little from any inland town in a low situation, and possesses none of the quality called bracing. Fogs, night and morning, frequently hang about the middle district, which may be termed the business quarter of the town.

Dr. Kebbell says:—

“Brighton, in respect of temperature and the sensation of cold, offers great variety of climate according as the situations are more or less elevated, sheltered, or exposed. The observations of myself and others go to prove, that the elevated portions of the Montpelier districts, in the neighbourhood of All Saints’ Church, are decidedly the coldest, being exposed to the full effects of the strong currents of air from the Downs. After this come the north-eastern districts, including the upper part of the Marine Parade, Kemp Town, and the portions of the town behind them on the north side of the Bristol Road, which are also very much exposed to the cold winds and draughts from the downs. The central parts of the town, from the Old Steine to St. Peter’s Church, are the most sheltered from the winds; both by the downs behind, which protect them from the north-east winds; and by the buildings in front which break the force of the south-west winds; but being on a level surface and enclosed between hills, it is damper than any other part of the town; and I have noticed that in the autumn and winter, the night mists return earlier in the afternoon, and are dispersed later in the morning, than is the case in the more elevated and exposed districts. The low level or valley of the King’s Road, though exposed to the full force of the south-west-winds, is still more sheltered from the cold north-east winds by the great mass of buildings and the hills behind, and is decidedly the warmest and mildest part of the town, offering a very marked contrast to the cold elevated part of the Montpelier district. Sir James Clark speaks of the West cliff as being ‘somewhat damp,’ [9] but I am at a loss to conceive how this can be so, taking into consideration its sloping surface, the general porous character of the soil, together with its direct exposure to the rays of the sun. In point of warmth, the first half or third of the Marine Parade ranks next to the valley of the King’s Road. Further east, towards Kemp Town, the air becomes colder and more bracing, and the draughts from the downs are more keenly felt. The parts of the town between the Western Road, and the line of Upper North Street and Montpelier Terrace, occupy, in point of climate, an intermediate position between the valley of the King’s Road, and the cold and exposed portion of the Montpelier district.

* * * * * *

I cannot conceive any place enjoying greater natural advantages than Brighton, and it is incumbent on those who think it unhealthy to state from what source the insalubrity can have its origin, always excepting those artificial and preventable causes of disease which it creates within itself. For upwards of half the year the inhabitants breathe an atmosphere which has traversed the surface of several thousand miles of the great Atlantic Ocean. This at all events must be entirely free from all sources of disease. The staple of the land upon which the town stands, and for several miles round, is composed of chalk and sand, intermixed with flints, with the dip of the strata towards the sea, which, with the absence of any dense foliage in the surrounding district, has the effect of rendering the atmosphere of the place remarkably dry and bracing. Neither is there any low-lying marsh land, where the fresh and sea water mix and infect the atmosphere, or exposure of mud at the mouths of rivers at low tide, or, in fact, any source of malaria whatever within any distance of the town, which can possibly to any appreciable or injurious extent affect its atmosphere. The winds from the land side, therefore, are probably almost, if not entirely, as healthy as those from the sea. Brighton has also no tidal harbour, nor any exposure of mud at low tide containing decaying vegetable matter, which at many sea-side places, and some much frequented by the public, is not only very offensive, but very injurious to the health.” [10]

Chapter III.
THE ETYMOLOGY AND EARLY HISTORY OF BRIGHTON.

The obscurity respecting the etymology of Brighton, or more properly speaking Brighthelmston, is much to be regretted. In the Domesday Book it is written Brighthelmstun, evidently derived from Brighthelm, the name of some person of eminence, to whom it belonged, and tun the Saxon of town or dwelling. Bailey says that the name was given to the town by St. Brighthelm, a Saxon. Skinner says the town was so named from Brighthelm, a canonised bishop of Fontenoy, who lived about the middle of the 10th century. Stillingfleet and other authorities state that a Saxon bishop of that name resided here during the Heptarchy, and his name was given to the town. The last opinion is most to be relied on, as, when Ella and his three sons—Cimen, Wiencing, and Cisa,—landed in Sussex, at Shoreham, in 447, Bishop Brighthelm accompanied them; and one of his successors resided at Aldrington, the Portus Adurni, or port of the river Adur, (where, near Fishersgate, till within the last forty years, was the entrance to the harbour from the sea), [11] and held a considerable portion of the land thereabout until 693, when he was killed in battle; but where the battle was fought no mention is made.

Dr. Relhan says:—“The light sometimes obtained in these dark matters from a similitude of sounds in the ancient and modern names of places, is not to be had in assisting the present conjecture. Its ancient one, as far as I can learn, is no way discoverable: and its modern one may be owing either to this town’s belonging formerly to, or being countenanced in a particular manner, by a Bishop Brighthelm, who during the former government of the island, lived in this neighbourhood: or perhaps may be deduced from the ships of this town having their helms better ornamented than those of their neighbouring ones.”

The earliest record of the modern name, Brighton, is to be found in the Burrell MSS.:—

“17. Henry IV. Thomas Seynt Clare holds the manor of Brighton with lands and messuages in the same.”

The following is quoted from the same authority—

“2. Mary. The queen on the 27th day of Nov. let to farm to William May, valet of the kitchen, the manor of Brightelston with all its appurtenances for 21 years, from the feast of St. Michæl last past, for the annual rent of 6l 13s 4d.”

Mr. James Charles Michell, who re-published Dr. Relhan’s “Short History of Brighthelmston, in 1761,” mentions it to be met with in the terrier to the tenantry land, dated 1660.

Domesday book states that two of the three manors of Brighthelmston had been held by Edward the Confessor; but it has been aptly observed, that, notwithstanding, they might not have belonged to that prince; for the Normans, who denounced Harold the Second as an usurper, invariably substituted the name of Edward, when jurors were empannelled, in order to make an accurate return of the several manors within their respective hundreds, putting down that of Harold, as the statutes of the republican parliament of the 17th century are all references to Charles II. It is therefore fair to presume that the whole, or most of the town and parish belonged to the ancestors of Earl Godwin many generations prior to the Conquest, if not ever since the establishment of the Saxon power in this part of the island. They were styled Thanes, or noblemen of considerable possessions.

The only Thane whose name, qualities, and achievements have been made known to us, was Ulnoth or Wolnoth, the father of Earl Godwin and lord of the manor of Brighthelmston. This nobleman was appointed by Ethelred II. to direct the equipment of, and afterwards to command, the ships sent by the county of Sussex in 1008, as its quota towards the national fleet which the king was then collecting to oppose the Danes, who were come a second time to levy contributions on England. Godwin, his son and successor to the manor, was banished by order of Edward, who took it with other possessions. He regained them by force, and retained them till 17th of April, 1053, when he was suddenly taken ill while dining at Winchester, where the court of Edward was then held, and died four days afterwards.

Earl Godwin was succeeded in two of the chief manors by his son Harold, who, upon the death of Edward, in 1065, was chosen king: but, from some secret arrangements between the king and William, duke of Normandy, the latter made a claim which he asserted by force of arms. He landed at Pevensey. Harold at the time was at Stanford Bridge, near York, where he had defeated Toston, his unnatural brother, and Harold Harfager, the king of Norway; and hearing of William’s arrival, he immediately proceeded southward, and with the addition of some levies hastily collected at Brighthelmston and his other manors in Sussex, encamped within nine miles of the invader. On the 14th of October, 1066, he joined battle with the Normans, and after performing all that valour and judgment could do against a brave enemy, he closed his life in the field of battle, near Hastings, having been pierced in the brain with an arrow.

Harold’s possessions at Brighthelmston having fallen into the hands of William the Conqueror, the town was conferred on his son-in-law, one of his generals, William, Lord de Warren, in Normandy, who was created Earl of Surrey.

In 1081, when the survey of Sussex was made by commissioners under order from William the Conqueror, the manor of Brighton—Brighthelmston-Michelham,—had attached to it four hagæ, or tenements, in the town of Lewes, for which a sum of twelve pounds a-year was paid. These hagæ were places of resort for protection in seasons of danger from feuds between neighbouring heptarchs, or from the ravages of the Danes, Lewes being the fortified borough under the lord of the barony, then William de Warren. The manor of Brighthelmston-Michelham was held of the king by three Aloarii, or joint tenants of the same manor, who owed no suit or service to any superior, but “might go where they pleased,” that is, in the feudal language of Domesday, were attached to no lord in a seignoral, but to the king alone in a civil capacity. This manor defended itself for six hides, and one yardland. One of the tenants had an aula, or manor-house on his part. The shares of the two others were used by villeins, or slaves. The whole formed but one manor, and contained five ploughlands of arable. After the conquest, this manor was held by one Widard, under William de Warren. He had one ploughland and a half in his demesne, or immediate possession; and fourteen villeins, and twenty-one bordars, or bordarii, occupiers of cottages, used the three other ploughlands and a half. It also contained seven acres of meadow, and wood enough to afford pannage, or mast and acorns for twenty-one hogs belonging to the villeins of the manor, three of which the lord was, by the general custom of the county, entitled to. Lady Amhurst is the present lady of this manor.

The manor of Brighthelmston-Lewes was held after the Conquest, by Radulphus, a Norman adventurer, under William de Warren, and defended itself for five hides and a half of land. Radulphus held in demesne half a carucate, or ploughland, the whole arable land of the manor being three carucates. Eighteen villeins and nine bordars used the rest of the arable land, for the cultivation of which, and the lord’s half carucate, they had three ploughs, and one servus, or villein en gross, under them. The “gablum,” or customary rent of this maritime manor, was four thousand herrings or mackerel. To this day, if demanded, the fishermen of Brighton pay to this manor six mackerel for each boat, every time they return from mackerel fishing. The fish thus paid is called “Reve,” or more properly “Reves,” which signifies rent or tithes, from the Saxon verb, resian, to exact. When the Reve Inn, Upper Edward Street, was first opened, the sign represented the lord’s reve on horseback, Murrell,—who at that time held the New England farm, the site of the present railway works and land contiguous,—receiving of a Brighton fisherman six mackerel. In 1081 the manor was worth £12 a year. Mr. Charles Scrase Dickens and Mr. Thomas Wisden are the present lords of this manor.

The manor of Atlingworth was held after the Conquest, by William de Watteville, under William de Warren. He used one ploughland in demesne, and thirteen villeins and eleven bordars used the other. The church stood in this manor, which was, at the grand survey, valued at £12 a year. In the reign of Stephen, Ralph de Cheney was in possession of this manor, and he gave the Priory at Lewes the advowson of the church, together with all his lands in the parish; and in process of time the whole manor became the property of the Priory. Mr. Somers Clarke is the present lord, and Mrs. Penelope McWhinnie is the present lady of this manor. By a decree of the High Court of Chancery, made on the 21st day of October, 1760, a partition of this manor of Brighthelmston was made between Thomas Friend and Bodycombe Sparrow, the then proprietors of it, and the present lords accordingly possess the soil of it in distinct moieties. In 1771, October 7th, Charles Scrase bought (Henry) Sparrow’s moiety.

“Atlingworth, Adelingworth, Ablingworth, Athelingworth, or Addlingworth (Tower Records, No. 50,) manor lies in the parishes of Brighthelmston and Lewes; it is the paramount manor, and extends over the Hoddown (Lord Pelham’s estate), formerly a Warren.”—Burrell MSS.

Besides the three principal manors, there are within the town and parish two other small manors, viz., Peakes and Harecourt; as also parcels or members of the manors of Old Shoreham, alias Vetus Shoreham, alias Rusper, and Portslade; but the boundaries of them are at the present day very undefined. Mr. Harry Colvill Bridger is the present lord of the manor of Old Shoreham.

Chapter IV.
AFTER THE CONQUEST, TO 1513.

It is highly probable, from the surnames of some of the most ancient families in the town of Brighthelmston, the phrases, and the pronunciation of the old natives, and some peculiar customs of the people, that the town had, at some distant period, received a colony of Flemings. This might have happened soon after the conquest, as a great inundation of the sea took place in Flanders about that period; and such of the unfortunate inhabitants of the deluged country as wanted new habitations, could not have anywhere applied with a greater likelihood of success than in England, as Matilda, queen of William the Conqueror, was their countrywoman, being daughter of Baldwin, Earl of Flanders.

Being thus settled in Brighthelmston, the Flemings were led by habits and situation, to direct their chief attention to the fishery of the Channel. Besides obtaining a plentiful supply of fresh fish of the best kind and quality for themselves and their inland neighbours, they, every season, cured a great number of herrings, and exported them to various parts of the continent, where the abstinence of Lent, the vigils, and other meagre days, insured them a constant market. There is no doubt, but, from time to time, additions were made to this foreign colony, from Spain, France, and Holland, as the names of some of the oldest families of the town verify; namely, Mighell (Miguel), Gunn (Juan), Jasper (Gaspard), Jeffery (Geoffrey), Gillam (Guillaume), &c.

The inhabitants were now classed into landsmen and seamen, or mariners, and they profited respectively by the advantages of their situation. The former, whose dwellings were on the cliff and part of the gentle acclivity behind it, drew health and competence from the fertile soil; while the latter, who resided in two streets beneath the cliff, found a bountiful source of subsistence and profit at the bottom of the sea. In process of time, the mariners and their families, principally descendants from the new comers, the Flemings, had increased in numbers so far as to compose more than two-thirds of the population of the town, and they had a proportionate share of the offices and internal regulation of the parish.

The Flemish, on their arrival, though received in all probability as vassals, found their condition an improvement on the general state-villeinage; and the indulgence shown to foreigners was eventually extended to the natives; and the disfranchised landholders gradually emerged from the most abject state of feudal dependence, to one less precarious, that of tenants by copy of court roll. Once registered on the rolls of a manor, with the consent of the lord or his steward, their title became indefeasible and descendible to their heirs, except in case of neglect or violation of the definite and recorded duties of their tenure. Thus settled, the husbandmen of Brighthelmston had every inducement to marriage, and they toiled with pleasure in their patrimonial field. The mariner also, freed from feudal caprice, braved the dangers of the deep, not only for his subsistence, but as a future provision for his family; and transmitted to his posterity, controlled by manorial custom, his ship or boat, his cottage, his capstan and garden, and other monuments of his paternal solicitude and industry. The town being, as now, a member of the port of Shoreham,—all boats of the town register at Shoreham,—was obliged to furnish some seamen for the royal navy; and no other tax or service was imposed upon the inhabitants, till the levying of a poll-tax in the reign of Edward III.

In 1313 Brighthelmston had become so considerable as to need the public accommodation of a market; and John, the eighth and last Earl de Warren, obtained a charter of Edward III. for holding a market every Thursday.

The mariners about this time, in the Lower Town, or under Cliff, increasing in number and property, extended their habitations to the Upper Town, and began two streets westward of the Stein, named from their situations, East Street and West Street, forming the inhabited limits of the town in those directions. After East Street and West street had been continued some considerable way towards the north, the landsmen, who were also becoming numerous, found it necessary to build intermediate streets, parallel to those already constructed; and the proprietor of the north laines, finding it more convenient to have their barns, and finally, their own dwellings and the cottages for their workmen, at that extremity of the town, formed North Street.

Most of the ground now occupied by Black Lion street and Ship street, and the intermediate space, are, in all the Court Rolls, called the Hempshares; and were, even after East street and West street were built, plots or gardens for the production of hemp, for the use of the fishermen of the town. The name of the ropemaker who constructed all the cordage for the supply of the fishery, was Anthony Smith, who, in 1670 suffered great persecution from Captain Nicholas Tattersal, a personage who assumed great power when basking in the smiles of royalty, consequent upon his effecting the escape of Charles II. to France. Smith was more especially the object of his malignity, from having been the occupier of the house, in West street, where the king sojourned preparatory to his flight; he happening to recognise His Majesty, yet having too much loyalty to betray him. Jealousy actuated him; as he was desirous of claiming all the honour in the royal escape. He in consequence kept all the merits, which were really due to Smith, in the background, and took all the honour to himself, and the reward to. In process of time, as the population increased, and the sea made encroachments on the lower town, two streets were erected on the site of the hemp-shares or gardens. In the most eastern street of these, with one front to the High street,—that which passed along the verge of the Cliff,—stood an Inn, with a Black Lion for its sign; and in the other there was an Inn, with a Ship for its sign. The two streets of the hemp-shares were soon distinguished by the two signs, and are the present Black-Lion street and Ship street. The Black-Lion Inn on the east side of the street, was converted into a private residence about the beginning of the present century. The Ship, the oldest tavern in the town, is now, and has been since 1650, known as the Old Ship, to distinguish it from the New Ship, a more recent erection. Besides the hemp-shares, the ground to the west of the town, which was afterwards brick-yards, and is now termed the Brunswick Square and Terrace district, was devoted to the growing of flax for the use of the fishermen.

The prosperity of the town received a check about the middle of the fourteenth century, from the ambitious projects of Edward III. against France, which exposed this and other fishing towns of the southern coast to the occasional retaliation of that kingdom. The inhabitants’ boats were taken, and their fishery frequently interrupted. In 1377 the French burnt and plundered most of the towns from Portsmouth to Hastings; but no particular injury to the town is recorded of Brighton, at that period. When, however, there was the least appearance of danger, the coast Watch and Ward, called in the king’s mandate Vigiliæ minutæ, were called into service. Their duties were nocturnal, and seldom exacted, unless an immediate descent was apprehended. The watch consisted of men at arms, and hobilers or hoblers, who were a sort of light cavalry that were bound to perform the service by the nature of their tenure. They were dressed in jackets called hobils, and were mounted on swift horses. The bold stand made against the French, in 1377, when they landed at Rottingdean, was principally by the watch and ward-keepers of the coast, which had been divided into districts, entrusted to the care of some baron, or religious house, by certain commissioners, called Rectores Commitatus. In the annals of the Prior of Lewes, and the Abbot of Battle, we find that those personages were several times placed at the head of an armed power, to oppose actual or threatened invasion. Certain borough hundreds were also obliged, under pain of forfeiture or other penalty, to keep the beacons in proper condition, and to fire them at the approach of an enemy, in order to alarm and assemble the inhabitants in the Weald.

From the constant alarm of the people and the ruin of war, Brighthelmston generally experienced a considerable share of the public distress; as, besides contributing some of its best mariners for manning the royal fleet, the town was deprived of its trade and fishery. In 1512, in consequence of war being declared by Henry VIII. against Louis XII., all the maritime industry of Brighthelmston suffered, and its buildings were threatened with plunder and conflagration. At this time, Sir Edward Howard, the English Admiral, having made several successful attempts on the coast of Brittany, and being joined by a squadron of ships commanded by Sir Thomas Knivet, went in pursuit of the French fleet, under the command of Admiral Primauget, Knight of Rhodes; the real intention being to destroy the town of Brest. The French fleet, consisting of thirty-nine ships, was in the harbour of Brest. Howard, having been misled by the information and advice of a Spanish Knight, named Caroz, as to the strength of Primauget’s force, entered the bay under the fire of two strong batteries, which commanded the entrance, with only a barge and three galleys, and took possession himself, of the French Admiral’s. But the French soon recovered from their panic, the two fleets met, and a furious engagement ensued. At length Primauget’s ship was set on fire, and determining not to perish alone, he bore down upon the English Admiral’s, and, grappling with her, both ships soon became involved in the same inevitable destruction. This dreadful scene suspended the action between the other ships; but after some time, the French ship blew up, and in its explosion destroyed the English ship. While the conflict was at its height, and the deck was streaming with the blood of his brave companions, Sir Edward was thrust with a half-pike into the sea and perished.

After this misfortune, the English fleet returned home; and Primauget’s being reinforced from Brest, and being animated with his recent success, he sailed for the coast of Sussex, to wreak that vengeance on the inhabitants which was due to Henry alone. He accordingly, in the night time, landed some men, who plundered it of everything valuable that they could remove, set many houses on fire, and wantonly slew many of the inhabitants. The rest flying in terror and confusion different ways, the country became alarmed as far as Lewes and the Weald. [20] The French re-embarked the next morning, with their booty, before the country people could assemble in any force to annoy them. Sir Thomas Howard, brother of Sir Edward, whom he succeeded, soon after, with Sir John Wallop, made a descent on the coast of Normandy, and desolated no less than twenty-one towns and villages, inhabited by people who never did, and perhaps never wished to do, any injury to their fellow men on this wide the Channel. Such is the fortune, and such are the advantages and distinctions of the royal game of war.

Holinshead mentions an attack upon the town by the French, about this time; and there is the probability that he refers to the same invasion, as he terms it a nocturnal visit from some French ships, but commanded by Prior Jehan, the high admiral. He says: “but when the people began to gather, by firing the beacons, Prior Jehan sounded his trumpet to call his men aboard, and by that time it was day. The certain archers that kept the watch followed Prior Jehan to the sea, and shot so fast that they beat the galley men from the shore, and wounded many in the fleet: to which Prior Jehan was constrained to wade, and was shot in the face with an arrow, so that he lost one of his eyes, and was like to have died of the hurt, and therefore he offered his image of wax before our Lady at Bullogne, with the English arrow in the face, for a miracle.”

According to the Burrell MSS., [21] in 1589, strict orders were given for maintaining beacons in all accustomed places, with orders to the watchmen, that if the number of invading ships did not exceed two, they were not to fire the beacons, but to cause larums to be rung from church to church as far as the skirts of the hill reached from the sea shore, and no further; and to send a post to the nearest justices: but if the ships exceeded two, they were to fire both their beacons, which were to be duly answered by the corresponding ones, and thus rouse the “force of the shire.” Five discreet householders in the neighbourhood, were assigned to each beacon, one to keep watch constantly. In 1590, the beacon watches were ordered to be discharged till further orders.

Chapter V.
ANCIENT AND MODERN GOVERNMENT OF THE TOWN.

When king Alfred divided England into shires, the shires into hundreds, and the hundreds into tithings, tithing men or headboroughs—heads of boroughs—were the only guardians of the peace, and dispensers of justice within their respective districts, the original limits being the residences of ten creorles or freemen, with their families and slaves. Under the Saxon constitution, Brighton had two headboroughs; a proof that its population, even then, was far from being inconsiderable. These headboroughs sat alternately or together, at the borough court, at which the decenners, or free, or frankpledges (friborgs) as had no causes to be tried there, attended as jurors or sworn assessors to the presiding officer. These free-pledges were the origin of the Society of Twelve, which continued in Brighthelmston to the commencement of the present century.

By the statute of Winchester, 13th Edward I., the borough of Brighthelmston had a constable appointed for itself exclusively, an indication of its respectability at that period. According to Alfred’s division, the hundred to which Brighthelmston belonged, contained, besides that borough, those of Ovingdean and Rottingdean, called in Domesday, Welesmere. The boroughs of Preston (Prestetune) and Patcham (Patchame), which were originally hundreds of themselves, were, under Edward I., united to the borough of Brighthelmston, and composed a new hundred, called Wellsbourne, since corrupted into Whalesbone. The boroughs of Ovingdean and Rottingdean were then united to the small hundred of Falmer, under the name of Evensmere.

Wellsbourne took its name from a stream which till within the last few years ran, in the winter time, nearly the whole length of the hundred. It rose near the upper end of Patcham street, and entered the sea at the Pool,—Pool Valley,—in Brighthelmston. Within the last thirty years it burst out with so large a current as to inundate the Level to the north of the town, and even the greatest part of the Stein. In the spring of 1806 it laid the north of the town under water. After the last inundation, in the winter of 1827–8, a large sewer, called the Northern Drain, was laid down from the northern boundary of the London Road, to the sea, its outlet being in front of the Albion Hotel. The source of this stream or bourne, being the well at Patcham, it had its name from that circumstance, and lent it to the said hundred.

The leet or law day, the view of frankpledge for this hundred, was held on Easter Tuesday, when all the officers of the hundred, except the headborough of Patcham, were elected. The Constable of Brighthelmston was always chosen by and out of the Twelve of the town. The headborough, afterwards styled the constable of the borough of Deane or Patcham, was nominated in rotation for that office, according to the particular lands he held within the borough. From and after 1618, by arrangement between the two classes of inhabitants, the fishermen and the landsmen, “Twelve out of the ancientest, gravest, and wysest inhabitants of the town, eight fishermen and four landsmen, were selected for assistants to the conestable in every public cause.” The constable was then termed the High Constable, and his twelve assistants were called Headboroughs. The constable of Brighthelmston served at Quarter Sessions, musters, and other public services for the whole hundred, the constable of the Deane being only his assistant or deputy within the borough of the Deane or Patcham. There was also chosen at the leet or law day for this hundred, which is in the deanery of Lewes, an ale-conner and a searcher or sealer of leather. Since the town became incorporated, in 1854, no headboroughs have been chosen; but Mr James Martin, who was appointed at the last annual Court Leet of the Earl of Abergavenny, by the steward of the Leet, F. H. Gell, Esq., on Easter Tuesday, 1855, continues the High Constable of the Hundred of Whalesbone: his duties however are very trifling, merely consisting of taking charge of the Parish Jury List, and presenting it to the Clerk of the Peace for the County.

The following is a list of the Constables who have served the Hundred as far as the records of them are made in the Town Books, or other proofs are given:—

On the 5th of April, 1793, at a Vestry Meeting held at the Town Hall, it was ordered: “That in future the Constable (High) be allowed twelve guineas, to be paid in full, for all expenses during his office, including four guineas for a dinner.”

It was customary at the Court Leet, each Easter, to choose a High-Constable Elect, but he was not always appointed at the next Court; as, in 1814, Mr. Ackerson was chosen, although Mr. W. Williams was the elect.

Chapter VI.
THE BOOK OF ALL THE “AUNCIENT CUSTOMS.”

In consequence of the perpetual jealousies and strife between the fishermen and landsmen, a commission was sent to Brighton, in 1580, to settle every difference, assess the town rates, and arrange the public concerns of the parish. The Earl of Arundel, Lord Buckhurst (Lord of the Manor), Sir Thomas Shirley, of Preston, and Henry Shelley, Esq., were the commissioners. The number of landsmen who at that time paid parochial rates and taxes, was 102; while the number of fishermen amounted to 400. The decision of the commissioners gave satisfaction to all parties till 1618, when a fresh arrangement was entered into. The orders and regulations of these two commissions were directed to be “written in two several books of parchment,” one of which was to be delivered to the Earl of Arundel and Lord Buckhurst, the other was to “be kepte in a cheaste locked with three locks, in some convenient place in Brighthelmston.” Provision was made also for the safe custody of the key of the chest, and for the annual reading of the regulations by the Vicar, “openlye in the presence of all the fishermen and others of the parishioners, contributaries, in some convenient time and place.”

The “Book of all the Auncient Customs,” is dated 23rd July, in the 32nd year of Queen Elizabeth, 1580; and is kept in its original shape in a spacious box, at the office of Messrs. Attree, Clarke, and Howlett, solicitors, Ship Street. It is in black letter, on parchment, and is in a state of good preservation, although the ink, from age, is very yellow. An engrossed copy in corrected modern authority, is deposited with it, and is as follows:—

In the Manors of Brighthelmston, as Parcel of the Barony of Lewes, the following Feudal Customs, partly of Saxon origin, but established for the most part by the Norman settlers in this country, have, by immemorial usage, governed the Courts there:—

1. The lands of copyholders in these manors are descendible, on death, to the youngest son, or to the youngest daughter if there be no son, and so on to the youngest relatives collaterally. [26]

2. The widow of a purchaser of a copyhold estate to which he has been admitted, or the widow of an heir by descent, though unadmitted, may, after three courts to be holden next after her husband’s death, claim her widow’s bench, and shall be admitted for her life, even though she marry again, she paying the lord a reasonable fine, not exceeding one year’s value of the land. But if the husband, even on his death-bed, make a surrender of his copyhold, the widow shall not have her bench, nor the widow of a purchaser unadmitted, nor the widow of a tenant in reversion.

3. All the tenants of these manors, except such as were discharged by deed, or held by knight’s service, held their lands by suite of court, the copyholder from three weeks to three weeks, and to be of the homage: the freeholders were to appear only twice a-year, viz., at the courts holden at Easter and Michaelmas, where, if they knew of any wrong done to the lord, they were bound by their oath of fealty, to make it known to the court. But they (the freeholders) were not to be of the homage, because they performed service at juries at the barony court, held from three weeks to three weeks at Lewes; from which service the copyholders were exempt. The defaulters at each court were to be essoyned (excused) or assirred (fined) in proportion to their offence.

4. Surrenders made out of court, and presented at the next general court holden for the manor, are good.

5. The heir in possession of a customary tenement, being above the age of fourteen years, or he or she to whose use any surrender shall be made, being of the like age, not coming into court on or before the third half-yearly proclamation, shall forfeit his or her estate.

6. If a copyholder leave an heir under the age of fourteen years, such heir is, during his or her minority, to be committed to the care of the next of kin who is able to answer for the profits of the land, and to whom the land cannot descend. At the age of fourteen years the heir may choose a guardian.

7. Relief and Heriot were due to the lords of these manors on the death of every freeholder, not discharged by deed, who died seized of an estate of inheritance of soccage tenure.

8. On the death or surrender of a tenant for life, no heriot is due, except for a stinted cottage; nor of a joint tenant: or if a tenant in fee surrender to one of his heirs, part of his customary tenement, and reserve another part to himself and heirs, no heriot is due, because he is still tenant of the heriotable tenement.

9. No more than one heriot is, by custom, claimable for any number of tenements in one manor, belonging to the deceased.

10. The copyholder was to keep his customary tenement in repair, and for that purpose, may cut down on his copyhold the necessary timber, in case the lord, his steward, woodward, or reeve refuse to assign him any for that purpose.

11. If any tenant, free or customary, alien parcel of his tenement, and the rent be apportioned in court with the lord’s or the steward’s consent, it concludes with the lord and tenant. Otherwise the lord may distrain any part of the tenement for the whole rent.

12. The heir of every tenant, being fourteen years of age, after the death of his ancestor dying seized of customary lands or tenements, as also a purchaser, upon surrender of such lands either in possession or reversion to his use, coming into the court at or before the third proclamation, and desiring to be admitted, shall have a reasonable fine assessed by the lord or his steward, not exceeding one year’s value of the land; which fine the tenant is to pay on his admittance, or shortly after; otherwise he forfeits his estate.

13. If a tenant let to farm his copyhold for more than one year and a day at a time, he is to come to the lord’s court for license, which the lord is to grant, the tenant paying him four-pence, and no more, for every year so granted, with a reservation of the lord’s customs, duties, and services. Also the copyholder, having a barn on his copyhold, is to pay the lord four-pence, or less, but never more, for every wainload of corn or hay that grows on his said copyhold, and is carried out of the manor with license, or to any freehold within the manor. But the tenant may carry corn or hay from one copyhold to another on the same manor, without license, where the two copyholds have equal estates. But if one be a guardian, or a tenant for life, and another tenant in fee, and any manure be removed from the former estate to the latter, the party, so doing, shall be amerced.

14. If a copyholder alien his lands by deed, pull down his building without license, or wilfully suffer it to fall, commit any wilful waste, let his tenement for more than one year and a day without license, obstinately refuse to pay his rent, or a reasonable fine upon admittance, or absent himself, without sufficient cause, from the lord’s court after lawful summons, or, being there, will not be sworn of the homage, without satisfactory excuse, or carry all his corn from the copyhold, if he have a barn there, he is, for any of these offences, liable to forfeit his estate in the said copyhold.

15. Strays, found within any of these manors, and proclaimed according to the statute, after a year and a day are passed, become the property of the lord of that manor, by prescription. Every lord is to maintain a common pound within his manor. But, of latter time, all strays within the rape and liberties of the barony of Lewes, have, by consent of the lords, been presented at the law days or leet holden for the hundred in which the strays are found.

16. In each of these manors there was a Reeve, who was the lord’s immediate officer. His name and institution are both of Saxon origin. The Thane who generally presided in person at his own court, had at first no other officer belonging to it than the Gerefa or Reve, who generally received a settlement on the manor, in consideration of his services; and thus, in most manors, did the office become predial, or attached to some particular lands. In some manors however, it was not confined to one denomination only, but imposed on several of the tenants in rotation, by virtue of their tenure. This officer’s duty is to account to the lord or his steward, for all the ancient quit-rents both of freehold and copyhold, and all the heriots that fall due within the manor, together with the fines, leviable amercements, and all the other casual profits within the same. But he is not bound to audit out of the manor, unless the lord will recompense him for his pains; nor even then, unless he chooses it. Being an officer of great antiquity, he is not bound to collect any but old rents, which were payable before the eighteenth year of Edward the First.

17. The majority of the homagers sworn at the lord’s court, for the better preservation of order, have, time beyond all memory of man, with the lord’s consent, used to make bye-laws for the establishment of the common good, and for preventing of public annoyances: and such laws made with reasonable penalties and clauses for distress for such penalties, have been immemorially binding and concluding to all tenants of the manor, provided such laws or orders cross not the general laws and statutes of the kingdom.

Though many of the following Customs and Regulations are now become obsolete, they are in general too interesting to be omitted in the History of the town.

Upon supplication [28] by the ancient fishermen of Brighthelmston, unto the Right Honourable the Lords of the Council, for remedy and redress of certain disorders in their town, touching the annual payment of certain money called a quarter of a share, heretofore of ancient time usually paid out of every boat in every fishing voyage, to the churchwardens there, towards the maintenance of their church, and other public charges about the necessary defence of their town; and for a contribution by the rest of the parishioners, not being fishermen, toward the bearing of the said charges to be had and levied: and after commission by the means of the Lord Buckhurst, for the purposes aforesaid, obtained from the Lords of her Majesty’s Most Honourable Privy Council, unto the Right Honourable Earl of Arundel, the said Lord Buckhurst, Sir Thomas Shirley, Knight, and Richard Shelley, Esquire, or to any two of them directed, bearing date the 12th day of February, in anno Domini, 1579, it pleased the said Lord Buckhurst and Sir Thomas Shirley, by authority thereof, to will and command certain of the said ancient fishermen to set down in writing their ancient customs and orders, concerning the true making, payment, and employing of the said quarter share, and the certainty thereof; which they, the said ancient fishermen, being assembled together, have done accordingly in manner and form here following.

The Ancient Custom used for Tucknet Fare.—“Imprimis, there have used, time out of mind, between February and April yearly, certain small boats called Tuckers, to go to sea upon the coast for plaice, of the burden of three tons or thereabouts. Every of these boats have used eight or nine men, or thereabouts, and two nets. Every man hath used to take for his body in this voyage, a share. The boat, the nets and necessaries thereto belonging, hath used to take four shares: and besides, one other share hath been used to be made, whereof half is due to the Vicar, a quarter to the master, and the other quarter to the Churchwardens, for the use of the town: so that every boat in this voyage, having eight men, taking a share a man, maketh thirteen shares, viz., for eight men eight shares; for the boat, the nets, and necessaries, four shares; and for the Vicar, the town, and the master, one share; and if there be more or less men, then the shares are more or less in number, according to the number of the men proportionably.”

The Ancient Custom used in Shotnet Fare.—“Item, there have yearly, time out of mind, from April to June, used to go to sea for mackarel, other boats called shotters, of diverse burdens between six tons and twenty-six tons. Every boat of the burden of six tons, and not above ten tons, hath used to take two shares; and above ten tons, and under eighteen tons, two shares and a half; and from eighteen tons to the biggest, three shares. Every man having above four nets going to sea in this voyage, hath used to take for his body, half a share, and not above; and every other man hath used to take for his body, a share, and not above: and the nets have accustomably contained in length between thirty and twenty-four fathoms, and in deepness two ranns, every rann fifty moxes deep, whereof every four nets have used to take a share; so that every boat in this voyage, taking two shares and a half, having ten men, taking a share a man, and having four score nets, maketh thirty-three shares and a half, viz., for four score nets twenty shares; for ten men, ten shares; for the boat, two shares and a half; for the Vicar, the town, and the master, one share; and if there be more or less men, or the boat be lesser or bigger of burden, or have less or more number of nets, then the shares are more or leas in number, according to the proportion of the boat, men and nets.”

The Ancient Custom used in Scarborough Fare.—“Item. There have, since the memory of man, yearly, from June to September, other boats of divers burden between eighteen and forty tons, used a voyage to Scarborough to fish for cod (being about forty years agon). Every boat in this voyage, of the burden of eighteen tons, and not above twenty-eight tons, hath used to take four shares; and from twenty-eight to the biggest, five shares. Every man in the biggest sort of these boats, bringing with him a line, a lead, four lines of hooks, and two norward nets, containing twenty-four yards in length, or thereabouts, hath used to take for his body, and the necessaries aforesaid, one share: and in the smallest sort, every man bringing with him two lines, two leads, and one heak, [30a] containing twenty-eight yards in length, and five ranns in deepness, hath used to take a share and a half; and having two lines, two leads, and two heaks, of the length and deepness aforesaid, two shares: so that every boat in this voyage taking four shares, having twelve men, taking two shares a man, maketh in number twenty-nine shares, viz., for the boat, four shares; for twelve men, twenty-four shares; for the vicar, the town, and the master, one share: and the number of shares is varied more or less according to the number of men and nets, or the bigness of the boat, according to the proportion of this example.”

The Ancient Custom used in Yarmouth Fare.—“Item. There have yearly, time out of mind, from September unto November, used to go to Yarmouth to fish for herrings, other boats of divers burden, between fifteen tons and forty tons; every boat of the burden of fifteen tons and not above twenty-four tons, taking three shares; and every boat of twenty-four tons and not above thirty tons, taking three shares and a half; and from thirty to the biggest, taking four shares. Every man in this voyage used to take for his body half-a-share: and these boats have used two sorts of nets, the one sort called flews, alias heaks, containing between thirty and twenty-four fathoms in length, and in deepness four ranns, every rann fifty moxes [30b] deep, every three of these nets taking a share; the other sort, called norward nets, containing between fifteen and ten fathoms in length, and in deepness five ranns, every rann fifty moxes deep; every four of these nets taking a share: so that every boat in this voyage, taking three shares and a half, having twelve men, taking a share a man, and having thirty-six flews, alias heaks, and thirty-two norward nets, every four norward nets taking a share, maketh thirty shares in the whole number, and one half-share, viz., for the boat, three shares and a half; for twelve men, six shares; for thirty-six flews, twelve shares; for thirty-two norward nets, eight shares; for the vicar, the town, and the master, one share; and if there be more or less number of men and nets, or if the boat be bigger or lesser, then the shares are more or less in number, according to that proportion.”

The Ancient Custom used in Cock Fare.—“Item. There have, time out of mind, between October and the midst of December, used to go to sea upon the coast for herrings, certain small boats called cocks [30c] of burden, between two and six tons. Every of these boats having a mast and a sail, hath used to take a share and a half; and the other, without mast or sail, have taken a share. These boats have used two sorts of nets, the one called cock heaks, containing between thirty and twenty-four fathoms in length, and two ranns in deepness, and the other called flews, containing the length aforesaid, and three ranns in deepness. These two sorts of nets have used to take for three nets a share, one with another; so that a boat in this voyage taking a share and a half, having six men, and twenty-four nets, maketh ten shares and a half, viz., for the boat, one share and a half; for six men, six shares; for twenty-four nets, eight shares; and for the Vicar, the town, and the master, one share; and so the shares do vary, more or less in number, according to the bigness of the boat, and the number of men and nets.”

The Ancient Custom used in Flew Fare.—“Item. There have, time out of mind, between the beginning of November and the end of December, used to go to the sea for herrings, other boats, called flewers, of divers burden, between eight tons and twenty tons, the biggest boat taking three shares, the smallest two shares. Every man having above three nets going to sea in this voyage, hath used to take for his body half a share, and every other man a share, and none above. These boats have used one sort of nets, called flews, containing between thirty and twenty-four fathoms in length, and three ranns in deepness, every rann fifty moxes deep, every three nets taking a share: so that every boat taking three shares, having eight men, taking half a share a man, and having thirty-nine nets, maketh twenty-one shares, viz., for the boat, three shares; for eight men, four shares; for thirty-nine nets, thirteen shares; and one share for the vicar, the town, and the master, or more or less shares according to the number of men and nets, and the bigness of the boat.”

The Ancient Custom used in Harbour Fare.—“Item. There have used, time out of mind, another sort of boats to go to sea in summer time, with harbour hooks for conger, every boat containing eight tons or thereabouts, and taking for every boat two shares; and every man having four lines of hooks, every line containing fifty fathoms, taketh a share; and twelve lines of hooks without a man taketh a share. So that a boat having twelve men taking a share a man, and twelve lines of hooks without men, maketh in number fifteen shares, viz., for the boat, two shares; for twelve men, twelve shares; for twelve lines of hooks, one share; and one share for the vicar, the town, and the master, or more or less number of shares according to the number of men and hooks.”

The Ancient Custom used in Drawnet Fare.—“Item. There have used, time out of mind, in the months of May and June, yearly, certain small cocks, of the burden of three tons, or thereabouts, to draw mackarel by the shore, whereof the boat and the net take one half, the other half is divided by shares unto the men, to every man a share; and one share is also thereof made for the vicar, the town, and the master: so that if there be ten men, then they make eleven shares, viz., ten men, ten shares; and one share for the vicar, the town, and the master; and if there be more men, then they make more shares.”

The Ancient Custom for Payment and Employing the Quarter Share.—“Item. The master of every boat at Brighthelmston, at St. Stephen’s Day, next after his return from any fishing voyage, wheresoever or whensoever it was begun, had, or continued, hath used to divide and pay out of the whole profits of the said boat, without diminution or deduction to any stranger going in the said boat, to be made, the said quarter share unto the Churchwardens of Brighthelmston for the time being, and half a share to the vicar there for the time being, and the other he hath for his own use.”—“Item. The master of every boat of Brighthelmston had, time out of mind, used to take up and pay out of the whole profits of every voyage, whether the rest of his companions be of Brighthelmston, or strangers of other parishes, the said whole share for the vicar, the town, and himself, without any deduction thereof unto any other town or parish, or the parson, vicar, or proprietary thereof, to be made: and if the master, or any of his company, have been of Brighthelmston, and the boat belonging to any other place, then the said master also hath used to make in the said boat the aforesaid share, whereof he hath had a quarter to himself, and of the other three quarters for the town and vicar of Brighthelmston, he hath used to have proportionably, according to the number of men and nets which he used and had out of Brighthelmston in the voyage.”—“Item. The said wardens used to employ the said quarter share, especially upon building of forts and walls towards the sea, for the defence of the said town, and for provision of shot and powder, and other furniture for that purpose; and entertainment of soldiers in time of wars, and other public service of the prince, and maintenance of the parish church. Whereupon, to the intent that the said annual payment, or quarter share, for the better defence and maintenance of the said town, may, in time to come, justly and truly, without fraud, be both made, yielded, and paid; and also preserved, kept, and employed, according to their ancient custom; as also for the avoiding of all such controversies as heretofore have commonly happened between the said fishermen, touching the just and equal division of their fish in every boat in every voyage, and the profits and charges thereof, the said Lord Buckhurst and Richard Shelley, Esq. having the said fishermen before them at Brighthelmston, the 23rd day of July, anno Domini, 1580, have, by authority aforesaid, and with the consent of the said fishermen, devised and set down to writing, certain orders to be hereafter for ever used and kept by all the fishermen and inhabitants of the said town of Brighthelmston, in manner and form following:

Orders for Length of Nets.—“Imprimis. None shall have any norward net under twenty yards long by the uppermost rann, nor any such net in a boat of thirty tons or upwards, under five ranns in deepness, every rann fifty moxes deep or thereabouts; nor in any other boat any norward net under four ranns deep, at any time after the first day of August, in the year of our Lord, one thousand five hundred four score and one, under pain to forfeit for every net under the said sizes, six shillings.”—“Item. Whoever shall have flew alias heak, under twenty-eight yards in length by the uppermost rann, and four ranns in deepness, every rann fifty moxes deep or thereabouts, at any time after the first day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred four score and one, shall forfeit for every such flew ten shillings.”—“Item. Whosoever shall have any shortnet under twenty-eight yards in length, by the uppermost rann, and two ranns in deepness, every rann fifty moxes deep, or thereabouts, at any time after the first day of April next ensuing, shall forfeit for every such net three shillings and fourpence: and whosoever shall have any cocksheak under twenty-eight yards in length by the uppermost rann, and two ranns in deepness, at any time after the first day of October, in anno Domini, one thousand five hundred four score and one, shall forfeit for every such net three shillings and fourpenee. Provided always that none of the forfeitures before mentioned shall, at any time, extend to any norward net, flew, shortnet, or cocksheak spoiled in length at sea, and newly brought home from any voyage; so that the said net or nets so spoiled be made of the several lengths and deepness in the former orders mentioned, before they be occupied again in any voyage.”—“Item. The constable, the churchwardens, being sea-faring men, or any two of them, shall, four times a-year, if they shall think it needful, search, view, and measure the length and deepness of any man’s nets in Brighthelmston, and he that shall let (hinder) them or any of them so to do, the party for every time so letting shall forfeit twenty shillings.”

Orders for Shares for Men.—“Imprimis. No man having gone to sea in Shotnet fare, above six nets, or in Yarmouth fare, or Flew fare, above six norward nets, or four flews, alias heaks, and a half, shall take any more than half a share for his body, in any of the said voyages, upon pain to forfeit for every time so doing, ten shillings.”—“Item. Whoever shall give to any person having in Shotnet fare above six nets, or in Yarmouth fare or Flew fare, above six norward nets, or above four flews and a half, any more than half a share, shall forfeit for every time so doing, ten shillings.”—“Item. That no man shall take or give any more than a share for a man’s body in Shotnet fare, Yarmouth fare, Cock fare, or Flew fare, upon pain to forfeit, either of them, for every time so doing, twenty shillings.”—“Item. That no man shall give to any stranger, not dwelling in Brighthelmston, any more than a share for his travel in any voyage, upon pain of forfeiting for any time so doing, twenty shillings.”—“Item. That none shall give to any stranger, any share, or part of share, in any other boat but only in the same boat where the said party is placed, upon pain of forfeiture of twenty shillings for every time so doing.”—“Item. That no man shall hire any person at the first shipping, to go for wages in any voyage except Scarborough voyage, upon pain to forfeit for every time so doing, ten shillings.”—“Item. That no man being entertained by any boat, or by any man, unto any voyage, shall place himself in any other boat, or with any other man, upon pain of forfeiting, as well by the party so entertained, as by him that shall entertain any such person, for every time so doing, twenty shillings.”—“Item. That no man going to Scarborough in a bark going with ground hooks, having a line, a load, four lines of hooks, two norward nets, and one heak of five ranns deep, shall take for his body, and all the said necessaries, any more than two shares; and if any man bring any more nets than is before mentioned, and do fish with them in the said voyage, then he shall be allowed for the same nets after the rate of two norward nets, and a heak to a share; and whosoever shall give or take anything contrary to this order, shall forfeit for every time so doing, ten shillings.”—“Item. That no man going to Scarborough in a boat with a drove sail, having two lines, two loads, and one heak of twenty-one yards in length, and five ranns in deepness, shall take any more than a share and a half for his body, and the necessaries aforesaid; and if he have two lines, two loads, and two heaks, then he shall take two shares, and not above; and if he bring more nets, then he shall be allowed after the rate of his nets according to the proportion of four nets to a share, and every heak to be allowed for two nets; and what person soever, shall give or take anything in this voyage contrary to this order, shall forfeit for every time so doing, twenty shillings.”—“Item. It shall be lawful for the owner and master of every boat or bark going to Scarborough, at the return of every such boat or bark from the said voyage, to take up, before sharing, so much of the fish as, being indifferently prized by the whole company, will pay all the charges that shall be then owing for the said voyage, so that they become chargeable to the creditors; which fish, being so prized and taken, the warden or wardens, and the Vicar or his deputy, paying the same price in ready money, shall have, if they or any of them require it.”—“Item. If there shall be any stranger master in any boat of Brighthelmston in any voyage, then the owner shall take up and pay the half share for the Vicar of Brighthelmston, and the quarter share for the town, upon pain of every owner doing the contrary, to forfeit for every such default twenty shillings.”—“Item. No man shall take or give above a share and a quarter for any man’s travel in Tucknet fare, upon forfeiture of ten shillings, to be paid by the giver, and also by the taker for every time so doing.”—“Item. No owner of any tucker or tucknet shall take any more than four shares for the boat, the nets, and the arms, viz., for the boat and the nets, three shares; and for the arms, one share, upon pain to forfeit, for every time so doing, twenty shillings.”—“Item. No man going to sea with harbours shall take for his body any more than one share, nor for twelve lines of hooks any more than one share; and so for more or less proportionably; and any man that shall take or give anything contrary to this order, shall forfeit for every time so doing, ten shillings.”—“Item. To the intent the said quarter share may hereafter be truly paid without fraud or guile, every owner and master of every boat, in every voyage, shall call the Vicar, or his deputy or deputies, to all and every their several accounts at the end of every their several voyages, (Cock fare, Tuck fare, Harbour fare, only excepted, for which three one only account by every master and owner at the end of every voyage, shall be made), and in his presence shall make a true and particular account of all their charges, profits, and shares, upon pain for every owner and master, for every time doing the contrary, to forfeit twenty shillings; a note whereof the said Vicar or his deputy shall give in writing unto the wardens yearly, at St. Stephen’s Day, upon pain of twenty shillings to be forfeited by the said Vicar.”

“Orders for Hooks, and going to Sea.—“Imprimis. That every line of small hooks shall contain in length nine score yards and not above; and whosoever shall have any line of hooks above the said length, at any time after the first day of August, in anno Domini one thousand five hundred four score and one, shall forfeit for every such line, twenty shillings: and that no man shall bring to sea at any time any more than four lines of the aforesaid hooks: and every man shall pay the seventh fish to the boat, of three of his lines, except the master of the boat, and the young men who are called tacheners; the which master shall have all the fishing of his four lines, without paying any duty to the boat; and the said tacheners shall have for the keeping of the boat, the fishing of every their fourth line without paying any duty to the boat; and whosoever shall do anything contrary to this order, shall forfeit for every time so doing, twenty shillings. And if any boat shall come to mishap through the default of the tacheners, that then the said tacheners shall pay for the hurt of the same boat, to the value of the same hurt.”—“Item. Any man that shall lose any small hooks at sea, shall have for every line so lost two shillings, to be paid unto him by the company in equal portions.”—“Item. If there be four lines or more lost in any boat, then the whole of the fish, except the boat’s part, shall be equally divided among the company; and any man that hath lost any of the same hooks, shall be allowed two shillings for every line so lost, to be paid by the whole company in equal portions.”—“Item. Every man that shall lose any heak, norward net, or shotnet, in any fishing voyage, shall be allowed by the company for every heak so lost, ten shillings; and for every norward net so lost, ten shillings, and for every shotnet so lost, four shillings, and not above.”—“Item. That no man, being an inhabitant of this town, shall drive with nets for herrings between Shoreham Haven and Beach (Beachy Head) on any Saturday night or Sunday, until evening prayer be done, upon pain to forfeit for every time so doing, twenty shillings.”—“Item. That no man shall drive with any tucknet at any time before sun-rising, or after sun-setting, upon pain to forfeit, for every time so doing, ten shillings.”—“Item. That no man shall go to sea with tucknet to fish for plaice before Shrove Tuesday yearly, upon pain of forfeiture of ten shillings for every time so doing.”—“Item. If there shall at any time any boat of this town be cast away through the default of the master and the company, then the master and his company to be answerable to the owner for the same boat.”

“Orders for the Payment of the Quarter Share.—“Imprimis. Every master of every boat in every voyage shall divide, receive, and take up the said quarter share accordingly, as it hath been used heretofore, and is before ordered, and not otherwise; and the same shall well and truly pay yearly, upon the feast of St. Stephen, to the Churchwardens for the time being, in the place where it has been accustomably paid in former times: and if any master in any boat, in any voyage, shall not divide and take up as aforesaid, or shall detain the said quarter share, and not pay the same unto the Churchwardens at the end of every voyage, at the place above-mentioned, before the feast of the Epiphany yearly then next following, that then every such master, for every time so doing, shall forfeit the double value of the same quarter share that he so detained, or not divided, or not taketh up.”—“Item. If there be in any tucker or cock in the time of Tucknet Fare or Cock Fare, any more than one master during the voyage, then the owner or first master of any such tucker or cock shall account for and pay the whole quarter share due for all that voyage, and therewithal shall deliver unto the said Churchwardens, a note in writing, of the names of all the other masters in that voyage, upon pain of forfeiting twenty shillings by the owner.”

“Orders for the Churchwarden’s.—“Imprimis. There shall be yearly, at the time accustomed, two substantial fishermen and one such landman, chosen by the consent of the constable, the vicar or curate, and the chief of the town, for Churchwardens.”—“Item. The same Churchwardens, nor any of them, shall not employ nor disburse any of the money to be kept by the sea-faring and land wardens, to any other use than for the reparation of the church, and for necessary public charges for the town, without the consent of the constable, the vicar or curate, and six substantial men of the parish, first had in writing, of which six, four shall be fishermen and two landmen, upon pain of paying all sums of money laid out contrary to this order, at and upon the charges of the said wardens.”—“Item. The same Churchwardens shall yearly, at the time accustomed, yield up a true and perfect account, in writing, of all receipts, reprises, and charges for all that year, and the money then remaining shall then deliver up into the hands of the wardens, their successors, in presence of the constable, the vicar or curate, and the parishioners, upon pain of forfeiting by him or them that shall do the contrary, forty shillings, and shall be chargeable nevertheless with his account before the Commissioners.”—“Item. Every forfeiture before or hereafter mentioned growing by reason of any matter pertaining to the sea or fishing, shall be paid unto the wardens being fishermen, and every other forfeiture unto the land wardens.”—“Item. If the Churchwardens shall neglect to demand any of the said forfeitures for the space of six days next after his or their knowledge thereof, then he or they for every time so neglecting, shall pay unto the poor man’s box of Brighthelmston, three shillings and four pence, or else answer it before the Commissioners.”—“Item. Whosoever shall not, within five days next after demand in that case by the wardens, or any of them, for the time being, to be made, pay unto the said wardens, or one of them, all such of the said forfeitures as they then from time to time, at any time hereafter, shall have made, then his or their name or names not paying such forfeitures as aforesaid, shall be signified in writing under the hands of the constable, the vicar or curate, and the said wardens, unto the Commissioners, to be bound to appear before the lords of the Council.”—“Item. That so much of the said quarter share as shall amount to the double value of the contribution (of the landmen) shall be kept employed and accounted for indifferently by all the Churchwardens in such sort as is aforesaid, and the residue of the said quarter share shall be remaining in custody of the sea-wardens, who shall not employ or disburse any part or parcel thereof, but for the common profit of the town, and that only with the consent of the constable, being a fisherman, the vicar, and six other fishermen being of the Twelve, in writing first had and obtained, and thereof shall make a true and particular account in writing, in the presence of the said constable, churchwardens, and fishermen, at the time accustomed; and the money remaining shall then yield up unto the sea-wardens, their successors, upon pain to forfeit for every time doing the contrary, the double value of every sum, contrary to this order, employed, not accounted for, or not yielded up as aforesaid, and shall be chargeable also with the same before the commissioners.”—“Item. The rents, profits, and commodities of the mill and town house, and of all other lands, tenements, and hereditaments which now do belong and appertain, or hereafter shall belong and appertain to the said town of Brighthelmston, shall be yearly paid and answered unto the churchwardens; and that the same, and every part thereof, shall and may, from time to time, be disposed, demised, and let out to farm, for the term of seven years at the most, by the said constables and wardens, so as always the same be done to the best profit and commodity of the said town, upon pain that every one therein offending, shall forfeit five pounds, and besides to answer for his offence in that behalf before the said commissioners.”—“Item. The same churchwardens, shall have in readiness at all times hereafter, in some convenient place in Brighthelmston, to be laid up in store, and safely kept, four barrels of powder, and forty round shot, and ten chain shot for every great piece.”—“Item. There shall be selected by the said commissioners out of the ancientest, gravest, and wisest inhabitants, eight fishermen and four landsmen, for assistants to the constable in every public cause, whereof every one shall be ready, and give his attendance upon the constable as oft as need shall require: and whosoever shall presume to call together any assembly, to the intent to practice or put in use any manner, or device, or art touching the government of the said town, without the privity, consent, and command of the said constable and assistants shall forfeit for every time so doing, forty shillings. And to the intent that the said Twelve grave and wise men may have continuance, therefore, upon the death or removing of any one of them, it shall be lawful for the constable, and the residue of the said Twelve, or for the most part of them, to choose in supply such other of the said town, as by them, or the more part of them, shall be thought meet, provided that such choice shall be always ratified and allowed by the stewards of the lords of the said town, or by such one of them as shall happen to keep court in the said town, next after such choice made, or otherwise the same choice to be void: and if such choice shall by the said stewards, or by such one of them as shall fortune to be present as aforesaid, be disallowed, until a sufficient man, in the judgment of the said stewards, be chosen.”—“Item. If any man hath heretofore built, erected, or set up any wall, shed, or any such like thing whatsoever, to the annoyance of the market place, or of the block house there, and shall not, upon warning given him by the constable, or his deputy for the time being, pull down or remove away the same within ten days after such warning given, that then he shall forfeit five pounds, and be further punished by discretion of the commissioners.”—“Item. Forasmuch, as the town is overcharged with the multitude of poor people, which daily are thought to increase by means of receiving under-tenants, lodging of strangers, and the disorder of tippling-houses, and that the constable cannot, without further assistance, take upon him the whole oversight and charge of all the parts of the town in this behalf, it is thought meet that every one of the Twelve shall have assigned upon him some street or circuit near his dwelling-house, where he shall, as deputy to the constable, have special charge for the keeping of good order; and especially to see that the order for the avoidance of under tenants, be duly observed; and that none lodge or keep tippling houses.”—“Item. All the acts, receipts, reprises, and charges and accounts of the town, shall, from time to time, as they are had, made, and done, be entered into a register book by the clerk for that purpose, by the constable, vicar, and churchwardens for the time being, to be chosen.”—“Item. The master and owner, or one of them, of every boat, in every voyage, at every sharing and account, without further delay, shall deliver up into the custody of the churchwardens, or one of them, or of one or more indifferently to be deputed or appointed by the said vicar, and churchwardens, the said half-share and quarter-share, without diminution or retention thereof, to be by the said wardens, or him or them so deputed, safely kept until St. Stephen’s Day yearly then next following, to the use, for the half-share, of the vicar, and for the quarter-share, to the use of the town, upon pain for every owner and master for not delivering up as is aforesaid, to forfeit for every time forty shillings, and to be further punished by the discretion of the commissioners.”—“And whereas there hath been a controversy of long time between the said fishermen, being the greater part of the parish, and the husbandmen and artificers there, as well for that of the reparations of the church, as all other public charges, which hath been great, as building of forts and walls, provision of shot and powder, and other necessaries for the defence of the town against foreign enemies, have been sustained and borne by the said quarter share of the said fishermen only (except a small annuity or yearly rent of two windmills, whereof one is now utterly decayed); as well for the utter extinguishment of all such controversy and division, as also for the better increase of amity and neighbourly friendship among the said parties, the said Lord Buckhurst and Richard Shelley, Esquire, have likewise caused to be set down here in writing at the place, and in the day and year aforesaid, the names of all such husbandmen and artificers which are of ability within the said town, and the several sums of money which every of them, by their several consents, have granted yearly to be paid for, and in name of a contribution towards the charges aforesaid.”—“Rate of the husbandmen and artificers yearly to be paid on St. Stephen’s Day, to the churchwardens, towards the reparations of the church, and other public charges of the town. * * * * * * There are also in the said town of Brighthelmston, of fishing boats four score in number, and of able mariners four hundred in number, with ten thousand fishing nets, besides many other necessaries belonging to their mystery, all which being matters of great charge, require very great maintenance and reparation, and are like hereafter rather to decay than to increase, by reason the said fishermen are diversly charged and burdened with service of her majesty in sizes, sessions, and other courts and other services, and with musters and setting forth of soldiers, besides their service by sea, properly appertaining unto them, and especially by reason of the great scarcity and dearth of timber and wood now of late years, by means of iron furnaces placed near the Downs, risen from three shillings and four pence a ton, to thirteen shillings and four pence; from two shillings and sixpence a load of wood to seven shillings; and from six shillings and eight pence a load of coal to fourteen shillings; and of billet or tall wood, from two shillings and sixpence the hundred to eight shillings the hundred; and ship board from fifteen shillings the hundred to forty shillings the hundred.”—“Item. If any owner or lessor of any house within Brighthelmston, shall admit any tenant or tenants, under tenant or under tenants, into his said house, except the said tenant or tenants shall, by the opinion of the constable and the churchwardens in writing first to be set down, be thought of sufficient ability to maintain himself and his family without burdening the town, then the said owner or lessor shall forfeit for every month that any such tenant, not being estimated as aforesaid, shall inhabit or dwell in his said house, to the poor man’s box, three shillings and four pence.”—“Item. If any questions, doubt, or ambiguity, shall hereafter happen to arise about any of the said orders, or the pains therein contained, then the same to be expounded and interpreted by the said commissioners, or any of them.

“Signed

“T. Buckhurst,
Richard Shelley.”

The signatures of some of the principal inhabitants follow on the next page; but it will be seen by the signs, or characters, affixed to those who could not inscribe their names, that education had made but little progress amongst them, John Slater, Bartholomew Bowredge, Stephen Pyper, William Wollay, Christopher Ingelard, Deryk Carver, and J. Duconde, the younger, being the only persons who could sign their names, and their writing even, is of a most inferior description. The figures in parenthesis correspond with those annexed to the signs as here shown, which are the “his marks” made by the persons signing. The names are:—

Richard Stoneham, constable (1), Thomas Worger (2), John Tuppen (3), Thomas King (4), John Ffrende (5), William Hunn (6), Thomas Brackpell (7), James Plumer (8), Henry Gunn (9), William Stallard (10), John Allen (11), Thomas Hardinge (12), Thomas Gunn (13), Patrick Hacket (14), Nicholas Payne (15), William Frende (16), Richard Turynought (17), Thomas Payne (18), William Dighton (19), Thomas Jackson (20), John Anstye (21), Thomas Harding (22), John Hardinge (23), Thomas Nicholl (24), William Duffell (25), William Payne (26), William Kellaway (27), Richard Coby (28), William Eastwarde (29), Roger Boyse (30), John Coby (31), Bartholomew Bowredge by me, Stephen Pyper, William Wollay, Christopher Ingelard, John Streate (32), Christopher Streate (33), Mr. Deryk Carver, Richard Millar (34), John Cooke (35), John Oston (36), John French (37), Roger Hewe (38), John Carver (39), Richard Adroll (40), Francis Morris (41), Edward Bradforde (42), Jo. Browne (43), Thomas Humphreys (44), John Coby (45), John Worger (46), John Eightaker (47), William Broppell (48), John Ffriende, jun. (49), John Bayllye (50), Richard Hardinge (51), Nicholas Good (52), William Body (53), William Heakins (54), Edmund Lock (55), John Boyse (56), John Shetter (57), John Surredge (58), John Eston (59), John Gillet (60), Thomas Hunn (61), William Tanner (62), John Crovill (63), John Swaine, Richard Marchaunte (65), John Duddinge (66), Richard Gunn (67), William a Deine (68), Richard a Deine (69), Jo. a Wood (70), Jo. Smythe (71), John Mellershe (72), John Reggatt (73), J. Duconde, younger.

It is conjectured by some antiquarians that the above marks are symbols of the trade or occupation of those who assented to the foregoing recited orders; their opinion being formed from the circumstance of Stoneham, the constable, being a ship carpenter, and attaching a hatchet to his name; and for the same reason the supposition is that Oston, from his sign was a butcher, Good, a wheelwright, and Mellershe a millwright. The rest seem wholly unintelligible.

In the year 1580, Lord Buckhurst and Mr. Shelley made a new order concerning the penalty falling on the owner or lessor of any house let without the written consent of the constable and churchwardens, which was henceforth to be levied from the under-tenant, as well as from the said owner or lessee.

And in the year 1592, they made another order, which subjected absentees, who owned houses or any other tenements within the parish, to contribute to the public charges of the said parish, in proportion to their possessions there, as if they were residents. In case of contumacious resistance or neglect of the said orders, the constable, or his deputy, and the churchwardens, or any two of them, of which the constable or his deputy being one, were authorised by the above-named commissioners, to imprison such as offended in that particular until they shall be contented to observe and keep the same.

It seems, however, that this commission terminated with the life of Lord Buckhurst, who died in 1608; for we find the inhabitants of Brighthelmston, in ten years after, revising and ratifying “the ancient customs heretofore used among and between the fishermen and landsmen” there, “and orders out of the said customs taken and made,” without the authority or interference of any superior; and as these customs must be materially directive of the internal polity of the town even at this day, the following copy of them, with a few comments on their immediate relevancy to the present parochial constitution of Brighthelmston, will not be unacceptable to many readers.

“Upon [39] agreement made by and between the ancient fishermen and landmen of the town of Brighthelmston, in the county of Sussex, the second day of February, 1618, for remedy and redress of certain disorders in their said town, as also for the better increase of brotherly love and amity for ever hereafter between the said fishermen and landmen, and for the annual payment of certain money called a quarter of a share, heretofore of ancient time usually paid out of every boat in every fishing voyage, to the churchwardens there, towards the maintenance of the church and other public charges about the necessary defence of the town; and of a certain contribution by the rest of the inhabitants, being landmen, towards the bearing of the said charges, to be had and levied; and for the purposes aforesaid the said fishermen and landmen, having met and assembled together, here have set down in writing their ancient customs and orders concerning the true making, paying, and employing the said quarter share; and also of the paying and employing of the said landmen’s contribution, or yearly rate for the uses aforesaid, and for the certainty and true payment thereof in manner and form hereafter following:—

“The Ancient Custom for Payment and Employing the Quarter Share.—Imprimis. It is concluded and agreed between the said fishermen and landmen, the day and year above mentioned, that they, the said fishermen, shall yearly make as they have done time out of mind, a quarter of a share out of every fishing boat in every fishing voyage; and the same so being made, shall yearly and every year pay, at the end of every voyage, unto the fishermen churchwardens for the time being, without diminution or deduction, the said quarter share, to be by them and the other churchwarden, kept and employed unto the only and proper use of the town in the common town box, until the new constable shall be chosen yearly.”—“Item. It is agreed between the said landmen and fishermen above said, that the said landmen shall yearly and every year pay and bring unto the said common town-box, in or upon the second day of February, commonly called Candlemas Day, yearly, half so much money [40] as the aforesaid quarter share shall amount unto; there to be by all the said churchwardens kept and employed unto the general and public use of the town.”—“Item. It is further concluded and agreed upon between the said fishermen and the said landmen, that all manner of town charges whatsoever (the king’s composition or customary wheat only excepted) shall be taken out of the common town box, whether it be for the maintenance of the church, the communion bread and wine, the maintenance of the lecture, the clerk and sexton’s wages, the lights in the fire cage, the paying the king’s majesty’s oats and coals, and the setting forth of soldiers or sailors, and all manner of other necessary and public town charge shall be taken out of the said common town box, by and with the consent of the constable and churchwardens for the time being, and six other, whereof four to be of the sea, two of the land.”—“Item. It is further ordered by and between the said fishermen and landmen, that if it shall happen that the said quarter share and the land contribution will not at any time amount and countervail the whole charge that shall arise and grow by reason of any extraordinary charge happening, that then the constable and churchwardens, and six other of the said inhabitants shall tax, rate, and cess all the said inhabitants proportionably, every one according to their estate and ability.”—“Item. It is also agreed between the said fishermen and landmen that the churchwardens, every year, shall collect and gather and bring in unto the common town-box the said quarter share, and the warders for sea causes to collect and gather it; and the land-warden being with one of the sea-wardens shall also yearly, and every year, bring into the said common town-box the rate or taxation of the other inhabitants not being fishermen; which rate or taxation every year ought to amount to half so much as the said quarter of a share doth yearly; and also shall gather, receive, and take up all rents and other land profits belonging to the town, as the rent of the town-house, town mills, and Bartholomews, which, being so received, shall yearly bring into the said town box, there to be kept up to the general use of the town.”

“Orders concerning the Constable.—“Item. It is further agreed between the said fishermen and landmen, that the constable of the said town shall yearly have for and towards his labour and pains taken in that behalf, and for and towards his charges and expenses, the sum of twenty-five shillings, eight pence, of lawful money of England, to be paid unto him out of the said common town-box, and also that every constable, whether he be a landman or a fisherman, shall yearly have, and quietly enjoy, to his own use, without any let, molestation, or trouble, one horse lease.”—“Item. It is also ordered between the said fishermen and the said landmen, that the two headboroughs of the said town, shall have yearly for their pains and troubles in their office, the sum of five shillings, eight pence, a-piece, to be paid unto them out of the said common town-box; and also shall have and quietly enjoy to their own use, one cow lease, and twenty-five sheep leases, according to the ancient custom.”—“Item. It is also ordered, that there shall be selected and chosen out of the said ancientest, gravest, and wisest inhabitants, eight fishermen and four landmen, for assistants to the constable in every public cause, whereof every one shall be ready to give his attendance upon the constable as often as need shall require: and whosoever shall presume to call together any assembly to the intent to practice or put in use any manner of device or act touching the government of the said town, without the privilege, consent, and commandment of the said constable and assistants, shall forfeit for every time so doing, forty shillings: and to the intent that the choice of the said twelve grave and wise men, may have a continuance, therefore, upon the death or removing of any one of the said Twelve, or of the most part of them, to choose in supply such other of the said town as by them, or the most part of them, shall be thought meet, provided always that such choice shall be always ratified and allowed by the stewards of the lords of the said town, at the law day when the constable is chosen, or by such one of them as shall happen to keep such court in the said town, or otherwise the said choice to be void: and if every such choice shall be by the said stewards, or by such one of them as shall fortune to be present as aforesaid, be disallowed, until a sufficient man or such sufficient men, shall be, in the judgment of the same steward, elected and chosen.”—“Item. For as much as the town is overcharged with the multitude of poor people, which daily are thought to increase by means of receiving under tenants, lodging and harbouring of strangers, and the great disorder of tippling-houses; and that the constable cannot without further assistance, take upon himself the whole oversight and charge of all the parts of the town; in this behalf, it is thought meet that every one of the said Twelve shall have assigned unto him some place, street, or circuit of the said town, near about his dwelling house, where he shall, as deputy to the constable, have special charge for the keeping of good order; and especially to see that the order for the avoiding under tenants be duly observed and kept; and that none lodge or keep tippling without license.”—Item. “For as much as the said inhabitants of the said town of Brighthelmston, hath of long time, and yet still are to the making hereof, been over-charged and suppressed by the multitude of poor people, which daily are thought to increase by the means of many ale-house keepers and victuallers which do harbour and receive all comers and goers, to the great hurt and hinderance of the said inhabitants, and doth still sell and keep ale and beer without license, and against the said inhabitants’ consent, it is now ordered by the said inhabitants, for the suppressing of the said number of ale-houses and victualling-houses, that from henceforth for ever hereafter none of the said inhabitants whatsoever shall at any time hereafter, draw, sell, or keep any victualling or ale-house within the said town without a letter or testimonial of the said inhabitants, in writing, first had and obtained, by and with the consent of the constable, vicar, or curate, and six other substantial men of the said inhabitants, whereof four to be of the seamen, and two of the landmen in their behalf, to be made unto the Justices of the King’s Majesty’s Peace, whereby they, and so many of them, and not more, may be lawfully licensed to use the said trade of victualling and ale-house keeping; and also that such a competent number may be by the said Justices of the King’s Majesty’s Peace (whereof one to be of the quorum), and by and with the consent of the said inhabitants, nominated and appointed: and that none other of the said inhabitants may use or occupy the said trade of victualling or ale-house keeping in the said town, but so many of them as shall be lawfully licensed as is aforesaid, upon pain and peril of every one so doing contrary to the true meaning of this present order, to forfeit for every barrel of beer so drawn, six shillings and eight pence.”—“Item. If any man hath heretofore builded, erected, or set up any house, wall, pale, shed, or any such like thing whatever; or if any hereafter shall erect, build, or set up any house, wall, shed, pale, or any such like thing whatsoever, to the annoyance of the market-place, or of the block-house there, and shall not, upon warning given him by the constable, or his deputy for the time being, pull down or remove away the same within ten days after such warning given, that then he shall forfeit the sum of five pounds.”

“Orders for Payment of the Quarter Share.—These being almost literally the same as those presented to, and ratified by, Lord Buckhurst and Mr Shelley, in 1580, are purposely omitted; as are also, for the same reason, the Orders for the Length of Nets in this second book of Customs.”

“Orders concerning the Landmen.—Item. It is ordered, that the constable and churchwardens of Brighthelmston for the time being, with two or three of the substantial landmen, shall yearly cess, tax, and rate towards the common charge of the town, as well all the landmen, husbandmen, and artificers, and all of the inhabitants having land there; and also all such persons as have lands, tenements, or other yearly profits by land, in the said town, and dwell in other places, according to the quantity of their lands, tenements, and profits, proportionably with the said inhabitants; the which cessment, rate, or taxation, shall be yearly made and set down in writing, under the hands of the said constable, churchwardens, and substantial landmen, before the feast day of Epiphany, and shall amount unto half as much as the quarter share shall come unto yearly: and further it is ordered, that such persons as dwell in other places, and have in their own occupation within the said town, lands, tenements, or other yearly profits, shall likewise yearly pay all such sums of money as they, and every of them, in manner and form aforesaid, shall be rated and taxed, upon pain of such forfeitures and punishments as are to be inflicted on the inhabitants of the said town, for not paying such sums of money as they, in like sort, shall be cessed, taxed, or rated.”—“Item. Whosoever, being a landman, husbandman, artificer, or inhabitant, or every other occupier of land or tenements of and in the said town, that shall not yearly, before the feast day of the Purification of St. Mary, pay unto the Churchwardens for the time being, all such sum or sums of money as he or they shall be cessed, rated or taxed, shall for every time so doing, forfeit the double value thereof.”—“Item. If any owner or lessee of any house in Brighthelmston, admit any tenant or tenants, under-tenant or under-tenants, into his said house, except the said tenant or tenants shall, by the opinion of the constable and the churchwardens in writing first to be set down, be thought of sufficient ability to maintain himself and his family without burdening the town, then the owner and lessee shall, for every month that any such tenant, not being estimated as aforesaid, shall inhabit or dwell in his house, to forfeit unto the use of the poor of the said town, ten shillings.”—“Item. That whereas it is before ordered, that the owner and lessee of any house in Brighthelmston, in case he admitted any under-tenant, without the consent of the constable and churchwardens, first had in writing, shall forfeit monthly during the abode or inhabiting of any such under-tenant not being approved as aforesaid, monthly, ten shillings. Now forasmuch as the said penalties cannot conveniently be levied of such owners as are not resident or abiding within the town, and that the town is more burdened and charged with poor than heretofore it hath been, it is now further ordered, that the penalties for every default contrary to the said order, shall be extended in all points as well against the under-tenants, as against the said lessee or owner.”

“The orders for the churchwardens in this town book, being in substance the same with those before transcribed from the former, they need not hero be repeated.

“The immemorial existence of the above customs in the town of Brighthelmston, is incontestible even at this day: and though some of them be now obsolete on account of the great changes which the town has experienced during the present century, no part of its existing polity can legally run counter to those ancient customs, except upon sanction of an Act of Parliament, or where the right of exercising them has been evidently given up. The commissioners in 1580, only investigated and affixed publicity and order to those customs: and their subsequent orders to the inhabitants, were no more than what a bench of justices may issue at the present day. The independent style of the ancient fishermen and landmen in the second book, seems to be that of men who were conscious of a prescriptive right of legislation in certain matters within their own parish: and the Saxon constitution, whose equitable and benign spirit still feebly pervades what we now call the British Constitution, granted the same right to every parish all over England.

“The custom of choosing three churchwardens annually is still exercised, though the cause of it has ceased to exist for more than half a century past. But the customary existence of twelve assistants and advisers to the constable has ceased, though the occasion for which they were first instituted still remains, nay, increases commensurately with the population of the town. The ancient society of the twelve shall therefore be revived. That such a society did once exist, by custom, cannot be denied: and the mere neglect of a custom for ever so many years is no deseasance of the right to exercise it at any subsequent period. But its revival shall not be for the creation or benefit of a party. Political equality is the birth-right of every Briton; and no civil power can be lawful which emanated not originally from the assent of society, and is invariably exercised for the public good. The Twelve therefore shall be chosen by ballot at a public meeting of all the inhabitants, and every future vacancy in that body filled by public election in the same manner. The gentleman who presides at present at the court leet of the town, there is every reason to suppose, would cheerfully ratify so respectable an election; and the police of so populous a parish would, in future, be managed with signal vigilance, under the inspection of twelve chosen guardians of the public peace and prosperity.

“It was the discontinuance of the ancient society of the Twelve, that made it necessary to appoint commissioners by act of Parliament, in the year 1772, for lighting and cleaning the streets, lanes, and other places within the town of Brighthelmston; as also for removing and preventing nuisances, holding and regulating a daily market there, and building and repairing groynes, in order to render the coast more safe and commodious for vessels to unload and land sea-coal, culm, and other coal, for the use of the town: and in order to enable the said commissioners to accomplish these public and serviceable ends, they are allowed by the act, a duty of sixpence on every chaldron of coal or culm so landed. As it is not unlikely a question may hereafter arise concerning the precincts of the commissioners’ power, it may not here be unseasonable to consider how far it extends. As the letter of the act seems to confine it to the limits of the town, the sagacity of litigation may discover that the buildings erected since the year 1772, in the then common fields and environs of Brighthelmston, could not have been in contemplation of the framers of the act, inasmuch as those buildings were not then in esse. But as there never were any fixed boundaries to the town, as far as continuous buildings and population reach within the parish, so far, I conceive, shall the town, and consequently the power of the commissioners, be admitted always to extend. Otherwise, indeed, the act would be abortive and absurd. These commissioners were originally sixty-four in number, and constituted of the most respectable inhabitants in the town. Many vacancies by death and removal, have since occurred, and been very properly filled by election among the existing members. Yet I am so fully assured of the evil tendency in general, as well as the injustice of political monopoly of every kind, that I regret the right of election on those occasions had not vested in the inhabitants at large.

“But as the authority of the commissioners exceeds not, except in a few particulars, that of parochial surveyors, the Society of Twelve, if called forth again into existence and exertion, would be of great benefit to the town. In summer, Brighthelmston too frequently becomes the chief receptacle of the vice and dissipation which the sickening metropolis disgorges into our watering places at this season. Its population then is upwards of ten thousand, and only one constable and two headboroughs to preserve the order and safety of the town amidst such a medley. Were there twelve more of the most active and intelligent inhabitants of the town, united with them in directing and strengthening its police, the careful parent would then have less reason to fear the gambler for his son, or the debauchee for his daughter. The constable of Brighthelmston had such a society to assist him when it was but an obscure fishing town: the propriety of reviving the same, at this period of its popularity and splendour, I leave every thinking inhabitant of the place to consider and enforce.”—Dunvan, 1795.

Chapter VII.
THE TENANTRY LANDS.

Upon the general survey made throughout England, by order of King Alfred, the tenantry land of Brighthelmston, was, like the estates in general, in other parishes of the kingdom, planned and plotted out; and from time to time, down to the present date, the possessions of the different land-owners, have, from various changes in the proprietorship, been re-measured and set out; and such a procedure is termed taking the terrier. Dooms-day Book has it: Statutum de admensuratione terrarum. Dooms-day Book is a book that was made by order of William the Conqueror, in which all the estates of the kingdom are registered. It consists of two volumes, which are deposited at Westminster, in the chapter-house; where they may be consulted on paying the fee of 6s. 8d. for a search, and 4d per line for a transcript. It was begun in 1081, and not completed till 1087. There is a copy of it in the library of the dean and chapter of Exeter. One leaf of it was discovered some years since at Nettlecombe, in Somersetshire, a seat of Sir John Trevelyan, Bart, who sent it to the dean and chapter. There is a story extant in connexion with finding this leaf. In a room at Nettlecombe, which was used as a depository for lumber, and furniture and goods not in general use, a square of glass in the window always remained broken; and notwithstanding, from time to time, the window was repaired, the next morning, not only was the glass found to be demolished, but, invariably, three drops of blood stained the sash. It happened on one occasion when the deeds of the estate had to be referred to by the solicitor of the family, Mr. Leigh, that the remarkable incident of the window was mentioned to him; as the family parchments and papers were actually deposited in a strong chest in that very room. Being a person of a superstitious turn of mind, and of antiquarian research, he conceived the idea that amongst the accumulation of musty deeds, there was one which would give the solution to the strange mystery. A general overhauling therefore, of the contents of the old oak chest was made; but nothing of any moment was discovered, save a dingy leaf of some book, which seemed to have no connection whatever with the rest of the papers. This proved to be the long lost and frequently sought for leaf of the Exeter Dooms-day Book. The story continues, that the square of glass was that day repaired; and the next morning not only was it found to be broken, with the three drops of blood sprinkled on the sash, but upon the lid of the old oak chest, having filled its mission, lay dead a pure white dove. Ever after the restored window remained uninjured. On the 3rd day of March, 1738, was made:—“A General Terrier of the several Lands lyeing and being in the Common Laines of Brighthelmston, in the County of Sussex, shewing each person’s quantity in Pauls, Eight of which make an Acre; made and agreed unto by several owners and occupiers.”

The several Laines are: West Laine, Little Laine, East Laine, Hilly Laine, and North Laine. There are besides, portions called White Hawk, and Church Hill. The Laines are set out in measured areas, termed furlongs, [46] which furlongs are subdivided into irregular portions called paul-pieces, “eight of which make an acre,” the tenantry acres varying considerably as to the number of rods they contain, ranging from 35 to 210 rods. Some of these have other pauls running into them; and in such instances, from the shape they thus assume, they are termed “hatchet pieces;” while the extreme pauls of the furlongs in the Laines, are called “headlands.”

The Terrier at present used in defining property in the parish, is the “Terrier to the tenantry land in the parish of Brighthelmston, as it was measured and set out in the year MDCCXCII, by Thomas Budgen.” Copies of the Terriers, in a book form, are in the hands of several of the solicitors and surveyors in the town, and the proprietors of the tenantry lands. The most concise plan is a map of the whole parish, with elaborate references. For the convenience of cultivation, a Terrier was taken, agreeable to a resolution passed by the principal landholders, at a meeting which was held at the Old Ship, on the 26th day of March, 1776, that by drawing lots the owners of several pauls in different parts of a furlong, might have their lands together in one piece in each furlong. The arrangement did not in the least alter the proprietorship of the several pauls.

The following is the whole content of the Parish, as taken by Mr John Marchant, surveyor, May 12th, 1832:—

Within the Laines were portions of ground termed “yardlands,” but where situated has not been fully defined. The chief record of them is respecting the

In the “Nonarum Inquisitiones” is the following descriptive valuation of Brighthelmston:—

“This indenture testifies that an acquisition was taken before Henry Husse and fellows, collectors, and assessors of the ixth of garbel fleeces and lambs, and of the xvth granted to our lord the king, in the county of Sussex, assigned at Lewes, on a Sunday, in the middle of the xlth year of the reign of King Edward the Third, from the nonal inquest, and the quindecimal concerning the true value of the ixth of garbel, (corn) ixth of fleeces, and ixth of lambs, by commission of our lord the king, directed to the aforesaid Henry and his fellows, by the oath of John de Erlee, Hugh Russell, John Dac’, and Ralph Grabb, parishioners of Brighthelmston—who say, that the extent of the church there is taxed at xxv pounds with the vicarage. And they say that the ixth part of garbel is worth this year, there, ix pounds, viii shillings, and x pence from the community of the town. Also the ixth part of fleeces there is worth xxvi shillings and vi pence, and the ixth part of lambs there, is worth vi shillings and viii pence. Also they say, that the ixth part of garbel and fleeces of the prior or Lewes there, is worth, vii shillings and viii pence. Also the ixth part of garbel and fleeces of the prior of Michelham, is worth xxx shillings and iv pence. And so is the sum of the whole ixth of garbel, fleeces, and lambs, this year, xiii pounds. Also they say that the ixth part aforesaid cannot answer nor attain to the taxation of the church aforesaid; for that xl acres of land are drowned by the sea for ever, which were worth per annum xl shillings. And also clx acres of land in the common plain, which have been deficient there this year in corn sown, to the value of x pounds. And because the wool cannot be sold as it was wont, the value of xiii shillings and iv pence is deficient. And also the lambs there will be deficient in the pasture this year, by defect of value vi shillings and viii pence. And the vicar has there the first-prints of one dove-house, value ii shillings. And the same has there in offerings, small tithes of geese, sucking pigs, honey, milk, cheese, calves, and eggs, and other small tithes which are worth yearly lxx shillings. Also they say, that there are here no merchants, but tenants of land who live by their own lands, and their great labours only. In testimony of which thing, the aforesaid sworn men have affixed their seals to this indenture.”

Chapter VIII.
THE BARTHOLOMEWS.

The chauntry, or free chapel, dedicated to St. Bartholomew, was erected on a piece of land granted by the lord of the manor of Brighthelmston, to the Priory of St. Pancras, at Southover, Lewes, under a quit rent of 3d a-year. It was built to the south-west of the knappe or knab, originally called by the Saxon settlers, cnæp, (the summit or crown of a hill) from its elevated position. It is now generally known by the name of Brighton place. Attached to the chauntry was a dwelling for the two or three monks who officiated there. The chauntry was destroyed by the fire which devastated the town, on the landing of the French, under Primauget, and it never after recovered its accustomed use and influence. The almshouses, which were afterwards built on the site, were sold to the parish in 1733, for the sum of £17, and the dwelling of the monks, called the Prior’s Lodge, became the residence of the vicar of Brighthelmston, after the Reformation.

“Magna Britannia” mentions, “that there was a church near the middle of the town, and it was burnt down some years ago by the French.” This probably refers to the chapel or chauntry of St. Bartholomew. The Prior’s Lodge was pulled down by the Rev. Thomas Hudson, in 1790, the year he was collated to the rectory of Blatchington and vicarage of Brighthelmston. From the style of the architecture, and the decayed state of the timbers, there was ample room for supposing the building to have been erected not later than the close of the thirteenth century. In 1665 the Bartholomews is mentioned as a parcel of pasture. The parish workhouse, demolished in 1823, was erected on its site, and the rest of the space continued nearly plain ground till, in 1774, the market place was built, where the present Town Hall stands. The original market-place, that possessed by the town under the charter of Edward II., was on the cliff, where it had continued from the year 1313 till the close of the seventeenth, or the beginning of the last century; when, that part being sapped by the waves, the building was demolished. The vicarage house, which was substituted for the Prior’s Lodge, by the Rev. T. Hudson, was vacated by the present vicar, the Rev. Henry Michell Wagner, in 1835, and pulled down in 1837. The old vicarage garden was about a quarter of an acre in extent.

The first stone of the present vicarage was laid on the 24th day of June, 1834, and in the following year the structure was completed, and accepted by the Bishop of the Diocese, on the unanimous recommendation of six commissioners, namely, three laymen and three clergymen, to the effect that the exchange would be, in every respect, beneficial. It stands in a garden of exactly two measured acres; and was built by Messrs. George Cheesman and Son.

In 1584, William Midwinter, a sailor, sold the site of the chauntry to Thomas Friend and others, in trust for the said town, in consideration of the sum of £44, which had been raised by subscription among the inhabitants. It had been granted to Lord Cromwell, on the dissolution of the Priory of Lewes; and on his attainder and execution, to Anne of Cleves. It reverted to the Crown in 1557, after the death of that Princess, and afterwards came into the possession of Roger Blackbourne, a farmer of Yorkshire. In 1577 he aliened it to Milo Taylor, servant to Lord Buckhurst, and John Codwell, both of Southover, Lewes. Taylor soon after released his share to Codwell, who sold the whole to Midwinter.

In 1773, an Act of Parliament was obtained for erecting and holding a daily market, Sundays excepted; and the waste land of the Bartholomews being a central situation, and the common property of the town, it was fixed on for the site of the said market. The workmen, who were employed in digging for the foundation of this building, happened to cut through a little cemetery, which seems to have belonged to the chauntry of St. Bartholomew, and were so strongly impressed with superstitious awe, by the bones which they uncovered, that they refused to proceed with their work. The vicar, the Rev. Henry Michell, being informed of their scruples, came to the spot, and instead of exerting his personal influence, which was very great over all classes of his parishioners, or vainly combating the prejudices of ignorance with reason, applauded their veneration for the supposed remains of Christians, but assured them that all who had ever been interred there were rank Papists. Their first prejudice being thus laid by a stronger, the men resumed their work, and turned over the rest of the bones with the apathy of grave-diggers.

About fifty years since, in one of the old tumble-down houses which occupied the site whereon now stand the Schools of Mr. Henry Catt, by the “Knab Pump,” resided Thomas Herbert, a short, stout, fat, and greasy old fellow, possessing but one eye, who professed to make the best sausages out of Germany. He was a maker of small meat pies and sausages; and with these he exhibited his “Publications for Sale.” He was the author of the play, “Too much the Way of the World,” and likewise of “A Brief Sketch of Human Life;” which, with his other literary works, lay cheek by jowl with his comestibles. He had been a butcher; and the following specimen of his literary talent, written in a bold hand, in his window, expressed the cause of the change in his occupation; as he stated he was one

“Who, for want of cash, the shambles spurn’d,
And is for once a play-wright turn’d.”

Chapter IX.
THE WORKHOUSE.

From the deepest research which the compiler of this work has been able to make, he cannot find that any Workhouse existed in Brighton prior to 1727, in which year the following entries appear in the Town book:—

February 26th, 1727,—That a mortgage be effected on the workhouse, to indemnify Thomas Simmons, in paying the moneys he made of the materialls of Blockhouse, to the constable and churchwardens; by them to be disbursed in payment of materialls and the workmen employed about building the workhouse.

May 10th,—Order in Vestry for Churchwardens and Overseers,—with all speed to borrow £50, to pay for materials and workmanship about the Workhouse, in the building of it, to be repaid out of the poor rate, or taxes to be raised in the parish, on or before the 10th of May, 1728.

At a public vestry meeting, held at the Old Ship, October 18th, 1727, it is agreed that the Churchwardens and Overseers shall take up with all convenient speed, and borrow one hundred pounds, upon interest at 5 per centum per annum, towards building the new workhouse.

Amongst the minutes of the public vestry, 13th November, 1727, there is the entry of a contract being entered into, between the parish and Thomas Fletcher and Thomas Tuppen, for digging and steining the well to the new workhouse, complete, with fittings, for ten guineas.

The Workhouse at this period was evidently of very limited extent. But in 1733 a portion of the Almshouses in connexion with the chauntry of St. Bartholomew was added to the building. The spot is now occupied by the east end of the Brighton Market. A tenement for the poor previously existed in East street; and in 1690, in consequence of the great increase of the poor-rates, on account of the inroads of the sea, and the injury experienced by the town from the civil and foreign wars of that and the preceding century, by order of the Justices at the quarter Sessions, at Lewes, the following parishes, that had no poor of their own, were called upon to make the following contributions:—

Formerly the recipients of parish relief were compelled to wear an insignia of their pauperism; as in a vestry minute appears the following:—

At a monthly meeting of the Churchwardens and Overseers, held 27th August, 1698, an accompt was given that Susan Stone, the widdow of Thomas, refused to ware the Town badge, (viz^t.) the letters, (B: P:) upon which she was putt out of the weekly pay.

The present Workhouse, on Church Hill, was commenced in 1820, Mr. William Mackie, Architect, Charlotte street, Blackfriars’ road, London, furnishing the design, which was selected from forty others by the Directors and Guardians, who had advertised a premium for the best design; as it was then considered it combined a proper degree of elegance with economy, and was replete with more convenience than any other institution for the same purpose in the kingdom. Great alterations and additions have been made to the original building, according to the fancy or caprice of the boards of Guardians for the time being. Mr. John Cheesman was the builder. The ceremony of laying the foundation stone was not of the imposing character which is assumed on commencing similar public buildings in modern times. The stone was merely one that had been dug up while getting out the ground for the foundation of the house; and was of the rudest shape, about two feet in length, eighteen inches in width, and ten inches in depth. It was laid by the Vicar, the Rev. Dr. Carr, afterwards Bishop of Chichester, and subsequently of Worcester.

Brighton, at that time, had a population of 24,000, and there were about 4,000 inhabited houses. Fields surrounded the Workhouse grounds; that to the south, the detached grave-yard of the Old Church, being used for occasional festivities, and for the practice of the Royal Artillery. The first building erected near the House was a soap manufactory, by a Mr. Heard. The premises are now the residence and establishment of Dr. Foreman. On the failure of the soap works, which were to astonish the good people of Brighton, Mr. Airey converted the building into school premises, and for a few years had a good school there,—the Church hill Grammar School. The Rev. Dr. Butler succeeded him, and then, for a short time, the Rev. Mr. Pugh carried on the establishment.

Mr. Thorncroft was the first person who took up his abode in the new Workhouse, which had a tablet over the main entrance, thus inscribed:

Brighthelmston Poor-House,
Erected A.D., 1821.
Vicar, Rev. R. J. Carr, D.D.
Churchwardens: Edward Blaker / Robert Ackerson / Richard Bodle.

At the old Workhouse, or rather Poor-house as it was called, the average number of inmates was 150, and the only labour consisted in collecting and crushing oyster-shells in a large iron mortar. This work was done by the able-bodied out-door poor, in the winter months, at a fixed price per bushel. The material thus produced was sold for manuring land, and for constructing paths in parks, lawns, &c. The Governor at that time, was Mr. Hayward, he having succeeded Mr. Bailey, and the inmates were farmed to Mr. Rice, at a contract price for their board, of about 4s a-week per head. Previous to Mr. Bailey, Mr. Sicklemore was the Governor, he having succeeded Mr. William Pearce, who was appointed March 25th, 1779. Mr. Samuel Thorncroft, the present Assistant-Overseer, was Mr. Rice’s assistant, and helped Mr. Chassereau, the then Assistant-Overseer, in preparing the present Workhouse for the reception of the poor, who were very reluctant to leave the old house, to be transported out of the world, as they termed the removal to the new house on Church hill, which certainly then had as desolate an appearance as the “howling wilderness,” the name now given to the Industrial Schools at the Warren Farm, by the opponents of that juvenile establishment. The Assistant-Overseer, previous to Mr. Chassereau, was Mr. White, who succeeded Mr. Jonathan Grenville. At this period the principal officers in connexion with the poor of the parish, were an Assistant-Overseer, at a salary of £200, and a Vestry Clerk, at a salary of £100 a-year. Mr. Thomas Attree, of the present firm, Messrs. Attree, Clarke, and Howlett, solicitors, Ship street, was the Clerk, and used to make out the poor-rates, attend—usually by deputy—the meetings of the Directors and Guardians, record the meetings of the Board, and the Committees, and prepare reports.

The removal from the old to the new house took place on the 12th September, 1822, when 27 persons changed their residence. On the 20th of the same month, nine others followed; and on the 24th, sixty-four more were removed, making a total of ninety-five inmates. Mr. Baldey was the parish surgeon. The new governor—Hayward,—remained only a few days on the removal to the new house; as, without the least intimation to any one, he abruptly took himself off. His successor, Mr. Nuttall, remained only four or five weeks, when he was summarily dismissed by the Guardians, on the 5th of November, 1822. Mr. S. Thorncroft was then appointed Governor, a situation which he continued to fill with great honour to himself and satisfaction to the town, till April, 1834, although he did not leave the house till April, 1835. Mr. John Harper was Mr. Chassereau’s successor. Mr. Thorncroft was appointed Assistant-Overseer—a position which he still so ably holds—in October, 1834. Mr. Collington, at the close of 1834, succeeded Mr. Thorncroft as Governor; and he held the office till the middle of the summer of 1836, when Mr. Bartlett entered on the duties of Governor, he having been previously the superintendent of pauper-labour, at a salary of £160 a-year.

At the old house Mrs. Idle was a species of matron; but when the inmates went “up the hill,” Mrs. Harriet Dennett held that appointment, and continued it till 1827, when she was succeeded by Mrs. Alice Pickstock. Mrs. Pickstock,—the mother of Mrs. S. Thorncroft,—died in 1843. As a memento of respect, her tomb, erected by subscription in the Cemetery Ground of the Old Church, expresses the appreciation of her valuable services. On her death, Mrs. Bartlett, the wife of the Governor, was appointed Matron. Mr. and Mrs. Bartlett resigned in June, 1848, and were succeeded by Mr. and Mrs. Cuzens. About the middle of the year 1849, Cuzens absented himself from his duties, and they were in consequence both discharged in September. Mr. and Mrs. Hodges were appointed to the vacancies, and they held their respective offices till September of the following year. Mr. and Mrs. C. J. King succeeded them, and in October, 1854, on their resignation, Mr. and Mrs. Passmore entered upon their duties. On the 7th of June, 1859, Mr. Passmore absconded; the dismissal of himself and wife ensued in consequence, and on the 15th of July, Mr. and Mrs. Sattin were appointed to fill the vacancies.

The poor-rate collectors hitherto have been Mr. Edward Butler, Mr. Harry (Captain) Blaber, Mr. W. H. Smithers, and Mr. Frank Butler. The parish assessors have been Mr. Saunders, Mr. Robert Ackerson, Mr. Richard Bodle, Mr. Henry Styles Colbron, Mr. Richard Edwards, and Mr. George Maynard.

The original cost for building the Brighton Workhouse was £10,000, and the land was purchased for £1,400, and paid by a rate expressly raised for that service. In the year 1853, the then Board of Directors determined upon disposing of the present Workhouse and grounds, and the erection of a Workhouse and Industrial Schools, and they purchased ground on the Race Hill, as the site for the former, and the Warren Farm, beyond the Race Hill, for the latter. The Schools are completed, and will be ready for occupation when a sufficient supply of water is obtained from the notorious Warren Farm Well.

There have been occasions when the Guardians, in the plenitude of their duties towards the poor, and also to the ratepayers, have made their Board meetings the opportunity for feasting and guzzling. The most memorable time was in the summer of 1837, when they pampered their appetites with john-dorees, salmon, lobsters, Norfolk squab pie, poultry, and joints in profusion; red and white wines by the dozen, and spirits by the gallon; cigars by the box, and snuff by the pound; with a handsome snuff-box, too; and, the usual services of the House being too mean for them, sets of dish-covers were ordered, and dishes, dinner and pie plates, jugs, sauce tureens, cut decanters and stands, rummers, knives and forks, waiters, and a teaboard. Blacking too, was ordered, and one Guardian, Mr. Paul Hewitt, actually sent his boots to the Workhouse to be cleaned, and when done they were returned to his house again. Another Guardian, Mr. Storrer, also sent his dog to the Workhouse to be kept, as it was inconvenient to have it at home. The Guardians had also a summer house, wherein they smoked their cigars and quaffed their grog. This was at the period when out-door paupers had to slave up the Church hill for relief. The removal of the Board-room to Church street, the Pavilion property, has been a great convenience to the poor, and it has been the means of preventing even a hint that the present Board feast at the parish expense.

Immediately in connexion with the Workhouse, the two following extracts from the parish books, will not be found out of place:—

“Coppy of the Order for the Removal of Stephen Agnus.”

SUSSEX.

Hen. Pelham
Geo. Goreing

To the Churchwardens and Overseers of the POOR of ye Pish. of Brighthelmstone, in ye sd. County, & to the Churchwardens and Overseers of the POOR of the Pish. of Sittingbourne, in ye County of Kent, & to every of them.

Forasmuch as Complaint hath been made to us, whose hands & Seales are hereto sett, being two of his Majtes. Justices of the Peace for the sd. County (one of which is of ye Quorum) by the Churchwardens and Overseers of the poor of the sd. Pish. of Brighthelmstone that Stephen Agnus came Lately into ye said pish. not having nor renting Ten pound p. annum, nor otherwise gained a legal settlement there according to ye severall statutes in that case made and provided, but is likely to become chargeable to the said parish of Brighthelmstone.

These are, therefore, in his Majts. name, to will and require you, the Churchwardens and Overseers of the Poor of ye sd. pish, of Brighthelmstone or some of you, to convey the said Stephen Agnus from the said pish. of Brighthelmstone To the said Pish of Sittingbourn, in Kent, where, upon the examination of the said Stephen Agnus upon oath, it appears that the said Stephen Agnus was last legally settled as an householder. And you, the Churchwardens and Overseers of the poor of the said pish of Sittingbourne, are hereby required and commanded him to receive and provid for, as an Inhabitant of yr sd pish. hereof, fail not at yr perril. Given under our hands and seals this 27th day of January, in the 13th year of his Majst’s reign, Anno Domi. 1701.

Certificate acknowledging a Parishioner.

Wee, Andrew Godwin, John Tappenden, William Ffullager, and William Deane, Churchwardens and Overseers of the Poore of the Parish of Sittingbourne, in the County of Kent, doo hereby owne and acknowledge Stephen Agnus, of the same Parish, to be an inhabitant, legally settled there. Witness our hands and seales this one and thirtieth day of January, Anno Dni. 1701.

Attested by us

W. H. Haussett, Jo. Hawkes

Andrew Godwin, *

John Tappenden, *

Will. Ffullager, *

William Deane. *

To the Churchwardens & Overseers of ye poore of ye parish of Brighthelmstone, in ye County of Sussex, or to any of them.

Wee, whose hands are hereunder written, Justices of ye Peace of the County of Kent, aforesd., doo allowe of the Certificate above written, dated ye 2nd day of February, Anno Dm. 1701.

Tho. Osborne,
Waltr. Hooper.

Bastardy Bond, given by a Security, that the putative father shall indemnify the Parish against any expence that may be incurred in the birth of a Child.

Stamp One Shilling and Sixpence.

Know all Men by these presents, that I, Buckrell Bridger, of the Parish of Brighthelmstone, in the County of Sussex, mariner, am held and firmly bound unto Stephen Richwood, and Stephen Poune, Churchwardens, and Robert Davis and Edward Stiles, Overseers of the Poor of the Parish of Brighthelmstone, aforesaid, in trust for themselves and others, the parishioners of the said Parish, in Fifty Pounds of good and Lawfull money of Great Britain, to be paid to the said Churchwardens and Overseers, or their certain Attorney, Executors, Administrators, and Assigns, for which payment well and faithfully to be made, I bind my Heirs, Executors, and Administrators, and every of them, firmly by these presents, scaled with my Seal, dated this sixth day of May, in the Ninth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord, George the Third, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, and so forth, and in the year of our Lord One thousand, Seven hundred, and Sixty-nine.

The Condition of this obligation is such, that, whereas Mary Hill, of the Parish of Brighthelmstone, aforesaid, single-woman, hath, in and by her voluntary examination, taken in writing and upon oath before John Fuller, Esquire, one of His Majesty’s Justices of the Peace in and for the said County, declared that she is with child, and that the said child is likely to be born a bastard, and to be chargeable to the said Parish of Brighthelmstone, and that Buckrell Bridger, the younger, of Brighthelmstone, aforesaid, mariner, is the father of the said child. If, therefore, the above bounden Buckrell, the elder, or the above named Buckrell Bridger, the younger, or either of them, then, or either of their Heirs, Executors, or Administrators, do or shall, from time to time, or at all times hereafter, fully and clearly indemnify, and save harmless as well, the above named Churchwardens and Overseers of the Poor of the said Parish of Brighthelmstone, and their successors for the time being, and also all other the Parishioners and Inhabitants of the said Parish which now are, or hereafter shall be for the time being, from and against all kind and all manner of Costs, Taxes, Rates, Assessments, and charges whatsoever, for or by reason of the birth, education, and maintenance of the said child, and of and from all Actions, Suits, Troubles, and other charges and demands whatsoever, touching or concerning the same, then this obligation to be void, or otherwise to be and remain in full force.

Buckrell Bridger. *
The mark of Buckrell Bridger × the elder. *

Sealed and delivered, being first stamped in the presence of us, the interlineations being first made.

Geo. Abington,
Thos. Scrase.

But a quarter of a century since it was customary to employ the out-door paupers in scavenging, cleansing, and watering the streets, the poor creatures being harnessed, by means of ropes, to the muck-trucks and barrel-constructed water-carts, after the manner that convicts are put to labour in the Government penal establishments and the navy dockyards. The parish officers eventually got shamed out of the system of thus employing those whose only crime was poverty; and for awhile they substituted the health-destroying and heart-breaking plan of wheeling shingle and sand from the beach to the Workhouse-ground in barrows, till one unhappy creature sunk beneath his burthen and died of “disease of the heart!” The custom then was abandoned. The course now pursued towards the indigent is thoroughly to investigate their several cases, and relieve them according to their necessities and deserts: and where laziness and not misfortune is the cause of their penury, to give them an “Able Bodied Ward” ticket of admission to the Workhouse, which not one indolent person in fifty avails himself or herself of, but rather leaves the Board of Guardians, dissatisfied, and eventually resolves upon an attempt at industry, which results in a benefit to themselves and the ratepayers. The system has succeeded beyond all expectations; and many a man who considered the “house” his birthright, because his father and his grandfather from time immemorial wintered there, has taken to provident and industrious habits, and learned the sweet uses of adversity.

Chapter X.
THE ATTACK ON BRIGHTHELMSTON BY THE FRENCH, IN 1545.

Henry the Eighth having ravaged Artois and Picardy, by the superiority of his forces, and made himself master of Boulogne, the French king to retaliate the wanton desolations, sent Admiral D’Annehault with a considerable fleet to devastate the country on the southern coast of the island. The invasion is thus described by Holinshead:—

“In 37 Hen. 8th, 1545, July the 18th, the admiral of France, Mons. Donebatte, hoisted up sails, and with his whole navy (which consisted of 200 ships and 26 gallies,) came forth into the seas, and arrived on the coast of Sussex, before Bright Hampstead, and set certain of his soldiers on land to burn and spoil the country: but the beacons were fired and the inhabitants thereabouts came down so thick, that the Frenchmen were driven to their ships with loss of diverse of their numbers, so that they did little hurt there. Immediately hereupon they made to the Isle of Wight, when about two thousand of their men landed, and one of their chief captains, named Chevalier Daux, a Provençois, being slain with many others, the residue, with loss and shame, were driven back again to their gallies. And having knowledge by certain fishermen whom they took, that the king was present on the coast, (Portsmouth) and a huge power ready to resist them, they disanctioned (disanchored) and drew along the coast of Sussex, of whom few returned to their ships; for divers gentlemen of the country, as Sir Nicholas Pelham and others, with such power as was raised upon the sudden, took them up by the way and quickly distressed them. When they had searched every where by the coast, and saw men still ready to receive them with battle, they turned stern, and so got them home again without any act achieved worthy to be mentioned. The number of the Frenchmen was great, so that diverse of them who were taken prisoners in the Isle of Wight and in Sussex, did report they were three score thousand.”

A curious Picture Map of this attack is engraved in the 24th vol. of the “Archæologia” of 1832, from the original in the Cottonian Library. A copy of this map is in the possession of the compiler of this history. It bears date, “1545, July, 37 Henry VIII.” The number of ships attacking the town is twenty-two; and the largest, probably the Admiral’s, lying nearest the shore, has four masts; seven have three masts, three two masts, and eleven are galleys with one mast and numerous oars. Eight of the latter are on shore, and the armed men from them have disembarked on the beach, the place where they landed being inscribed,—“here landed the galleys.” On the shore also, high and dry, are six large boats of the inhabitants, and several smaller ones. On the beach, likewise, at Hove, are five small boats. On the sea, towards the west side, is inscribed,—“Shippes may ride all somer tem in a myle the town in V fathome water;” and on the east,—“Thesse grete shippes rydeng hard abode shore by shoting into the hille and wallies on the towne, so sore oppresse the towne that the countrey dare not adventure to rescue it.” The ships are pierced for guns, and the prows and sterns are raised three or four stages. Numerous pennons and streamers adorn each ship, some bearing a fleur-de-lys, and others a cross. On shore the houses under the cliffe are on fire; from the upper town also flames are issuing from almost every house. There are five rows of houses running from north to south; and at the extreme north a row of houses runs from east to west. A square space in the centre is marked,—“A felde in the middle of the town.” A road to the east of the town, about the spot now occupied by the Old Steine, and going in the north-east direction is inscribed,—“the valey comyng from Lewes town to Brighthampston.” On this road and on the hill adjacent bodies of armed men are marching towards the town. On the cliffe, eastward of this road, is an erection from which is suspended a frame containing some burning substance, and is inscribed,—“the towne fyre cage.” This is at about the spot where the offices and auction room of Messrs. Parsons and Son now are. From thence, eastward, is inscribed,—“The East pte of brighthampston riseng onelye on cleves high.” North of the town is the church, about which persons, some armed, appear in the attitude of prayer. Beyond the church are two mills, marked,—the “wynde mylles;” and still farther a blazing construction on a pole, marked,—“the bekon of the towne.” A road from this spot is continued to the sea, about midway between the church and Hove Church, marked,—“hoove Churche.” This road, along which armed men are coming towards the town, is inscribed,—“the valey comyng from pouynge (Poynings) betwixt brighthampston and the vilage, hove.” As this road approaches the beach it is inscribed,—“Upon this west pt may lond CM psones (100,000 persons) unletted by any pvision there.” At the back of the town is inscribed,—“The towne of brighthampston,” and immediately to the east of the town is a body of armed men. Hove,—two rows of houses,—is marked, “hove village,” and the road running westward from thence, “the west parte of brithampston lowe all daungerous and wout cleves (without cliffs.)”

The next attempt of the French was on Newhaven, where they landed to a considerable number, and proceeded to pillage the town and environs; but the gentry and yeomen of the coast having been collected on the neighbouring hills to oppose the expected descent, attacked the invaders so vigorously that many were slain in attempting to recover their galleys.

Chapter XI.
FORTIFICATIONS OF THE TOWN.

In consequence of the frequent incursions of the French, and the inhabitants being harassed by frequent alarm, the town resolved, in 1558, to erect fortifications, to afford them some protection for the future. A Court Baron of the manor of Brighthelmston-Lewes was therefore held on the 29th of September in that year, of which the following entry appears in the Court Rolls:

I Eliz. At a Court Baron, holden for this manor, 27th September, there was granted to the inhabitants of Brighton town by the lords, one parcel of land, containing in length 30 feet, in breadth 16 feet, to build thereon a store-house to keep armes, &c., now called the Block-house. Also at the Court holden for Atlingworth manor, 3 Jac (1606) January 9th, the homage presented that the north part of the Block-house aforesaid is built on part of the demesnes of that manor.

The land granted was on the Cliff between Black-lion street and Ship street, and about 215 yards westward of East street. The Block-house was circular, about fifty feet in diameter, and the walls were about eight feet in thickness, and eighteen feet in height. Several arched apartments in its thick walls were depositories for the powder and other ammunition for the defence of the town. In front of it, towards the sea, was a little battery called the Gun Garden, on which were mounted four pieces of large iron ordnance. Adjoining the Block-house, on the east, stood the Town-house, with a dungeon under it for malefactors; and on the summit of this building rose a turret, on which the town clock was fixed. At the same time with the Block-house, were erected four gates of freestone, (three of which were arched) leading from the Cliff to that part of the town which lay under it, namely, the East Gate at the bottom of East street; the Portal, which was called the Porter’s Gate, and was less than any of the others; it stood next the East Gate; the Middle Gate, opposite the end of Middle street, commonly called the Gate of All Nations; and the West Gate, which stood at the end of West street. From the East Gate, westward, there was, at the same time, a wall built about fifteen feet high, and four hundred feet long, where the Cliff was most easy of ascent: and from the termination of that wall, a parapet three feet high, was continued on the verge of the Cliff to the West Gate, with embrasures for cannon. The Block-house was built at the expense of the mariners of the town; but the gates and walls were erected partly if not wholly by the government.

The south of the town was thus effectually secured. For the security, then, of the other three sides, on any emergency, trenches might be cut at the end of the streets which led into the town, or the entrances might be barred to the enemy by lumber carriages and household furniture, while the inhabitants annoyed them from every quarter. The “Magna Britannia,” in addition, says, “The town contains seven streets, and as many lanes, but the most spacious of them is devoured by the Ocean,” alluding to South street, under the cliff, which it is supposed formed the sea front of the town.

The town book, under the date 1580, has the following inventory of the “great ordnance, and other munition and furniture in Brighthelmston,” viz., four iron pieces delivered out of the tower, on the bond of John Slutter, together with powder and shot delivered with the same, two pieces of great ordnance, and ten “qualivers with their flasks and touch boxes,” and a drum belonging to the town.

The town also at that time possessed one windmill, purchased of Queen Elizabeth, and the site of another mill then in ruins; “the town-house, situate to the east side of the block-house,” granted by a copy of court roll by the lords of the Manor of Brighthelmston, and the said block-house, “of flint, lime, and sand, of late years erected, and built in warlike manner, by the fishermen, with the profits of their quarter share.” [65]

There is no record as to the date when the fortifications in general were destroyed; but it is generally supposed the gradual inroads of the sea sapped them and caused them to fall. Certainly they were not demolished by any foreign invader, as after 1545 the town was never attacked.

In 1586, when the whole kingdom was alarmed with rumours of the Spanish Armada, a fleet of about fifty sail were discovered off the town, apparently waiting for a favourable opportunity to land. The terrified inhabitants, concluding it was the great Spanish force, fired the beacons and sent off for Lord Buckhurst, who was lord of one of the manors of the town. His Lordship attended with as many armed men as he could muster on so sudden an emergency, and took post on the brow of the cliff between Brighthelmston and Rottingdean, in order to oppose the landing of the supposed enemy at their place. In the course of the ensuing night, his force increased to the number of 1,600 men: and a considerable body of Kentishmen were on their march to join him. Next morning, the ships appeared in the same place; but those on board showed no disposition to land. A few boats, belonging to the town, ventured out at last, a little way, to reconnoitre the fleet, and soon discovered, to their great joy, they were only Dutch merchantmen laden with Spanish wines, and detained by contrary winds in the Channel.

Towards the end of July, 1588, the town was more justly alarmed at the Spanish Armada; and the inhabitants neglected no means in their power to defend themselves and their country from the threatened desolation by a powerful and inveterate enemy. They had then in the town, belonging to Government, six pieces of great iron ordnance, and ten qualivers, a species of small cannon. With a determination of the most obstinate resistance, the shores of Sussex in general were lined with the people, when this tremendous armament passed in their view, pursued by the light and expert navy of England.

In 1597, in consequence of the continued war with Spain, and Brighton being exposed, by an order of Sessions, dated July 13th, and signed Robert Sackville, Thomas Pelham, Nicholas Parker, Antho. Sherley, and Ran. Nevill, by command of Lord Buckhurst, Lord Lieutenant of the County, there were sent from Lewes to Brighthelmston, one saker and one minion, with their carriages, shot, horse-harness, budges, barrels, ladles, sponges, and all other necessary implements belonging to the same, with six barrels of gunpowder; and such was the educational condition of the people at that period, that Thomas Jeffery, the Constable of Brighthelmston, to whom the artillery and stores were delivered, could not write his name. In 1642, the four pieces of iron ordnance, sent to Brighthelmston in 1597, were returned to Lewes. In the same year, also a barrel of gunpowder was sent from the town house, Lewes, (where was the powder store,) to Brighthelmston.

In the Court Rolls, according to the Burrell MSS., 1st April, 1645, there are the following records:—

Homage present Willm. Gallan, jun., for not paying to Rd. Cook, lord’s reeve, for his lady nets fishing, according to ye ancient custom, 4d, give him time to pay it to the said R.C., at or before St. Jn. Baptist next, on payn of 5s.

25 Aug., 1648. We present Nichs. Payne for building his new house and shop under the cliffs, upon the bank of the cliff, to the hurt and annoyance of the whole towne, if we shd have any occasion to use the ordnance, or that there shd be any invasion by a foreign enemy.

25 Aug., 1654. We present Nics. Payne for encroaching on the lord’s waste, and building of his walls 14 feet, or thereabout, more than he is admitted to, to ye cliffe side, before ye place where ye great guns path doth stand, to the great annoyance and hindrance of ye whole towne and country, and we fine him for it.

In the year 1658, John Pullat, a Quaker, for speaking to the priest and people in the Steeple-house (the church), was put prisoner into the Block-house, which, at that time, was the place of confinement for malefactors.

In the course of the encroachments of the sea during severe storms in 1703 and 1705, the Blockhouse and Gun-garden, wall and gates, were gradually sapped, and at last so completely destroyed, that in the course of thirty years afterwards, scarcely any of their ruins were perceptible. The following is the record of these storms in the Brighton town-book:—

Memorand.—November 27th, 1703, there was a very great and remarkable tempest, [67] which begun after midnight, and continued in its violence till about 8 in the morning, being Saturday. Many houses in town were damnified, two wind-mills in the east blown over, several of the church leads turned up, and several vessells belonging to the town were Shipwracked, to the great impoverishment of the place.

Another storm, 11th of August, 1705, did equal damage.

The Burrell MSS. record, Jan., 1748–9, that by reason of extraordinary high tides the sea broke in at Brighthelmston, washed away part of the Block-house, and the farm lands called Salts, and did considerable damage to the lands adjacent.

On digging out the shingle for the purpose of laying in the foundation of the wall which forms the south boundary of the King’s Road, the ruins of the Block-house were discovered in so compact and firm a state that much difficulty was experienced in excavating them and breaking them up. Less than ninety years since at low water, the well of the old town was visible off the Old Ship Tavern, its steined form standing somewhat high above the sand and shingle.

Lord Macaulay, in his history of England, speaking of the time of Charles II., says:—“Brighton was then described as a place which had once been thriving, which had possessed many small fishing barks, and which had, when at the height of prosperity, contained about two thousand inhabitants; but which was sinking fast into decay. The sea was gradually gaining on the buildings, which at length almost entirely disappeared. Ninety years ago the ruins of an old fort were to be seen lying among the pebbles and sea-weed on the beach, and ancient men could still point out the traces of foundations on a spot where a street of more than a hundred huts had been swallowed up by the waves. So desolate was the place after this calamity that the vicarage was thought scarcely worth having. A few poor fishermen, however, still continued to dry their nets on those cliffs, on which now a town, twice as large and populous as the Bristol of the Stuarts, presents, mile after mile, its gay and fantastic front to the sea.” The Rev. William Gilpin, prebendary of Salisbury, and vicar of Boldre, near Lymington, in “Observations on the Coasts of Hampshire, Sussex, and Kent, made in the Summer of 1774,” states:—“The cliff on which Brighthelmston stands, is composed of a mouldering clay; and the sea has gained upon it, at least fifty yards in the memory of man. A fort which stood on the edge of the cliff, gave way in the year 1761, and was shattered into a ruin; but it is now taken entirely down.” This, probably, refers to some portion of the old fortifications of the town, which stood to the east of the Block-house.

About the year 1761, a battery, with an arched room under it for ammunition, was erected at the bottom of East (great) Street, not far from the site of the ancient East Gate. A letter dated Brighthelmston, August 12th, 1782, states:—“About seven o’clock yesterday morning, I was awaked by the firing of guns, which made me rise sooner than I should otherwise have done, and upon going to the beach, was informed that a French privateer, of 16 or 18 guns, and about 130 men, had just taken a collier close to the shore. After having turned the collier’s men in their own boat on shore,—they only wanting the vessel,—the Frenchmen put on board the collier from the privateer, ten stout fellows, and then sailed away with their prize. This being observed from the ramparts, signal was given to a cutter, which happened luckily to be near, and it directly made sail after the collier, and in about an hour and a half retook her, and sent the Frenchmen on shore.” The ramparts alluded to were those of the East Street battery, which was wholly unprotected by any groyne, and was completely undermined by the sea on the 17th of November, 1786, and fell to the ground. There were at the time seventeen barrels of gunpowder in the magazine below; but fortunately none of them took fire amidst the crash of the ruins. Dunvan [69] states that this battery mounted 12 twenty-four pounders; but on the platform as represented in a map of Brighton, 1779, eight guns only are placed. The eight guns were deposited on the Steine, and remained there for several weeks.

The condition of these guns and the value of the battery will be better gleaned from the following memorandum, made Thursday, September 23rd, 1779:—“Some French privateers are said to be hovering about the offing, and we hear now and then a report of firing. Provoking!—They will not come within reach of the only four guns that may be fired with safety—I mean, when properly loaded with powder and ball—a salute is nothing. The rest are all well known to be honey-combed. The small craft, then, may be cut off with impunity. What a pity that a couple of light six-pounders cannot be spared by the Board of Ordnance, to protect the coast! Those with men or horses, might be dragged along the Clift, and prevent every sort of mischief to be dreaded from such despicable picaroons;—instead whereof, two horse soldiers, in long scarlet cloaks, ride along the coast, making their utility to be understood by no one.”

The site of this battery is marked by the Old Battery House, opposite the Rising Sun, to which is attached the following legend of

OLD STRIKE-A-LIGHT:—

“A tremendous gale had ceased, but still the mountainous swellings of the sea burst violently on the shore, when the boat of Swan Jervoise came into the Brighton roadstead, having weathered the storm. The night was pitchy dark; scarcely could the outline of the horizon be perceived, and not a light illumed the blank. The surprise of Jervoise and his crew was therefore great when they beheld a stream of meteor-like splendour burst from every window of the ‘Rising Sun’ Inn, and as suddenly all was again involved in utter darkness. This terrific appearance was repeated many times. Swan Jervoise was one of those men who never conjecture, but proceeded at once to ascertain a cause. He therefore, with two of his men, went ashore; but proceeded alone to the ‘Rising Sun,’ expecting to find the people up. After knocking and bawling loud enough to rouse all the dead in the Bartholomew’s Chapel, without wakening the landlord, he was about to force the door, when the light again burst from the windows, and he distinctly heard a ticking as of a person striking a light with a flint and steel, each stroke producing this supernatural blaze of light. In a moment afterwards the door was opened, and a being seven feet high, wrapped in a large black cloak, with a high conical white hat, issued forth. He noticed not the poor drenched fisherman, but he strode on until he disappeared in the darkness. Jervois’s hair stood, stiff on his head; his limbs trembled with fear; and he shrieked aloud with terror. The landlord heard his cry, and came down with his torch. Seeing his neighbour in such a plight, he bade him come in, roused up a fire, made him take a seat in the capacious chimney, and—having comforted him with good words—placed a rushlight on the table, and then retired to procure a jug of ale. Jervoise, scarcely recovered from his fright, was thus again left alone. As he sat musing by the crackling fire, the dim rush throwing a fitful light around the room, he chanced to turn his head; when, from over the back of the settle, he beheld the deathlike features—pallid as a sear cloth—of the tall man in the conical hat. His countenance was most ghastly, and he fixed his grey-glazed eyes full on Jervoise, and pointed to the hearth. This was more than he could bear,—he uttered one loud scream, and fell senseless to the ground. He was thus found by the landlord, who conveyed him to bed; and the next day Jervoise related the particulars to Father Anselm, of St. Bartholomew, and then expired. But the blessed Virgin and Saint Nicholas oft-times bring good out of evil; for on examining the hearth to which ‘Old Strike-a-Light’ (as the apparition has since been called) pointed, a vast treasure was found, which is still safely deposited with the principal of this order in Normandy; nor has the ‘Rising Sun’ since been haunted by the unholy spirit of ‘Old Strike-a-Light.’ The faithful may therefore know there is no truth in the story that ‘Old Strike-a-Light’ has lately been seen seated astride a barrel of beer in the cellar chinking a piece of money on a pewter dish. The family vault of Jervoise, the oldest in the churchyard of Brighthelmston, Anno Domini MCXVII, may still be seen on the south side of the church—near Tattersall’s.”

Towards the latter end of the year 1793, two new batteries were commenced for the defence of the town; one on the West Cliff, which mounted eight 36-pounders, and the other on the East Cliff, which mounted four of the same weight. The guns of these batteries were of French casting, ship guns, taken from the French fleet captured by Lord Howe, in his memorable victory of the 1st of June, 1794. The latter of these batteries was at the bottom of the Marine Parade, opposite the south-end of German Place; but after being in position about ten years,—as the explosions of the guns and the encroachments of the sea had made the walls dangerous,—it was removed. The west battery was opposite Artillery Place. The Sea Fencibles, volunteers, during the war with France used to practice at this battery. They were accustomed, also, to exercise with boarding-pikes, in Belle-vue field, now Regency Square. Colonel Moore’s volunteers went through their initiation drill, with faggot-sticks, on the ground behind the battery house, Artillery Place. Colonel Moore resided on the Old Steine, in the mansion which was afterwards occupied by Lady Ann Murray, and then by Mr Harrington, (Squire Harrington, as he was usually spoken of,) now the residence of Captain Thellusson. This noble structure was erected by the Right Honourable W. G. Hamilton, Esq., formerly M.P. for Haslemere. According to a manuscript diary in possession of the compiler of this history: “On the 17th of August, 1805, soon after 12 o’clock, a shot was discharged from this battery by the Sea Fencibles, at a cask moored purposely in the offing, and it fell very close to the object: a second shot was also fired, of 42 pounds weight, merely to ascertain to what a distance the gun would throw it. From the time of the explosion until it struck the water, there was a lapse of 27 seconds; the ball consequently, ere it was received by the liquid clement, must have traversed to a distance of three miles. The weight of the cartridge used was 14 pounds.” Also, June 13th, 1807: “The Volunteers this morning, for the first time this year, were practised at the Fort, in discharging the forty-two-pounders at a cask, moored, and floating on the water, at about three quarters of a league distant from the shore. Twelve rounds were fired; and though some of the balls immediately struck the object, they generally dropped so close to it, that a moderate sized fishing-boat would scarcely have escaped being injured by either of them. Many elegant spectators were on the Cliff during the exercise.” The west battery was removed in 1859. A flagstaff within a railed space, marks its last site; as, twice after its original construction, it was removed with the sanction of Government, to admit of widening the King’s Road at that spot, to accommodate the increased traffic. The battery house and the other buildings in connexion with the Battery, were disposed of by auction by Mr. P. R. Wilkinson, on Monday, September 9th, 1861, and by the 28th of that month the space was entirely cleared for the erection of an hotel, Government having disposed of the ground to the Brighton Hotel Company. The remnant of the battery platform, marked by the flagstaff, belongs to the town, the Corporation having purchased it of Government to prevent any other purchaser placing buildings upon it. Brighton thus, wholly depends upon such means of defence as the emergency of the occasion may require to be brought into operation, by means of the railway, the facility of transit offering the full assurance that every materiel would be at hand for the ready service of our Volunteers, should an enemy have the temerity to invade our shores and put to the proof every Englishman’s motto, “Pro aris et focis.”

Chapter XII.
THE INCURSIONS OF THE SEA UPON THE TOWN.

Brighton has not had merely to defend itself against the aggressions of foreign invaders, but the encroachment of the sea at various times has checked its prosperity. Between 1260 and 1340, upwards of 40 acres of land had become submerged, [73a] and the sea made continual inroads upon the lower town. Previous to 1665 twenty-two copyhold tenements under the Cliff, belonging to the manor of Brighthelmston-Lewes, alone were swept away. Amongst them were twelve shops, with four stake places and four capstan-places attached to them, and three cottages and three parcels of land adjoining them. [73b] There still remained under the Cliff, 113 tenements (shops, capstan and stake places, and cottages) which were destroyed by the memorable storms of 1703 and 1705.

The storm of 1703 commenced about midnight on the 27th of November, and continued for eight hours with unabated fury. Many houses were demolished; and others were unroofed: the church leads were torn off; and the two mills belonging to the town, were prostrated by the storm. The town presented the ruinous appearance of a place severely bombarded. Nor was that the only disaster looked for by the dismayed inhabitants, from so dreadful a conflict of the elements. The bulk of their property, and their dearest relatives, were at the same time exposed to its utmost fury on the ocean, and the most dismal apprehensions for their fate were in many of them but too fully realised. Deryck Paine, master of the ketch, “Elizabeth,” was lost with all his crew. George Taylor, master of the ketch, “Happy Entrance,” was lost with all his crew, except Walter Street, who supported himself on a mast for three days, between the Downs and North Yarmouth, and was taken up at last. Richard Webb, master of the ketch, “Richard and Rose,” was lost with all his crew, near St. Helen’s. Edward Freind, master of the ketch, “Thomas and Frances,” was stranded near Portsmouth. Edward Glover, master of the pink, “Richard and Benjamin,” was stranded near Chichester. One man was lost; the master and the rest of the crew saved themselves in the shrouds. George Beach, master of the pink, “Mary,” was driven from the Downs to Hamburgh, with the loss of anchors, cables, and sails. Richard Kitchener, master of the “Chomley” pink, was lost, with nine of her crew; five men and a boy were saved by another vessel. Many able seamen, belonging to the town, were also lost in the Queen’s (Anne’s) ships of war, transports and tenders.

The 11th of August, 1705, was marked by another dreadful storm, which began at one in the morning, attained its greatest fury at three, and raged until eight. It completed the destruction of all the lower buildings which had escaped the fury of all former inundations. Every habitation under the Cliff was utterly demolished, and its very site concealed from the owner’s knowledge beneath a mound of beach. The roof of the parish church again also suffered much, the lead being completely stripped away. A record of this event is preserved in the tower of the church, beneath the bell storey; on the wall of which is nailed a tablet of sheet-lead, measuring 4ft. 6in. by 2ft. 6in., that was taken from the roof of the sacred edifice on the restoration of the church in 1853. It is inscribed in raised east characters, thus:—

RICHARD MASTERS.

RICHARD TVPPEN.

JOHN MASTERS.

CHVRCHWARDENS.

1 7 0 5.

Above the names is a cherub at each corner of the tablet; and between the 7 and 0 are represented two nude children amidst scroll-work, which is surmounted with an angel in the act of sounding a trumpet.

Dr. Mantell remarks that at Brighton the inroads of the sea have been very extensive. The whole of the ancient town was situated on the spot which is now covered by the sands, and the present cliffs were then behind the town, like those of Dover; and Mr. Lyell, in his “Principles of Geology,” says:—“The sea has merely resumed its position at the base of the cliffs, the site of the old town having been a beach which had for ages been abandoned by the ocean.” In the Taxatio Ecclesiastica Angliæ et Walliæ, auctoritate P. Nicholas (A.D. 1292), and Nonarum inquisitiones in coria scaccarii (A.D. 1340), mention is made that the losses of land sustained by the action of the sea, between the years 1260 and 1340, a period of only eighty years, were in Brighthelmston, 40 acres; in Houve, 150 acres; Aldrington, 40 acres; and in Portslade, 60 acres.

The “Magna Britannia,” of 1737, says:—“About 90 years ago, this Town was a very considerable Place for Fishing, and in a flourishing Condition, being then one of the principal Towns of the County, containing near five hundred Families; but since the beginning of the Civil Wars it hath decayed much for want of a Free Fishery, and by very great Losses by Sea, their shipping being often taken from them by the Enemy: Nay, it is the Opinion of the most judicious Inhabitants, that had not Divine Providence in a great Measure protected them by their Town being built low, and standing on a flat ground, the French would several times have quite demolished it, as they had attempted to do, but the low Situation of it prevented their doing it any considerable Damage, the Cannon Balls usually flying over the Town; But the greatest Damage to the Buildings has been done by the breaking in of the Sea, which within these forty years hath laid Waste about 130 Tenements; which Loss, by a modest Computation, amounts to near 40,000l. and if some speedy Care be not taken to stop the Encroachments of the Ocean, it is probable the Town will in a few years be utterly depopulated; the Inhabitants being already diminished one-third less than they were, and those that remain are many of them Widows, Orphans, decrepid Persons, and all very poor; insomuch that the Rates for their Relief are at the Rack-Rent of 8d. in the Pound, for there are but few Charities given for their Support, viz. one by Mr. Barnard Hilton [76] of 16l. per Annum, with some other small Benefactions, which make it about 20l. a year.”

In 1706 there had been considerable wrecks of wines on the Manor of Brighthelmston-Lewes; and the then Lord High Admiral claimed them as his right. But Richard Onslow, Esq., and Colonel Tufton, as proprietors of the manor, kept the wines; and on a full investigation of the business at the assizes for the county, in 1708, their conduct, in that particular, was justified, and their manorial right fully established.

On the 4th of March, 1818, as Mr. Izard was having excavations made for the foundations of two houses on the West Cliff—now the King’s Road,—between Ship Street and Middle Street, the workmen discovered the walls of one of the streets under the Cliff, which had been overwhelmed by one of the terrible inundations of the sea. They appeared buried more than fifteen feet with beach.

In 1713, the sea having destroyed everything below the Cliff, encroached with alarming rapidity on the Cliff itself, fragments of which daily crumbled into the sapping tide. It was therefore found absolutely necessary, for the preservation of the rest of the town, to erect groynes before it. These groynes are contrived by means of strong wooden barriers projecting from the Cliff towards the sea, as far as low-water mark, which intercept and confine the beach or sea shingle, that chiefly rolls from west to east in this part of the English Channel. By these contrivances, a large body of beach, rising gradually towards the Cliff, is accumulated on the western side of every barrier, which resists and breaks the impetuosity of the roughest sea. But the reduced state into which a coincidence of unfavourable circumstances had sunk Brighthelmston, about the beginning of the last century, it was impossible for the inhabitants to raise amongst themselves a sum nearly adequate to so expensive an undertaking. A brief was therefore granted them, under which they collected about £1,700. By means of this public aid, and the internal contributions of the town itself, the Cliff was pretty well secured from the west part, as far as the Old Steine. The groynes eastward of the Steine are comparatively of modern construction, the most important of them being,—in its original state,—that constructed on the suggestion and plan of Mr. Edward Thunder, at Black Rock, about the year 1819, when the sea was rapidly encroaching at that spot and threatening to make inroads upon the whole of the Marine Parade. The barrier was effectual, although on its projection and erection it was called by the shortsighted of the time, “Teddy Thunder’s Folly.” Thunder, who was one of the Town Commissioners at the time, was an eccentric but shrewd man. He was the inventor of the pedal for shifting the keys of the piano-forte.

Groyne is quite a provincial term of very doubtful origin. It is generally supposed to be a corruption from royne. An Act of Parliament was passed in the House of Commons, in 1698, for opening of the ancient roynes and water courses in Sedgmore. And it is probable that these roynes are the same as groynes at Brighton, with this difference, that the latter are artificially constructed for a certain purpose, and the former might have been only a slow acervation of time and nature. The following is an extract from a letter, dated Lewes, September 12th, 1785:—“The violence of the wind on Tuesday last, occasioned the highest tide that has been known on this coast for a great number of years. At Brighthelmston, the fishermen were put to the greatest difficulty in saving their boats; to effect which, many were under the necessity of hauling them up into the town, and others of lashing them to the railing on the bank. Some few, however, that could not be secured, were dashed to pieces; had the storm happened in the night-time, the whole must have shared the same fate.”

By the Town Act of Brighton, 1772, a duty of 6d a chaldron was levied on all coal landed on the beach; and by the Act of 1810, a duty of 2s 6d a chaldron—now a ton,—was levied on all coals brought into the town, for the purpose of constructing and supporting the sea-defences of the town. By the construction of these groynes, the sea from time to time was driven back to allow of the building of the sea-wall that protects the whole of the southern road in front of the town, from the bottom of Cannon Place to the extreme east of the parish. The first portion formed was that between West Street and Middle Street, and was opened by George IV. in the year 1821; prior to which time the houses there were only approached at their south front by a temporary wooden platform on poles, for foot-passengers only; and then only during fair weather; as so close to the houses were the rage and flow of the sea during a storm, that the planks which formed the pathway, had to be removed to prevent their being either washed or blown away. At such times a barrier was erected at each end, at Bradley’s Library, now Booty’s, and the Ship-in-Distress Inn, [78a] now Child’s Fancy Repository, bearing the notice, “No thoroughfare.” The only way for equestrians and vehicles was the present South Street, where was the following quaint sign over the shop of an eccentric shoemaker:—

Here lives a man that don’t refuse
To make and mend your boots and shoes.
His leather’s good, his work is just,
His profits small, and cannot trust:
And when grim death doth him call,
Farewell to his old cobbler’s stall.

To his blood royal highness P.G.,
And new laid eggs every day. [78b]

The last two lines were in red letters, and the initials P.G., were intended for Prince George.

The encroachments of the sea, till the complete groyne system was carried out and the sea-wall completed, extended from Russell Street to the extreme east end of the parish; and after every storm of any magnitude, the road to the east of the Old Sterne,—now known as the Marine Parade,—presented a different aspect, as the inroads of the sea frequently carried away some hundreds of tons of the Cliff; and it was no uncommon thing after a tempest, to find that so much of the roadway had been carried off, from the Cliff becoming undermined by the wash of the waves, as to leave only sufficient space for a single vehicle to pass. On the 15th of December, 1806, during a terrific storm, the roadway between the Royal Crescent and Rock Buildings was completely cut asunder, making the owners of property there uneasy for the safety of their premises. This storm gave occasion to the following trial at the Sussex Assizes, held at Lewes, August 4th, 1807:—

THE KING v. GREGORY, PHILCOX, THUNDER, AND THREE OTHERS.
RIOT AT BRIGHTON.

This was an indictment against the defendants, for riotously assembling and pulling down the railing on the road east of Brighton, leading from thence to Rottingdean, and obstructing the Surveyors of the road in the execution of their duty. This case arose out of the falling of the cliff last autumn. The Surveyor of the Road thought it necessary to carry in the railing, and trenched upon the ground of the three first named defendants: they considered he had done more than necessary, and resisted his altering the railing. In consequence of this, on the 11th of February last, they employed men to cut down the polls and rails, which had been erected by the Surveyor of the Road. The next day the Surveyor employed men to re-erect them, and the defendants another party to pull them down. A riot ensued, the one set pulling down as fast as the other erected, until at last the Surveyor’s party were the victors.

Mr Gurney, for the defendants, rested his defence on the ground that the Surveyor was not under the necessity of coming upon their freehold, but that he had acted wantonly and with a view to harass the defendants. He proposed calling evidence to shew that the road at that part of it was perfectly safe.

The Learned Judge held that the Surveyor of the road was clearly right. He was to judge of the necessity if he acted wrong. They ought to have brought an action of trespass, and not to have the law into their own hands.

The jury found them all guilty. The three principals were fined £20 each, and the three workmen £5 each. In the Civil Court an action was tried, arising out of the same transaction, in which the plaintiff had a verdict against the Surveyor. Damages, seven guineas.

Chapter XIII.
THE DOWER OF ANN OF CLEVES.

At the Reformation, when the monastery of St. Pancras, at Southover, was destroyed, by order of Henry VIII., on its being surrendered to that monarch, by Prior Robert Crowham, November 16th, 1537, the manor of Southover, Lewes, which included the priory, was granted to Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, who also held one moiety of the manor of Brighthelmston-Lewes:—

4. Hen. VIII. One moiety of this manor, with several other possessions in Sussex, was recovered by petition, by Thomas, Earl of Surrey, they having been devised by the Marquis of Berkeley, to Henry VII., and an act passed in the 7th of that king, whilst the petitioner was absent on the king’s business in the north, and ignorant of it till the said parliament was ended. The answer is “Soit fait come il est desiree.”

The petition is contained in the Burrell MSS. 5637. Folios 36 and 37.

On the attainder and execution of the Earl of Essex, Sir John Gage, of Firle, was appointed chief steward of Southover and other manors forfeited by that nobleman within the county of Sussex. But on the 20th of January, 1541, they were granted to Ann of Cleves, one of the injured queens of Henry VIII. The Burrell MSS. record:—

32. Hen. VIII. The King granted this manor (Brighthelmston-Lewes) and advowson to Ann of Cleves; with a great many others in Sussex, including the manor of Falmer (originally Fald-mer), which, on her death, again reverted to the crown, and after various successions and alienations, was purchased of Sir John Shelley, of Michelgrove, by Thomas, Lord Pelham, on the 2nd day of May, in the year 1770. It still continues in the possession of the Pelham family, being held by the Earl of Chichester, of Stanmer, the manor adjoining.

Miss Strickland, in her “Lives of the Queens of England,” says:—“The marriage was dissolved by mutual consent; and she being content to abide in this realm, and to yield to its laws, and to discharge her conscience of that pretended marriage, the king, of his especial favour, granted to her certain manors and estates in divers counties, lately forfeited by the attainder of the Earl of Essex,—Cromwell, whose spoils formed the principal fund for the maintenance of this princess,—and Sir Nicholas Carew, to be held without rendering an account from the Lady-day foregoing the same grant, which was dated on the 20th of January, 1541.”

These grants were made to Ann by Henry VIII., on her assent to the invalidity of her marriage with that monarch, who refused to consort with her. On the 8th of August, 1540, Henry married Catherine Howard. The manor of Falmer was also part of Ann’s dower, and in seclusion there she resided some time; though on her divorce she took up her abode at Preston House, in the village of Preston, where still, in one of the rooms, is a large and well executed portrait of her, by some considered the work of Holbein. It was seeing this portrait which induced the king to desire an union with hor. She landed at Dover, December, 1538. Henry met her there, and such was his dislike to her, from her beauty not being equal to Holbein’s portrait, that he spoke of her as a “Flander’s Mare,” and used other expressions respecting her of an equally contemptuous character.

Ann died on the 17th of July, 1557, at the Palace of Chelsea, and was buried on the 3rd of August, near the high altar, in Westminster Abbey, near the old portraits of Henry III. and King Sebert.

The manor formerly belonged to the Shirley family, several monumental tablets to the members of which remain within Preston church. Mary, the second sister of Sir Richard Shirley, Bart., was married to Thomas Western, Esq., of Ravenhall, in Essex, who died April 1st, 1733, leaving an only child, Thomas Western, who married Ann, the daughter of Robert Callis, Esq., and died in May, 1766, leaving Charles Western as his heir. Charles Western, Esq., married Frances Shirley, only daughter and heiress of William Bolland, Esq. His end was of the most melancholy character. Whilst riding with his eldest son, Charles Callis, a child then about four years of age, along the road by Goldstone Bottom, the horse stumbled, and they were precipitated from their carriage, the father being killed on the spot. The life of the child was preserved by his being thrown into a furze bush, by the roadside. This occurrence took place on the 24th July, 1771. The widow, with her two children, Charles and a younger brother, Shirley, about three years old, shortly after left Preston, where none of the family ever after returned, and the estate eventually was purchased by William Stanford, Esq., for £20,000. His grand-daughter, a minor, is his heiress; and so improved is the estate, through the favourable circumstance of the railroad from Brighton to London passing through it, that the portion alone used for the formation of the line realized £30,000.

Charles Callis Western, who was born on the 9th of August, was created Baron Western, on the 28th of January, 1833. He died, unmarried, in 1841, when, his brother being dead, the title became extinct.

Chapter XIV.
THE PARISH CHURCH, ST. NICHOLAS.

This sacred edifice is situated upon a hill north west of the town, about 160 feet above low-water mark. It is a structure of great antiquity, and was originally dedicated to St. Nicholas, Bishop of Mira, in Lycia, who lived about the commencement of the fourth century, and was the reputed patron of fishermen, on account of the following naval miracle recorded of him in the legends of that country: A certain Lycian vessel being in great danger during a storm at sea, the affrighted crew invoked the aid of this pious prelate, and lo! to their amazement and comfort, a venerable personage appeared amongst them, and exclaimed, “Here I am, for ye called me.” With his help, the ship was successfully managed until the storm subsided; and then their miraculous assistant vanished. The mariners had no sooner reached the port, than they enquired for Bishop Nicholas, and were directed to the cathedral, where they beheld in him the identical person to whom they owed their safety. His feast is held on the 6th day of December, and used to be celebrated with devout dependence by the mariners of Brighthelmston, before the Reformation. But in the spirit of pious avarice or cunning, the Virgin Mary was, in process of time, made joint tenant with St. Nicholas, in the patronage of this church. “The second dedicator,” says Dunvan, “seems to have shrewdly considered that Nicholas could not, either as a saint or a gentleman, object to so fair and exalted a partner; and that in case any of the seafaring inhabitants of the parish were at any time in danger, either their Holy Patron, or more Holy Patroness, would most probably be at leisure to step to their succour.”

This church was given by Ralph de Cheney to the Priory of Lewes, in the reign of Stephen. But it appears from the terms of an award or arbitration between Richard de Wich, Bishop of Chichester, and William de Ruslous, Prior of St. Pancras, near Lewes, made in 1252, still extant in the episcopal archives at Chichester, that the priory obtained no full possession of this church before that period. By this award, as soon as the then Rector of Brighthelmston should die, or resign the living, the Prior of St. Pancras was to appoint a Vicar there, who was to have all the offerings of the altar, as far as they belonged to altarage, and the small tithes, viz., those of mills, sea-fisheries, mortuaries, wool, lambs, cheese, cows, calves, hogs, colts, geese, hens, eggs, flax, hemp, and of every thing that grows in gardens, except wheat and barley. He was also to have the third of the tithe of hay, and a convenient mansion assigned him. To encourage a crusade, in consequence of the capture of Acre by the Soldan of Babylon, Edward I. granted to Pope Nicholas IV. the tenths of all the monasteries and churches in England, and in the Taxatio Ecclesiastica Anglæ et Walliæ auctoritate P. Nicholas, 1291, occur these entries:—

The Vicar of Brighton was at one period saddled with a yearly pension of seven shillings and sixpence to the Vicar of Hove; and in this state the Vicarage continued, the impropriation of the great tithes vesting in the Priory of Lewes, till the suppression of that monastery, in 1538. The impropriation and patronage of this parish were granted by Henry VIII. to Lord Cromwell, his Vicar-General, who in that year, 1538, ordered a public register of baptisms and burials to be kept at Brighthelmston, and in every other parish of the kingdom.

On the death and attainder of Cromwell, the church was conferred by Henry to his repudiated queen, Anne of Cleves, and on the death of that princess, in 1557, it again reverted to the crown. In the reign of Elizabeth, the patronage and impropriation were severed, the former being attached to the see of Chichester; and so it continues to the present day. There is a great tithe on Brighton, of small extent, now belonging to Thomas Attree, Esq., Queen’s Park, Brighton, as Lay-Rector, and it formerly belonged to Thomas Read Kemp, Esq., as Lay-Rector.

The church is built of cut flints and grouting of lime and coarse sea-sand, with stone coignes. The old map picture of 1545, represents the church as cruciform, and the tower circular: probably errors of the artist, whose design was doubtless more to illustrate the prominent features of the scene,—the attack upon and burning of the town,—than the architectural details of the buildings. The sacred edifice consists of a body, chancel, and a somewhat low embattled tower, surmounted by a sloping roof, in the centre of which is a cast-iron standard, in which is a flagstaff that may be raised or lowered at pleasure. An arrow vane is on its top. Formerly, within the last half-century, the vane was represented by a gilt fish, doubtless intended as the representation of a dolphin; but in 1796 a visitor, considering that the figure bore more resemblance to a shark than any other fish, penned the following verses upon it:—

Say, why on Brighton’s church we see
A golden shark display’d,
But that ’twas aptly meant to be
An emblem of its trade?

Nor could the thing so well be told
In any other way:
The town’s a Shark that lives on gold,—
The Company its prey.

A musical peal of eight bells was cast in 1777, by Mr. Rudhall, ironmonger, of the firm Rudhall and Dudlow, North street, Brighton, now Langworthy and Reed, at his foundry, at Bristol. The tenor bell, which is pitched in the key F, weighs 1,500 pounds. The belfry had a peal previous to that date, as in the vestry minutes of October 25th, 1736, is the order:—

To new cast the great bell belonging to the parish church of Brighthelmston, to agree with Joshua Kipling, bellfounder, to charge on the parish taxes.

In March, 1790, another order was made:—

That the treble bell be repaired by Mr. Palmer.

Two additional bells were hung in 1818, making a peal of ten bells; but when the clock, at St. Peter’s church, was put up, the two new bells, which did not accord with the original eight, were removed to the tower of that church, for chiming the quarters.

Doomsday Book, 1086, mentions:—

Ibide’ ten’ Wills. de Watevile Bristelmestune de Willo. Uluuard tenuit de Rege E. T’c et modo se defd’ p. 5 hid’ et dim’. T’ra e 4 car. In d’nio e’ 1 car’, et 13 vill’i, et ii Bord’ cu’ una car’. Ibi Æccl’a.

translation.

In the same place William de Wateville holds Bristelmestune of William. Ulward held it of King Edward. Then and now it defends itself for five hides and a half. The land is 4 carucates. In demesne is 1 carucate and 13 villeins, and 2 bordars, with one plough. There is a church.

The manor was that of Atlingworth, [85] and there is no doubt the church referred to was the present parish-church of St. Nicholas, which, in its original state, was of Norman construction. It consists of a nave, with side aisles, and a chancel, which is separated from the main body by a richly painted and gilded Tudor screen, over which, at no remote period, was a rood-loft. To the south, also, of the chancel is a small chantry. The five arches which separate on each side the nave from the aisles, and are supported on diagonal pillars, are of the fifteenth century. To accommodate the great increase in the population of the town, from time to time, galleries were constructed wherever it was possible to place them. In 1852, however, in consequence of the dilapidated state of the sacred edifice, the restoration of the church was determined upon. The leader in the desirable movement was the Rev. H. M. Wagner, Vicar, who having invited some of the residents and townspeople to meet at the Town Hall, on the 20th of September, in that year, and having taken the chair, stated the fact,—that many years ago, his Grace the late Duke of Wellington was a pupil of his (the Vicar’s) grandfather, the then Vicar of the parish; and that the Duke was wont to worship in the Vicarage pew of their parish church. He proposed to them the restoration of the church as an appropriate and enduring monument of their gratitude and veneration for his memory. The proposition was unanimously adopted, and a committee was appointed to collect subscriptions, which in less than a month amounted to £5,000, a sum nearly equal to the outlay.

In the chantry, also, a much admired monument or cenotaph was erected to the memory of the Duke of Wellington. This beautiful work of art, sculptured in stone, by Mr. Philip, of Vauxhall, after the design of the late Mr. Carpenter, will henceforth constitute one of the most striking features of the restored church. It is in the decorated period of Edward II. and Edward III., commonly known as the Eleanor Cross. The shape is hexagonal; the height, from the base to summit, 18-ft. 6-in.; the circumference, between 15 and 16 feet. The pedestal commences with a richly moulded base, rising from a tesselated pavement. On the base of the pedestal rests a plinth, covered with diaper-work, surmounted by another moulding, on the broad chamfer of which is an inscription, in old English characters, in brass, each line being presented by an angle of the monument:—

In Memoriam
Maximi Ducis Wellington,
Hæc domus sacrosancta,
Qua ipse adolescens Deum colebat
Reædifcatur.

[Translation.]

In Memory of
The Great Duke of Wellington,
This sacred building,
In which in his youth he worshipped God,
Is restored.

From the pedestal, and above the moulding with this inscription, rise two stories, richly and elaborately decorated, with open tracery-work, and crocketed pinnacles. These are separated by a pierced parapet of chaste design: and a similar one is on the third or upper, story, which is a solid stone drum. Each parapet is also ornamented by sunk and carved panels. The crowning ornament consists of a canopied niche, with a pierced spire surmounted by a finial. Enclosed within this niche, is an alabaster figure of St. George, sheathing his sword over the dragon, which lies slain at his feet, symbolical of the career of the great chieftain to whose memory the work is raised. The drum, with all above it, rests on a shaft of dark marble, polished, which springs from the pedestal, and around which winds a scroll bearing the names of four of those achievements which mark different eras in the military career of Wellington, viz.:—

Assaye.
Torres Vedras.
Vittoria.
Waterloo.

These “crowning deeds” have been well selected. Assaye represents the Duke’s Indian campaign; Torres Vedras, his successful defence of Portugal; Vittoria, the victory which delivered Spain; and Waterloo, the battle which saved Europe. It is impossible to convey in words an idea of this beautiful monument, which reflects the highest credit on its designer.

Immediately in front of this memorial, is a monumental brass in the pavement, thus inscribed:—

In Memory of R. C. Carpenter, who but a short time survived the completion of his design, the restoration of this Church, MDCCCLV.

The font of the church was much admired for the sculpture which adorned it; but in 1743 its beauty was nearly effaced by the churchwardens, Thomas Stranbido, William Buckell, and G. Warden, who had it cleaned, partially re-cut, and their names carved in the base, a monument of their vitiated taste, confirmed vanity, and profound ignorance. It is of a circular form, and is raised from the floor by one step. It has excited much observation amongst antiquaries, some of whom contend for its early date, whilst others consider it only a copy; but where the original is they are at a loss to say. The sculpture upon it is in four sections. The first represents the Lord’s Supper, and consists of seven figures; Our Saviour, crowned with glory, in the centre, is in the act of giving the blessing, and on the table are distributed various drinking vessels, with the bread. The next compartment contains a kneeling figure; the third, which is larger, has a boat on the sea, with the sail unfurled, and two figures, one presenting a small barrel or vessel to a bishop, who has his mitre and crozier, and the other giving bread to a female; both figures in the water. The fourth division consists of three arches, in each of which is a figure, the centre appearing to be the principal. The whole is sculptured in basso relievo. Over these compartments is a line of zig-zag and lozenge work, curiously chamfered, and beneath them is a row of exceedingly handsome ornamental work of leaves and flowers.

The following are extracts from a diary:—

Sunday, August 29th, 1778. Have been this morning to the sailor’s land mark—to the only church in the town—and collected a number of novelties. The Doctor was pleased to inform us, in a religiously political, or politically religious discourse, that when men tremble they are generally afraid; when they are in danger they should strive to extricate themselves; and that hope is the expectant of many great and singular good events.

Monday, September, 13th.—A new man and wife have just passed me.—The town’s-people preserve some customs here that smack of great antiquity, and seem peculiar to the county of Sussex. At a marriage there are strewers, who strew the way from church, not only with flowers, but with sugar-plums and wheat. Why sugar-plums and wheat, I wonder? Many ceremonies have been retained longer than the history of their origin or foundation.

This system of strewing the bride and bridegroom is still pursued, not merely by the friends of the happy pair,—all couples just married are pronounced to be happy,—but by a constant group of women with children in their arms, who scatter their corn, &c., with blessings, in proportion to the harvest of coin they reap.

In the beginning of the 16th century, the Rev. Edward Lowe was vicar of the parish. His successor was the Rev. John Bolt, who died on the 2nd of November, 1660. He was succeeded by the Rev. — Falkner, who was incumbent till 1705. The vestry book of the date, “November the 2nd, Anno Domini, 1703,” records that:—

That day the Reverend Mr Joseph Grave, Rector off St. Anne’s, Lewes, Sent the works off Mr. Charnock, in two Volumes of his for the use off the Vicar of Brighthelmstone and his surveyvors. Each Volume having in gold letters (Brighthelmston) upon both sides off the cover. The benefactor at London would no(t) otherwise be known than by the two letters off his name, H: Y:

The same book has also the following entries:—

March 11th, 1707. John Mockford appointed Clerk at Church; part of his duty is to wash the church linen, and scour the church plate.

July 8th, 1713. William Cousins appointed Sexton; Mary Bridger to be equal partner.

March 31st, 1800. That Thomas Waring be appointed beadle and cryer at a salary of Twenty pounds and Cloathes. It is understood that his duty is to make the poor books, the Church Book, the surveyor’s book, and the Town book. He is also to attend the North and west galleries of the Church on Sundays. He is to go round the town with the Officers to make the Militia list, and is likewise to officiate as Headborough in the Town; but not elsewhere, and to be sworn for that purpose.

The Rev. William Colbron succeeded to the vicarage in 1705, and held it till his death, on the 20th of July, 1750. The next vicar of Brighthelmston, was the Rev. Henry Michell, who was born at Lewes, in 1714. He finished his studies at the University of Cambridge, and having obtained a fellowship in Clare-Hall college, he, at the age of 25 years, was made rector of Maresfield; and, five years afterwards, the Bishop of Chichester collated him to the Rectory of West Blatchington, and the Vicarage of Brighton. In 1747, he married the only daughter of the Rev. Francis Reade, of Bedford, by whom he had sixteen children. A marble tablet in the church fully delineates his estimable character and profound learning.

The “Magna Britannia” says:—“The church is a vicarage, but meanly endowed. The vicar claims the old episcopal custom of a penny per head, (commonly called smoak money, or a garden penny) as also he requires, as his due, a quarter of a share of all fishing vessels. [89] The parsonage tythes are about £100 per annum, but are in the hands of an improprietor, who allows the Vicar no benefit from them, by which means his maintenance is very small: and therefore the neighbouring gentlemen have augmented it by a subscription of £50 per annum, on condition he shall instruct fifty poor boys of the town in reading and writing. The church stands about forty rods from the town, at a little distance from the sea. There was formerly another church, near the middle of the town, which is said to have been burnt by the French.”

The Rev. Mr. Michell, died on the 31st of October, 1789, and was succeeded by the Rev. Thomas Hudson, who commenced the chapel of ease, in Prince’s place, known as the Chapel Royal.

Mr. Hudson died in 1804, and was succeeded by the Rev. Robert James Carr, afterwards Dr. Carr, of Chichester, and then Bishop of Worcester. The present Vicar, the Rev. Henry Michell Wagner, grandson of the Rev. Henry Michell, [90] was his successor, August 1st, 1824; and during the time he has held the appointment, the number of places of worship attached to the Established Church, which have been erected, will testify his zeal in the support of our Holy Religion.

In 1824, Nathaniel Kemp, Esq., presented the church with a beautiful Communion Service of silver, consisting of a flagon, two cups, and two plates, thus inscribed: “Given by Nath. Kemp, Esq., and Augusta Caroline, his wife, to the Church of St. Nicholas, Brighthelmston. Anno Domini, 1824.”

Upon stripping the roof on the restoration of the church, in 1852, three several pieces of inscribed cast lead were preserved, and they are now fixed to the walls of the tower in the chamber below the bell story. One piece has been already described in page 74, the others are as follows:—

Between the lines of names and the figures of the date, on the first represented piece of lead, are raised characters, twenty-one in number, intended to denote dolphins, the Arms of Brighton.

Previous to the restoration of the building, the Church, both inside and out, had undergone many changes, to afford space; low, gloomy galleries, scarcely permitting headway for the congregation when standing, whilst the common house-shaped and dormant windows disfigured it in all directions. In a dark gallery at the west, in 1813, was placed an organ, [91a] built by Lincoln. It was opened on the 7th of March, that year, by Mr. Nathaniel Cook. A small organ loft occupies the space over the vestry room, but it does not at present boast of an organ. Formerly there were several tablets on the belfry walls, recording peals which had been rung in the tower. Their places are now occupied by sundry monuments that were formerly fixed in other parts of the edifice; and some few of the ringing records have been removed to the club-room of the Brighton Society of Change Ringers, at the Running Horse Inn, King street, [91b] while the remainder fell into the hands of a marine-store dealer. The Running Horse Inn was formerly known as the Hen and Chicken; and in 1792, and for several years afterwards, was kept by Mr. John Pocock, who at that time was a sawyer by occupation. In 1795, he received the appointment of Clerk at the Chapel Royal, when that place of public worship was first opened; and after retaining the situation for thirteen years, he was appointed Clerk of the Parish, in which office he continued for thirty-eight years, dying on the 13th of June, 1846, at the ripe old age of four score and one years. The oldest ringers’ tablet preserved is thus inscribed:—

May 24th, 1779, was rung in this tower by the Society of Cumberland Youths, a true and complete peal of 11,088 changes, Bob Major, performed in six hours and fifty minutes, in order as follows, viz:

N.B.—The Bobs were called by G. Cross.

The most commemorative is:—

On January 29th, 1820, being the accession of King George IV., was rung in this tower, by the Brighton Society of Change Ringers, a true and complete peal of 5,040 changes of Bob Major, in three hours and six minutes, by persons in order as follows, viz.:—

The present sexton is Mr. John Shelley, who succeeded his father, Mr. William Shelley, on his retirement from the office, at Easter, 1860. The predecessor of Shelley, sen., was Mantell, the successor of Richard Jeffery, in July, 1806.

Chapter XV.
DR. VICESIMUS KNOX AND THE SURREY MILITIA.

During the time of the Brighton Camp, in the autumn of 1793, the Surrey Militia were quartered in the town; and the Parish Church being then the only place of worship in Brighton, in connexion with the Established form of Religion, it was not an uncommon occurrence for some of the officers and men of that regiment, to attend at the morning service on the Sunday.

In the beginning of August, Dr. Vicesimus Knox, Master of Tunbridge School, and late Fellow of St. John’s College, Oxford, having come to Brighton with his family, in pursuit of health, by sea-bathing, and a salutary change of air and scene, during the anniversary school vacation, hired a house in North Street, at the corner of Bond Street, now the property of Alderman Martin, where on Saturday the 10th, he received, quite unexpectedly, a note from the Vicar, the Rev. Thomas Hudson, to whom he was a perfect stranger, expressing his desire that the Doctor would gratify his congregation, as he politely expressed himself, with a sermon on the morrow. The Doctor shewed some reluctance to assent to the request, but some friends who were present, importuned him, and he wrote a reply expressing a compliance, and on the following morning he ascended to the pulpit, and took his text:—Philippians iv. 7.—“The peace of God, which passeth all understanding, shall keep your hearts and minds through Christ Jesus.” “The sermon,” says the Doctor, [93] “was heard by a very large and very respectable congregation, in which were many of the military belonging to the Surrey regiment, quartered in Brighton. The utmost attention was paid to it. The military appeared to be particularly impressed, and highly satisfied. Expressions of approbation were heard, too emphatic for me to repeat. Mr. Hudson, the Vicar, who read prayers, came to my house, on purpose to thank me, in his own name, and that of his congregation. He mentioned the general satisfaction I had given; the many inquiries that had been made after my name by strangers; and expressed a hope, that I would preach once more, as he knew it was the wish of his parishioners. This, however, I declined at that time, and certainly had no intention to preach again at Brighton, though I had every reason to be pleased with my reception.”

On the following evening, Monday, August 12th, the birthday of the Prince of Wales, the Doctor was present at the Ball at the Castle Tavern, and partook of the supper which was given in honour of the occasion. Marked civility was shewn him from persons who knew him only from the sermon which had been so favourably received on the Sunday. The Vicar especially, paid him the greatest attention, and continued in his company nearly the whole of the evening, and in the course of it, renewed his request, that as his parishioners very much wished it, he would give him another sermon on the following Sunday. The Doctor’s reply was:—“I come here for recreation, after the fatigues of my daily avocations and my own parish church, and I do not wish to be interrupted by exertions of this kind, especially as I find my last sermon has excited so general an attention, and probably raised expectation too high. You mention the praises I have received; but I will not preach for the sake of praise. If you say it will serve you, if you wish to be absent, or if it is any relief to you, I will endeavour to prepare a sermon in the midst of the interruptions of this place, and will preach next Sunday, though I sincerely wish to decline it.”

The request was continued, and obtained a compliance.

The subject chosen was, “The prospect of perpetual and universal peace to be established on the principles of Christian philanthropy,” his text being, “Glory to God in the highest, on earth peace, good-will towards men.” “I was led to the choice of this subject,” writes the Doctor, “from observing the extreme bitterness expressed, even in gay and good-humoured companies, against a great part of our fellow creatures; from the almost daily accounts in the newspapers of slaughtered thousands, and the eagerness with which war had been adopted by all the nations concerned, when negociation might have effected every desirable purpose, without expense, and without carnage. * * * * Had I even gone to the camp and discoursed, as a chaplain, on the same topic, it could not have been out of place. But every one who came to the church knew that he must hear peace, charity, good-will, forgiveness of enemies recommended, in hearing the lessons from the gospel. If my sermon was deemed ill-placed in recommending universal peace and universal good will in Brighton Church, what will men, who judge so, say of the gospel read there? what of the national liturgy, established by law as firmly as the national militia? * * * * I was heard in silence, and, if I can judge, [95] with great attention. I was not conscious that any part of the congregation was offended, nor did I surmise it till after the following incident. On going out of the church, a lady, a perfect stranger, accosted me and said, ‘I thank you for your sermon. I could have sat hours to have heard such with pleasure. But excuse me—I must tell you, that from what I have observed in the pews, among a certain description of persons, you have offended those, who, I fear, have as little relish for the doctrine of forgiveness as they seem to have of peace. Many, like myself, are highly pleased with every part of your discourse; but there are those who are angry indeed!’”

At the termination of the service, the Doctor and his family unmolested, returned to their residence, where they had a few friends to dine with them; and after dinner he attended the afternoon service, as, understanding that some of the officers were offended at his discourse, he was desirous of meeting them, to learn what had given them offence, that, before misrepresentation could take place, a full and amicable explanation might be given. He did not, however, meet with a single officer; and having heard the Curate, the Rev. J. Mossop, preach, he returned home to tea with his family, and afterwards took a walk on the Steine, still hoping to meet his offended hearers, that he might acknowledge his fault, if he had been in the wrong, and remove their mistake if they thought him so undeservedly; being desirous of a reconciliation. Many officers were there, but he did not recognise any of those who were at the church. From the inhabitants who observed him he received the utmost civility.

On his return home he received a letter from a stranger, who expressed a wish to distribute a number of copies of the sermon in a distant county, concluding his epistle: “A dissemination of such enlightening and convincing knowledge is only wanting to stop the effusion of human blood; for when mankind are well awakened, they will not permit the dignified human butchers, the insolent, unfeeling traffickers in blood, to lead them to destruction.—Sunday, Aug. 18.”

The Doctor, in his “Narrative,” says:—“I beg leave to mention as I proceed, that from the pulpit, where I must have had a pretty good view of the whole church, I saw very few officers; and of those few I knew not one even by name: I thought there were not twelve. Of common soldiers the number was also inconsiderable; I thought there were scarcely twenty, and these were not of the camp, but of the Surrey militia quartered in the town. There were, indeed, more of the same regiment in the porch or in the church-yard; but too remote from the pulpit to hear a syllable of sedition, if there had been any to hear. I mention the paucity of officers and privates for the following reason; the public has been taught by mistaken prints to believe that I was guilty of preaching peace and good-will before the whole camp, that the aisle was crowded with soldiers, and that all the officers of the camp attended. I appeal to the parishioners present, whether the number of military men, privates and officers included, was greater than I have conjectured. My sermon was not exclusively calculated for a congregation of persons in any particular profession. There was not a word addressed by an apostrophe, as I have heard it asserted, to the officers. I had no reason to suppose that any military men, but those of the Surrey militia quartered at Brighton, would be at the church. I thought, and I believe it was so, that divine service was performed by the chaplains in the camp, and that the soldiers of the camp would not be permitted to straggle to the town or the church, on a Sunday, during divine service. The public has been much deceived in the exaggerated accounts of my preaching to the whole army; but had the whole army been at the church, had it been allowed or been possible, I am certain they would have heard nothing from me, but what was authorized by the gospel, enforced by the law of man as well as of God, tending to promote their happiness in all events, and animating them to the discharge of every duty, on principles of humanity and Christianity. I expressly asserted, while I was deploring the calamities of war, that the conductors of war were often men of singular humanity and honour. I expressly commended the beautiful gradation of ranks in society. I enforced good order; I deprecated anarchy as much as despotism.”

On the Monday, Dr. Knox visited the Downs, where the army was assembled in review, and in the evening, as usual, he went on the Steine; but though, at both places, as he was afterwards informed, the sermon was a topic of conversation, no insult was offered, nor was any personal application made to him. Tuesday evening was the time when the offence of Sunday was to be avenged. A friend of the Doctor, having to return to London the next day, proposed that they and some of the Doctor’s family should go to the Theatre. The Doctor assented; and accordingly Mrs. Knox, Master Knox (aged about 14), and Miss Knox (12), accompanied them, the piece to be represented being the Agreeable Surprise. They occupied the right-hand side box, next to the stage box, where the Prince of Wales usually sat: but he was not there that evening. Soon after the curtain drew up, a few officers entered the opposite stage-box. But they had not been there five minutes, before their whole attention seemed fixed on the box where the Doctor and his party were seated. Other officers and several elderly ladies soon appeared in the same box; and they looked at the Doctor in a pointed manner, and then seemed to deliberate. Their attention appeared to be engrossed by the consultation, and they seldom turned to the players on the stage. There were several other officers interspersed in other boxes. Messages were sent to some of them, and they removed into the stage box. A man, whose looks were choleric, and who sat in the same box and on the same seat with Doctor Knox, was sent for, and he left his hat behind him, probably intending to return when he should be excluded. They frequently went in and out, and appeared extremely busy and anxious in concerting the plan of operations. This continued during the whole of the play. The children observed it, and told their father that they suspected some insult. Between the play and the entertainment, the following note, directed to the Doctor, was handed from behind them, to Mrs. Knox, who gave it to her husband. The son had seen one of the officers writing; and there is no doubt but he was composing this note, which was sent without a name, and couched as follows:—

“Your Discourse last Sunday was so offensive, that the gentlemen of this Theatre desire you will quit it immediately.”

He read the order, and, giving it to Mrs. Knox, rose, and addressing himself to the opposite boxes, which, however, were now nearly-empty, the military having accompanied their despatch, requested to know who had sent the impertinent paper without a name. He turned back to a phalanx of military men, who had now come round, and were drawn up behind the Doctor at the door of his box, and in the Lobby. The Doctor stept a little forward, and said:—“Ladies and gentlemen, I have this moment received an extraordinary paper, neither signed nor dated, containing a requisition that I should quit the Theatre immediately, on account of the sermon which I preached last Sunday morning in your parish church. I beg pardon for interrupting you; but under these circumstances, and surrounded, as you see I am, I humbly entreat the permission of the house, to ask aloud who sent me this note, and by what authority I am bound to obey it, in this place of public entertainment, where my family and myself have entitled ourselves to unmolested seats, by paying the price demanded at the door. We have interrupted nobody. Will you authorize the arbitrary expulsion of us all? for my family and friend will certainly follow me. I beg leave, besieged as you see me by a considerable number of men behind me, who are at this moment expressing their anger by opprobrious names, to enter into a short explanation with them, to ask the particulars of my offence in your presence, and to declare, that if anything advanced in my sermon gave personal offence, it was unintentional, and that I am concerned at it. If any one of these gentlemen will prove to your satisfaction that he is justly offended, I will immediately beg his pardon. I beg your pardon, who are totally unconcerned in this attack, for this singular interruption, which I trust I shall obtain from you, as men and Englishmen; when you have before your eyes a defenceless individual, in a situation so singular, as will, I hope, justify my present address to you.”

During the Doctor’s address the persons in uniform kept up an incessant clamour, the most outrageous expressions being used, such as:—“A democratical scoundrel that deserves to be hanged,”—“A democrat, a democrat, a d—d democrat,”—“Out with the democrat,—no democrats,” the expressions being lavishly interlarded with scoundrel and rascal, and the interjections Bah! Boo! Boh! One of the party exclaimed, “No speech,—that won’t do,—he ought to be hanged,—out with him;” while another suggested personal violence before the offender should be allowed to depart. A grim, gaunt figure vociferated, “Irons,—irons, here: he ought to be put in irons directly.” All, however, was vox et preterea nil, notwithstanding one, very much out of breath with hooting and yelling, crying out “Go directly,—you must go;” whilst from behind resounded the cry “Out with him,—a democrat, a democrat, a democrat,—no democrat, a d—d democrat.” Eventually the Doctor and his party were allowed to depart unmolested, though during the time he was separated from his family in the lobby, a tall officer, when Mrs. Knox was turning back to look for her daughter, violently pushed her by the shoulder, and bade her “go along after her husband, and be d—d.” One, somewhat ashamed of his companions’ behaviour, however, assured her that no violence should be used, and added,—“He should not have come amongst us. Had he stuck to peace we should all have admired him.” Another, nodding his terrific plumes, exclaimed, “It is well his wife and children are with him, or else, &c., &c.” The son happening to cry “Shame upon you!—near twenty to one,” one of the valiant party shook him violently, saying at the same time, “Who are you, you dog? You ought to be hanged as well as your father,—if it is your father: and all such as hold his democratical principles, you dog, you!”

The Doctor avers that though the world had been told that they were a parcel of drunken boys who committed the outrage, the ringleaders were veterans in age, if not in service; and he adds:—“Very few were my hearers in the church, the major part being wholly influenced by the false representations of gossips.”

On Wednesday, the 21st of August, Dr. Knox and his family having occupied Mr. Grantham’s house, in North Street, a month, the period for which it was engaged, left Brighton; and soon some of the newspapers teemed with magnified accounts of a mutiny having broken out in the Brighton Camp through the Doctor’s democratical sermon. The most virulent was the True Briton. He also received numerous insulting and threatening letters; and one silly epistle, dated Wick Camp, near Brighton, enclosed a painted bloody hand. The World, of August 27th, 1793, declares the treatment which the Doctor and his family received to be most unjustifiable.

The following letters of the Rev. Mr. Mossop, Curate of Brighton, who officiated in the Desk on the 18th of August, and was present during the delivery of the whole of the alleged obnoxious sermon, completely exonerates Dr. Knox from all blame in the transaction:—

Rev. Sir,—From my situation in the church at Brighthelmston the day you favoured us with a sermon, which gave such high offence to a certain description of gentlemen, I have, as may naturally be supposed, had my ears sufficiently stunned with enquiries relative to this sermon, both by many that were present, as well as the absent. From some of the former, I have experienced no small portion of ill-nature, because I could not conscientiously join in the cry with those who can judge the motives of their neighbour better than he can himself, and pronounce it at once seditions, libellous, traitorous, democratic.

The answer I have given to the latter description of inquirers, was in substance, “That I doubted not but that Dr. Knox would submit his sermon, in proper time, to that public at large, which is better able to judge, and generally more candid, than interested individuals, who often misapprehend, but more frequently misrepresent, a subject, to apologise for illiberality and malevolence;” adding, “That that christian charity, which men of our order ought to entertain one towards another, would not allow me to suppose, that Dr. Knox’s motive was to hint, in the most distant manner, at the subvertion of our present happy constitution and government, but merely to expatiate on the advantages of universal peace and good-will among mankind, and to reprobate the decision of disputes by the umpirage of the sword.”

May I, therefore, take the liberty to ask, whether you have it in intention to publish the sermon, or not? that I may have an opportunity of gratifying my inquirers with a more satisfactory answer. As I am partly a stranger to you, I beg you will excuse this liberty; and remain,

Rev. Sir,

Your obedient humble servant,
J. Mossop.

Brighthelmston, 12th Sept., 1793.
To the Rev. Dr. Knox.

Rev. Sir,—I duly received yours of the 17th inst.; and as I look upon you to be misrepresented to the public, relative to the sermon you preached at Brighton, and consequently loaded with no small degree of unmerited opprobrium, I shall willingly contribute my mite to exonerate you. You have, therefore, my permission to publish my letter to you of the 12th of September last, in your intended vindication; provided your publication contain no invectives against the present existing government, nor any sentiments which might be improper for one zealously attached to our most excellent constitution to countenance.

I must conclude, by saying, that if every clergyman is to be exposed to insult, for doing what he conceives to be his duty, in exposing the reigning vices of the age, we shall soon find that the feeble rays of religion, which yet remain, to enlighten the christian world, will soon become totally eclipsed.

I am, Rev. Sir,

Your obedient humble servant,
J. Mossop.

Brighthelmston, 19th Nov. 1793.
To the Rev. Dr. Knox.

As a refutation that the appellation “‘Democrat,” could with any degree of truth be attached to Dr. Knox, the following extract from his published remarks cannot fail to suffice:—

I honour the King and the Prince; and I firmly believe that they would scorn to persecute or to oppress, at the instigation of the most opulent peer in the realm, the most defenceless individual, the most abject outcast, the most forlorn beggar in the British empire. I may be abused, reviled, forced out of theatres, but no man shall rob me of my loyalty. The father of his people shall ever find me a dutiful son; and the Prince himself shall not excel me as a peaceable subject, and a friend to law and order. Though he is certainly in all other qualities as much above me, as he is in birth, rank, and the glorious prospect of one day ruling over a great, enlightened, and a free people, he shall not excel me in a zeal for the interests of my country and of the human race.

Many persons endeavoured to induce Dr. Knox to take legal proceedings against his cowardly assailants; but he contented himself by sparing his pocket, publishing a narrative of the transaction,—now a rare work, although it went through three editions,—and lampooning, in a pamphlet called Prolegomena, those “Gentlemen of the Brighton Theatre,” who, to be revenged on him, magnanimously insulted and assaulted his wife and his children.

Chapter XVI.
THE OLD CHURCHYARDS.

Many persons have a natural predilection for wandering amongst the tombs. Whether in a town or village, their first impulse on arriving at a strange place, is to visit its common burial place, to ruminate amongst the tombs. A vastness, a solemnity, and a hallowedness seem to prevade the spot; and the mind in quietude has an indulgence there, a moralizing never exceeded even within the precincts of a sacred edifice.

The Poet has said,

The grave can teach
In silence, louder than divines can preach.

A celebrated moralist thus expresses himself on Epitaphs:—

When I look upon the tombs of the great, every emotion of envy dies in me; when I read the epitaphs of the beautiful, every inordinate desire goes out; when I meet with the grief of parents upon a tombstone, my heart melts with compassion; when I see the tombs of parents themselves, I see the vanity of grieving for those whom they must quickly follow; when I see kings lying by those that deposed them—when I see rival wits placed side by side, or the holy men that divided the world with their contests and disputes, I reflect with sorrow and astonishment on the little competitions, factions, and debates of mankind; when I read the several dates of the tombs of some that died yesterday, and some six hundred years ago, I consider that Great Day, when we shall all of us be contemporaries, and make our appearance together.

In Brighton old churchyard there is vast material for thought, as great a diversity “In Memoriam” existing as in any burial place in the kingdom; the space being extensive and the monumental inscriptions numerous. Time has obliterated many epitaphs, and destroyed numerous tombstones, few records of the departed being discernible of dates previous to the 18th century. Thirty years since there were several wooden erections to record the memory of the dead; the memorial example of a catachresis, which

Words abused implies;
As, over his head a wooden tombstone lies.

According to the minutes of a Vestry Meeting held March 16th, 1791, it was: “Ordered that the Clerk of the Vestry do make enquiry whether the minister of the parish has a right to demand a fee for breaking the ground on the burial of a parishioner.” This order was made in consequence of a dispute upon the point, between the inhabitants and the Vicar, the Rev. Thomas Hudson.

The oldest tablet in Brighton churchyard is that at the north of the church, placed—it being a flat stone,—to the memory of Alice, the wife of Richard Masters, who died May, 25th, 1696. It is contiguous to headstones that bear the most quaint epitaphs in the whole ground. Immediately near it is that of Mary Sanders, April, 1753, and bears this injunction to her surviving family:—

My loving children, all agree;
Pray live in Love and Unity.

The tomb next to it is thus inscribed:—

Here lyeth Anne ye wife of Richard Halsted, aged 23, and Elizabeth aged 22 years, both daughters of Henry and Mary Stanbridge, who dyed in May, 1728.

They were two louing sisters,
Who in this dust now ly, that
Uery day Anne was buryd
Elizabeth did dy.

Just at this spot, also, a stone points out the last resting place of the celebrated Sake Deen Mahomed, the introducer of shampooing into England, in 1784. He died on the 24th of February, 1851, at the advanced age of 102 years. By the pathway at the south-east of the chancel are deposited the remains of Martha Gunn, the royal bather of Brighton, who died May 2nd, 1815, at the age of 88 years. Her companion of the bath, Smoaker Miles, is buried near the west boundary wall of the church-yard, immediately opposite Upper North Street. The spot is marked by a tombstone, but the inscription has been wholly obliterated by time. To the east of the stone which marks Martha Gunn’s grave, is the tomb of Swan Downer, Esq., who endowed the school for girls, known as Swan Downer’s School, and immediately to the west is a large headstone thus inscribed:—

Phœbe Hessel,
Who was born at Stepney, in the Year, 1713.

She served for many years as a Private Soldier in the
Fifth Regiment of Foot in different parts of Europe,
and in the year 1745 fought under the command of the
Duke of Cumberland, at the battle of Fontenoy,
Where she received a Bayonet Wound in her Arm.

Her long life, which commenced in the Reign of
Queen ANNE, extended to that of King GEORGE IV.,
By whose munificence she received comfort and support
in her latter days. She died at Brighton,
where she had long resided,
December 12th, 1821, aged 108.

The remains of Corporal Staines, a marine who fought under Nelson, at Copenhagen, lie at the foot of old Phœbe’s grave.

The following punning epitaph on the headstone, which marks the spot where rest the remains of a Mr. Law, to the south-west of the church, has excited particular notice:—

Stop, Reader! and reflect with awe,
For sin and death have conquered law;
Who, in full hope, resign’d his breath,
That grace had conquered sin and death.

Mr. Law, who was an inhabitant, lost his life by accidentally walking over the cliff, between the New Steine and the Royal Crescent.

To the east of the Chancel door a massive stone points out where are deposited the mortal remains of a great Brighton celebrity, Captain Tettersell. It is thus inscribed:—

P. M. S.

Captain Nicholas Tettersel, through whose prudenee, ualour, and loyalty, Charles II., King of England, after he had escaped the sword of his merciless rebels, and his forces receiued a fatal ouerthrowe at Worcester, September 3rd, 1651, was faithfully preserued, and conueyed to France, departed this life the 26th of July, 1674.

Within this marble monument doth lie
Approved faith, honour, and loyalty;
In this cold clay he has now ta’en up his station;
Who once preserued the Church, the Crowne, and Nation;
When Charles the Greate was nothing but a breath,
This ualiant soule stept tweene him and Death:
Usurpers’ threats, nor tyrant rebels’ frowne,
Could not affright his duty to the crowne;
Which glorious act of his, for church and state,
Eight princes, in one day did gratulate—
Professing all to him in debt to bee,
As all the world are to his memory.
Since Earth could not reward the worth him given,
He now receives it from the King of Heaven.
In the same chest one iewel more you have,
The partner of his uirtues, bed, and grave.

The special incident referred to in Tettersell’s life is recorded in another part of this book. One of the most remarkable tombs was that of the Rev. John Bolt, the vicar of Brighton, who died on the 2nd of November, 1669. It stood at the north-east corner of the Chancel. Not a vestige of the tomb now remains. The main structure of it was brick, and the covering stone was a slab of perriwinkle or Sussex marble: and so great a curiosity was it that it was in no way deemed a sacrilege by the casual passer-by, to knock off a piece with a flint, or even a hammer, for its novelty’s sake. Its final demolition took place in 1853, when that and other sacred depositories of the dead—and the remains of the dead too,—were ruthlessly removed to enlarge the church, upon its then restoration. The slab bore the following inscription:—

Here lies interred the body of Mr. John Bolt, Master of Arts of Christ College, in Cambridge, aged seventy-eight years, who was a faithful and laborious preacher of the Gospel for the space of fifty-six years; whom God had blessed with twenty-nine children by two wives. He died in full assurance of a glorious resurrection, on the 2nd day of November, 1669, and was buried the 7th, likewise of the same month; in the pious memory of whom, his sorrowful son, Daniel Bolt, hath erected this monument.

Stay, passenger, and lett thoughts awhile;
Contemplate Death; Sin curse, which doth beguile
Us of our best enjoyments, and impair
Whatever unto most men pleasant are.
’Tis not thy learning nor thy piety
That can secure thee from Death’s tyranny.
Witness this learned, pious man of God,
Who fell a victim to his conquering rod.
Nothing but Virtue can outlive our date
That gives a being beyond mortal fate.

Vivit post funera virtus.

The most quaint epitaph was on a slab in the floor just within the Chancel door. It was nearly obliterated some years since; but shortly after the present Vicar came to the living, he had it fresh cut. It, however, with many other relics, was destroyed during the restoration before mentioned. It was:—

Oh! dear mother, you are gone before,
And I, a wratch, wait at the door:
Sin doth not only keep me thence,
But makes me loath to go from hence.
When Christ hath healed me of my sin,
He’ll make me fit and let me in.

Perhaps the most affecting record of the uncertainty of life, is that on the tomb of Robert Augustus Bedford. It is in what is termed the old ground, not far from the poplar tree which marks the spot where once was a well. This well and a wall which went direct north to Church Street, formed the west boundary of a garden that was consecrated as an additional piece of ground for burial, in January, 1818, by the Bishop of Exeter, and about that spot was appropriated for the burial of paupers, and likewise for soldiers; as at that time the Hospital of the Infantry Barracks occupied the site of the present Hanover Chapel burial ground. The inscription—now mostly obliterated,—is as follows:—

This youth, while viewing amidst a large concourse of persons assembled on the Pier Head of this town, on the 17th day of July, 1826, some trials designed to show the practibility of conveying the means of escape to ship-wrecked persons by means of a chain attached to a ball; from which, on one of the experiments, it separated on the discharge of the cannon, and instantaneously deprived him of his life, in the 10th year of his age.

The experiment which was being made was that known as Captain Manby’s apparatus for rescuing persons from shipwreck.

On the 20th November, 1819, the funeral of a Sergeant of the 90th foot took place. He was shot on the 17th of the same month, at the barracks, in Church street, by a private of the regiment, who, for the offence, was executed at Horsham.

The well here just alluded to, north of the wall which forms the northern boundary of Queen Square, was, on the restoration of the church, in 1853, filled up with decayed coffins and the mortal remains of those whose bodies were disinterred immediately to the north of the sacred edifice, to afford space and improve the effect of the building. Amongst those whose narrow cell was less violated, was that of Sir Richard Phillips, the natural philosopher, and author of “A Million of Facts.” His vault and tomb were reconstructed just within the south entrance to the cemetery ground, in front of Clifton Terrace, whither his remains were removed, and where they now rest. Not far from this tomb lie the remains of Mrs. Pickstock, the headstone to whose grave is thus inscribed:—

In testimony of the
Faithful and zealous
Services of Alice Pickstock.
Matron of the Brighton
Workhouse, and to
perpetuate the recollection of her
many benevolent and pious
offices to the sick and poor of this
Parish,

This stone is erected by the Directors
and Guardians and others, in the year of
Our Lord MDCCCXLIII.

“I bowed down heavily as one that
mourneth for his mother.”—Psalm xxxv., 14 v.

To the extreme east of the old ground is the tomb of the real moderniser of Brighton,—whose death took place nine and twenty years ago,—and is thus inscribed:—

Mr. Amon Wilds,
Died Sept. 12th 1833, aged 71 years

A remarkable incident accompanies the period at which this gentleman came to settle in Brighton. Through his abilities and taste, the order of the ancient architecture of buildings in Brighton may be dated to have changed from its antiquated simplicity and rusticity; and its improvements have since progressively increased. He was a man of extensive genius, and talent, and in his reputation for uprightness of conduct could only meet its parallel.

Contiguous to this tomb, a stone marks the resting-place of a highly respected inhabitant, for many years the landlord of the Old Ship Hotel:—

Leonard Shuckard,
Died 17th January, 1837, aged 70.

Immediately west is the grave of a Brighton celebrity, whose memory is thus recorded:—

John Jordan,
Many years a respectable hair-dresser of this town.
Died November 13th, 1810.

Originally the stone was further inscribed:

Say what you will, say what you can,
John Jordan was an honest man.

But there appearing a species of levity about these two lines unbefitting a place of Christian sepulture, they were removed after the stone had been up but a few days.

To the west of the main entrance from North Street, opposite Wykeham Terrace, is the vault of Mr. Weiss, formerly a surgical instrument maker, Charing-cross, London. His remains are deposited in this vault, his body prior to being screwed down in the coffin, having, by express desire in his will, been pierced at the heart by an instrument which he made expressly for the purpose. His funeral took place with the weapon in him, a special legacy being left to the surgeon, Mr. Benjamin Vallance, who complied with the request, for performing the duty, Mr. Weiss having a dread of being buried alive.

The handsomest monument in the churchyard is that at the north-east entrance, to the memory of Anna Maria Crouch, formerly a performer at Drury Lane Theatre. She died Oct. 2nd, 1805. It was erected by Mr. Kelly.

A large stone cross or crucifix formerly stood immediately in front of the church. The stone steps to it and the lower fragment of the pillar alone remain. A legend in connexion with this cross has been preserved, of which the following is a copy:—

ST. NICHOLAS GALLEY.

“Long had raged the bloody feud between the Lords of Pevensey Castle and the Earls de Warrene, Lords of Lewes; when, early one bright May morning, the warder of Lewes Castle, from the northern turret blew loud his horn. The lady of Earl de Warrene hastened to the turret’s height, her infant first-born son kerchiefed on her arm. From thence she viewed the dread conflict which was raging with all the fury of inveterate foes, on Mount Caburn’s shelving sides. Lord Pevensey, on his white steed, was seen leading his followers down the hill; Earl de Warrene was urging his men to withstand the charge. In an instant both parties commingled; the strife was desperate, but of short duration. Lord Pevensey, having the vantage ground, drove Earl de Warrene’s troops pell-mell down the hill; but the Earl scorned to turn his back upon his foe, and for some time he singly maintained the conflict against a host; until Lord Pevensey came up, flushed with success, and raised his battle-axe to cleave the Earl in twain. It was at this moment that the noble lady of Earl de Warrene, seeing her lord in such imminent hazard, held up her infant son and vowed to Saint Nicholas (the protector of the faithful in dangers) that if her lord’s life was spared his son should never wed till he had placed the belt worn by the Holy St. Nicholas, on the Blessed Virgin’s tomb, at Byzantium. The saint heard her vow; for the Earl dexterously avoided the blow, and Lord Pevensey, having lost his balance by the exertion, nearly fell from his horse. In the next moment the Earl’s sword appeared through his cuirass behind; Lord Pevensey fell dead; his terrified retainers fled in dismay; and Earl de Warrene returned in triumph to the Castle. Full twenty summers had now passed over, and Manfred, Lord of Lewes, the Earl’s eldest son, had not yet fulfilled his mother’s vow, to visit the Blessed Virgin’s tomb. He was betrothed to Lord Bramber’s daughter, the gentle Edona—beauteous as the jessamine’s bloom—kind as the Zephyr—good and pure as the saints. Full twenty times had the anniversary of Earl de Warrene’s victory been celebrated most gallantly in the Castle’s kingly hall. Again the guests had assembled there; the wassail bowl went merrily round; the bards sung in highest strains; Lord Manfred led his betrothed to join in the mazy dance; when—whilst all was merriment and joy,—suddenly a wintry dismal blast passed through the hall. The lights were quickly extinguished, the din and clamour of war seemed to assail the castle walls on every side; and whilst the guests stood in darkness and in stupid wonder, in a moment vivid flashes of lightning shot across the richly tapestried walls, and displayed the fight renewed on Mount Caburn’s side. The hill and dale were seen distinctly, as if broad day were shining, and the combatants eagerly engaged. But when Lord Pevensey again lifted his battle-axe to strike Earl de Warrene, all disappeared and total darkness ensued; the clamour ceased against the castle walls; lights were brought, but the guests, terrified, gloomily withdrew. On the morrow, Earl de Warrene hither to Brighthelmston, to St. Bartholomew’s Chapel came, and by the counsel of the holy fathers, built a ship, gaily trimmed, and named ‘St. Nicholas’ Galley,’ to bear his son to the blessed Virgin’s tomb. It was fixed that when he should return from performing his noble mother’s vow, then should he wed the fair Edona. The vessel gallantly dashed from Mecheem [109] harbour, and bounded over the yielding wave, making his way for brighter—not happier climes. Lord Manfred safely arrived at Byzantium, and performed his sacred duty. It was noon on the 17th of happy May—another year had rolled its wain—when a sail, bearing the well known pennant of St. Nicholas, was descried off Wordinges (Worthing) point by one of the Fathers of this Chantry. Instantly a messenger was sent to carry the welcome tidings to Earl de Warrene, who, with all his retinue, a train of gallant bearing, his noble lady, the Lord of Bramber with the Lady Edona, and the holy Abbot of the priory, with all his brotherhood, had, in a few hours, assembled beneath the Earl’s banner, on the hill where now stands St. Nicholas’ Church. The day was fair, the wind was favourable, and the ‘St. Nicholas’ glided swiftly on her way; the holy fathers sang with cheerful voices. The Earl watched, with beaming eyes, for the signal agreed upon. It was made; shouts rent the air; every face shone with joy, every heart beat with gratitude; when, in a moment, the progress of the vessel was checked; she reeled on her side, and sank before their eyes. She had ran full on the hidden rock off Shore-ham [110a] harbour. The Earl and every soul around him stood motionless; not a word broke the silence of that sad scene. To move was useless. One sad, last, long-drawn sigh burst from Edona, and she fell never more to rise. The Earl passed his hands over his eyes; dropped his head on his bosom; no smile ever rested on that face again. One foreign sailor alone of the hapless crew survived to describe (feebly indeed) the ecstacy of Lord Manfred when he beheld his native shores and discerned his father’s banner waving on St. Nicholas’ hill. Slowly as the cavalcade descended, each cast a look of despair on that sea which had swallowed all their hopes. Earl de Warrene survived a few years only; but before he died he built the church to St. Nicholas on the hill, to be an everlasting remembrance to all who go upon the mighty deep not to neglect their vows. Lady Edona lies under the cross at the entrance to the church, being the spot where she fell and died; but still, on the anniversary of that day, ‘St. Nicholas’ Galley’ glides at midnight past the town of Brighthelmston, and is seen from the cliff by hundreds of the inhabitants, to sink. [110b] The Earl leaving no children, his family became extinct, and the estates passed to the heir, Lord Arundel, to whom they still belong.”

A very quaint epitaph was (it is now obliterated by age) on the late sexton of the period:—

Richard Jeffery.
Died 10th July, 1806, aged 64.

When Barb’ra died, O Lord, prayed I,
Let me die too, and near her lie—
The Lord was good, and heard my pray’r,
And here we lie a faithful pair.

Preceding it, on the same stone, was the following:—

Sacred to the memory of
Barbara wife of Richard Jeffery;
Who having for upwards of 50 years diligently performed
the office of Sexton in this Parish, died
30th September, 1805, aged 63.

Look, mingled lie, the aged and the young,
The rich and poor,—an undistinguish’d throng;
Death conquers all, and Time’s subduing hand
No tomb, no marble statue can withstand;
Mark well thy latter end,—in Bab’ra see,
What, reader, thou, and all mankind must be.
The Grave for thousands though she toilsome made,
Yet here at last her lifeless body’s laid,
In joyful hope, as Christian hope will be,
To rise to life and immorality.

On the tombstone of a Captain Cook was formerly:—

Many a hard tempestuous gale he’s known,
But on his native shore at last he’s thrown;
No rocks or quicksands has he now to fear;
Safe from all storms he rides at anchor here.
Go, and be wise then, ’ere it is too late,
With firm resolve to meet the arm of fate.
A few short years, Alas! how quick they pass;
To this complexion must you come at last.
Death conquers all, and drags them to the grave,
The rich, the poor, the coward and the brave.
Think then, ye youth in time, and dying say,
Come when thou wilt, O Lord! I ready am to-day.

From their exposed position, the inscriptions on many of the tombstones have been erased by the hand of time; nor can one be found of the many recorded in a Diary, kept in 1778 and 1779, of the character alluded to.—“Monday, September 7th, 1778. My landlord is persuading his eldest son, and of course heir apparent, a young prince Crispin, to go to sea. I desire the father to visit the churchyard, and upon various monuments of youth he may observe the following inscription:—