Fashions for 1797

OLD TIMES.

OLD TIMES

A Picture of Social Life at the End of the Eighteenth Century

COLLECTED, AND ILLUSTRATED FROM THE SATIRICAL
AND OTHER SKETCHES OF THE DAY

BY

JOHN ASHTON

AUTHOR OF "SOCIAL LIFE IN THE REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE" ETC. ETC.

With Eighty-eight Illustrations

NEW YORK
SCRIBNER & WELFORD
743 & 747 BROADWAY
1885

PREFACE.

Of the period of which this book treats, there have been political histories, and scurrilous books written anent the Royal Family, ad nauseam: and the Diaries which have been published, bearing on this time, deal only with the acts, and sayings, of the higher classes—leaving the life of the vastly greater proportion of the population—the middle classes—untouched. No better source of information as to their mode of living, their amusements, the tattle, and passing follies of the times, can possibly be found, than in the Newspapers of the day; and I selected the commencement of the Times, 1 Jan. 1788, as the starting point of a picture of the Social Life at the end of the Eighteenth Century.

The copies of the Times, however, are very imperfect,—nay, in some years, totally missing—until 1793-1794—from which date they are perfect; so that, when anything noteworthy occurred, I have drawn from another source; and, to establish the undoubted authenticity of each quotation, I have given the title of the Newspaper, with its date.

The daily Newspapers of those times were totally different to those to which we are accustomed. The absence of Railways, Steamships, and Electric Telegraphs, combined with a very high rate of Postage, prevented the publication of all News, either from foreign or provincial sources, except it were of real importance; and, as the daily sheets must be filled, it followed, as a matter of course, that a substitute was found in detailing the social life of the Metropolis—and the daily Newspapers, which now give us the latest news from all parts of the globe—had to be filled with social paragraphs, anecdotal, satirical, or otherwise. They were as open to correction, or contradiction, then, as now; so that we may put trust in them; and when these paragraphs are collected, and somewhat classified, they afford a view of the daily life of the period, such as is utterly unattainable elsewhere. This collection must, of necessity, be valuable to the student of those times, besides being of great interest to the general reader.

The difficulty of obtaining contemporary illustrations, fitted for this work, from books, or pictures, has compelled me to draw freely on the satirical prints of the period—which are abundant, and perfectly well suited to the purpose, if the reader will only bear in mind, that they are sometimes a little exaggerated. Still, on the whole, they so truthfully represent the manners, costume, &c., of the age, that they could not be omitted; and that they are faithful reproductions of the originals, I can guarantee, for I drew them all myself.

JOHN ASHTON.

CONTENTS.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Memorandum.—For binder's purposes some of the illustrations will not be found on the pages named, but a few pages further on.

OLD TIMES.

Although this book does not pretend to be a history of the times of which it treats, still, it will materially help the reader, if, at the outset, some of the principal events which occurred during the period are succinctly narrated.

We start with the year 1788—and one of the first items of importance is the founding of the colony of New South Wales; for Captain Phillips, on 28th January, landed the first batch of convicts, consisting of 561 men, 192 women, and 18 children, also a military force of 212 men. As soon as they were all on shore, Phillips ordered the King's Commission to be read, and assumed the office of Governor. Such was the modest foundation of our great Australian Empire. On the same day at home, Lord George Gordon, of Protestant rioting memory, was brought before the judges of the King's Bench, to receive sentence on two libels, one against the Queen of France, and another on the criminal justice of the country. His sentence for the former, was three years' imprisonment, for the latter, two years, to pay a fine of £500, and find security for his good behaviour for fourteen years. He fled to Holland, was arrested, brought back, and lodged in Newgate. He did not live to regain his liberty, but death set him free 1st November 1793.

An all-absorbing topic of conversation in this year was the trial of Warren Hastings, for his conduct whilst Governor-General of Bengal. The trial commenced on the 13th of February, and it took place in Westminster Hall, which was fitted up with a throne and canopy, having the woolsack for the Lord Chancellor in front. On either side the throne was a private box, one for the use of the King, the other for the Queen: the King never used either throne or box, but, when he went to the trial, he went incognito.

There were seats covered with green baize for the accommodation of members of the House of Commons, but all the rest of the hall was glowing with red baize. Boxes were also provided for the Ambassadors and Corps Diplomatique. The grand show commenced at eleven A.M. with the entrance of the committee appointed to manage the impeachment, all of them in full dress, followed by Burke, who headed the members of the House of Commons.

Hardly had they taken their seats when a buzz of excitement filled the hall, for no one less than the Queen, attended by all her daughters, entered. She did not go to the royal box, but sat in part of the Duke of Newcastle's Gallery. This attracted the attention of all, until the coming in of the peers, including the judges, and the Bishops, the string of Dukes being closed by the Prince of Wales (as Duke of Cornwall), and the Dukes of York, Gloucester, and Cumberland. Lord Thurlow, the Lord Chancellor, came last. The peers all wore their robes and collars, the robes of the royal dukes being borne by pages. Then the Chancellor's mace-bearer cried "Oyez, Oyez, Oyez," and notified to all, that Warren Hastings had come to take his trial, and that his accusers might come forth and make good their charges against him. The Lord Chancellor addressed the prisoner, and told him to be prepared with his defence, to which Hastings replied, "My Lords, I am come to this high tribunal equally impressed with a confidence in my own integrity and in the justice of the court before which I stand." As this trial will not again be mentioned, I may state the fact, that it lasted seven years and three months, and ended in his acquittal, 17th April 1795.

Another remarkable event happened in this year, for on 31st January there died at Rome, at the age of sixty-seven, the young Pretender, Prince Charles Edward Louis Casimir Stuart, grandson of James II.; and, with him, died all hope for the Jacobite party, for he left behind him but one natural daughter, on whom he conferred the empty title of Duchess of Albany. It is true that he left his pretensions to the throne of England to his brother, Cardinal York, but all this Prince did to claim regal honours was to strike a medal, on which he styled himself Henry the IXth. He knew there was no use in continuing the struggle, so accepted a pension from George III., which was paid him until his death.

There is little worth chronicling until we come to the (to Englishmen) most painful event of the year, namely, the King's illness. In July his physicians remarked symptoms in him which gave them grave concern, but he visited Cheltenham, and improved in his health. In October, however, rumours began to get about that all was not well. The Morning Post of 30th October mentions that "On 28th His Majesty complained of a pain in his bowels, and by the advice of his physicians, and the rest of His Majesty's attendants, he is not expected to leave Windsor for the course of a week or a fortnight." Next day we hear that "the chief symptom is said to be a swelling in the legs." Then news is brought, that on the 4th November he had a relapse; on the 7th he is reported better, though, as a matter of fact, he was delirious at dinner on the 5th. On the 9th they say he is better; on the 10th he is MUCH BETTER, and HOPES ARE ENTERTAINED OF HIS RECOVERY. The bulletins of the 11th are vague; that of the 12th reports that he "was not better," and the newspapers of the 13th openly speak of a Regency. In the Morning Post of November 14th it plainly states that "his mental faculties were more deranged." Then his physicians quarrelled amongst themselves as to his treatment, and wrote daily contradictory bulletins, until Dr. Willis took his patient under his sole charge, with good effect. And so ends 1788.

1789 opens with a great frost, one of the heaviest on record. It commenced on the 24th November 1788, and continued, with one intermission (from December 24th to December 26th) until 13th January 1789. On 10th January the Thames at Irongate—which is below London Bridge, by the Tower, was frozen over, and several booths were erected on the ice. The day previously an ox was roasted whole, and eagerly bought by the people who were skating and sliding. The Annual Register thus describes the sight:—"The scene on the Thames is very entertaining; from Putney Bridge upwards, the river is completely frozen over, and people walk to and from the different villages on the face of the deep. Opposite to Windsor Street booths have been erected since Friday last, and a fair is kept on the river. Multitudes of people are continually passing and repassing; puppet shows, roundabouts, and all the various amusements of Bartholomew Fair are exhibited. In short, Putney and Fulham, from the morning dawn till the dusk of returning evening, is a scene of festivity and gaiety. On the 12th a young bear was baited on the ice, opposite to Redriffe (Rotherhithe), which drew multitudes, and fortunately no accident happened to interrupt their sport." The outward-bound vessels at Deptford and Gravesend cleared out with all despatch, lest they should be caught in the ice and detained or damaged.

The usual royal gift of £1000 to the poor of London was this year not forthcoming, so the Prince of Wales ordered that sum to be given from his own treasury. He also sent large sums to the poor of Edinburgh and Brighton.

A Bill to make the Prince of Wales Regent had been introduced in both Houses of Parliament at the latter end of 1788, but was negatived in each; in the Commons by 251 to 178. There had been great squabbling over this Bill, especially between the rival leaders, Fox and Pitt; the former asserting that the Prince of Wales had an absolute right to succeed to the Regency, and the latter would only admit that he had an irresistible claim.

But the King did not get better, and something must be done, yet it was not thought fit to invest the Prince of Wales with altogether regal powers: there must be some limitation. Therefore Pitt wrote to His Royal Highness, detailing the plan intended to be pursued, which was, that the Queen should have the care of the King's person, and the disposition of the royal household, by which means she would enjoy the patronage of 400 places, amongst which were the offices of Lord Steward, Lord Chamberlain, and Master of the Horse: but the Prince should have no power of granting any office, reversion, or pension, for any other term than during the King's pleasure, nor might he confer any peerage.

This, no doubt, was prudent, but was extremely distasteful to the Prince, who wrote a dignified remonstrance to Pitt, at the end of which, however, he consented to accept the terms, being convinced of the evils which might arise were there no Regency. Fifty-five peers, together with the Dukes of York and Cumberland, signed a protest against the limitations, but the Commons cared but little for it. They went on with their work, and, on the 12th February, sent up the Bill to their Lordships for consideration; and they were debating it when the proverb of "There's many a slip 'twixt the cup and the lip" was fulfilled. On the 19th February the Lord Chancellor announced to the House that the physicians reported that the King was rapidly recovering from his malady. On this the House adjourned, and practically no work was done, either by Lords or Commons, for three weeks.

On 27th February the prayer for his recovery was discontinued, and, in its stead, a form of prayer, and thanksgiving for his restoration to health, was ordered to be read in all churches and chapels throughout England and Wales. So completely had he recovered, that he ordered Parliament to be opened by Commission, which was done on 10th March. The 23rd April was appointed for a general thanksgiving, and his Majesty, accompanied by the Queen and the Royal Family, went in solemn state to Saint Paul's, to render thanks to the Almighty for His great mercy.

The following account is much condensed from the report in the Morning Post of 24th April 1789:—"They started early, for, precisely at eight o'clock in the morning, the first carriage that led the procession reached St. Clement's Church in the Strand. After the usual state pioneers, came the members of the House of Commons, followed by the peers according to their several degrees, then the Archbishops, and the princes of the blood royal, after whom came the Prince of Wales, whose equipage outshone all others. Their Majesties' Household came next, and lastly their Majesties themselves.

"The Queen seemed inexpressibly happy: the loud huzzas, which from every quarter rent the air, testified to her, that he who was dearest to her was dearest to the people.

"The King, as if impressed by the weight of the obligation which he owed to Heaven for his recovery, and full of the religious solemnity with which he was going, publicly, to acknowledge that obligation to the Almighty, seemed to be unusually grave and silent; and behaved, at this first appearance in public since his recovery, in a manner which filled the spectators with reverence and awe.

"His Majesty appeared to be much reduced in point of size, but he looked as if in perfect health."

It was a quarter-past three when the procession, on its return, reached Temple Bar, and it was noted that the King looked more cheerful, whilst the Queen was in high spirits.

London was, of course, brilliantly illuminated at night.

This is the principal event of the year, and with it we will close 1789.

As far as England, and its social economy, is concerned, 1790 is very barren. In France, there was the commencement of that dreadful revolution which terrorised all Europe, yet strangely enough all allusion to France was omitted in the Royal Speeches to Parliament, either on 21st January or 26th November.

The navy sadly wanted manning, so much so that a proclamation was issued for encouraging seamen, and landsmen, to enter themselves on board His Majesty's ships of war; that officers on foreign stations should join their respective corps, and recalling, and prohibiting seamen from serving foreign princes, and states. This was all very well, for the fleet was in urgent need of men, owing to the number of ships being put in commission, and ordered to be got ready for sea with the greatest expedition: for instance—

besides others which were expected to be commissioned in a few days.

Ordinary means were not sufficient to provide men, and resort was made to impressment, a mode of obtaining seamen which is of ancient practice. In 1378 a statute of 2 Richard II. speaks of it as being well known, and so it must have been, for the first commission for its use was issued 29 Edward III., 1355. In 1641, Parliament declared the practice illegal, either for the land or sea service; but this has always been ignored when the necessity for seamen arose. It has been regulated by Parliament even so lately as 1835, when, by the statute 5 and 6 William IV., compulsory service is restricted to five years.

How should we feel if some day, in reading our morning paper, we should come across such a passage as the following:—"A very hot press took place in the river Thames, and at all the outports"?—Would you like to know what a "hot press" means?—then learn from the following excerpts from the St. James's Chronicle, May 4-6, 1790:—

"The report of the number pressed in the river on Tuesday night was delivered to the Lords of the Admiralty yesterday morning, which amounted to about 1500 taken in Wapping, and in Southwark, &c., more than 600; amounting in the whole to upwards of 2100 men, besides those at the different seaport towns, reports of which were not received."

"Four tenders went down the river yesterday morning, crowded with impressed men, to be shipped on board a vessel of war lying in Long-reach, ready to receive them. The same tenders were expected up again with the return of the tide, upon the same errand."

Extract of a letter from Chatham, May 5.—"Yesterday morning, between six and seven o'clock, an express arrived from the Lords of the Admiralty to Commodore Pasley, at this port, containing impress warrants: accordingly, a great press commenced about twelve o'clock last night, both in this town, Rochester, &c. &c., and on the river Medway, when many persons were taken, four of whom were lodged in the guardhouse in the yard, and this morning sent on board the 'Scipio,' of 64 guns, lying as guardship at this port, and commanded by Commodore Pasley. A great press likewise commenced last night at Sheerness."

"In consequence of the press warrants, stocks felt a most extraordinary depression yesterday; the Consols opened at 76, and fluctuated from that price to 75-1/4 until very nearly three o'clock."

This then, was a "hot press"—but very little was ever said about it, except a passing notice. The impressed men themselves accepted their fate as inevitable, and, according to the testimony of an old seaman whom I once knew (himself a pressed man), he assured me that, after the first shock was over, they set to work with a will, and did their duty as well as the volunteers. There were supposed to be exceptions, such as apprentices, who were exempt, but I fear, when once in the hands of the pressgang, it was a very poor chance of any one's getting off.

A social note worthy of being recorded, in this year, was that a man named John Frith, lieutenant of the second battalion of Royals, threw a stone at His Majesty's coach. He seems to have done no harm, and was evidently a lunatic, for no one in their senses would have endeavoured to injure a king who was just then in the zenith of his popularity. That he was insane the jury thought, for, on his trial for high treason on 21st May, he was acquitted as being of unsound mind, but he was put under safe watch and ward in Newgate, and only liberated on 11th December 1791, on bail being given to take proper care of him.

The year 1791 is remarkable for its uneventfulness, nothing of national importance occurring during the twelve-month. Impressment still went on, as we see by the St. James's Chronicle, April 16-19.—"Friday night the press in the Thames, and on both sides the river, was the warmest that has been at all since press warrants were last issued. No fewer than eleven gallies were rowing about between London Bridge and Deptford. Every one of His Majesty's frigates and sloops on Channel service, as well as those in the North Sea and on the Irish coast, have received orders to proceed upon the impress service. The smaller vessels, as soon as they have procured forty seamen each, are to deliver them over to the receiving ships at Spithead and the Nore."

In 1787 a society was formed in England having for its object the suppression of slavery, under the auspices of Granville Sharpe, Clarkson, and others, and Mr. Wilberforce (by whose untiring efforts its downfall was at last obtained) joined it. On the 18th April 1791, the House of Commons resolved itself into a committee "to consider of the African slave trade." Wilberforce made an eloquent speech, in which he depicted the horrors of the trade. Among other barbarities he mentioned the whipping, and holding red-hot coals, to the mouths of those (in order to compel them to eat) who were desirous of putting an end to their existence, by starving themselves to death; and, to prove the preference given by those unhappy creatures of death to slavery, he quoted part of the evidence, which told how they took every opportunity of leaping overboard, and that, in the agonies of death, when drowning, they would hold up their hands for joy in having escaped from their tormentors.

He mentioned many cruelties which had passed unpunished, and particularly one, which was committed by a master upon his female slave, a girl about six years old, by cutting her mouth from ear to ear; he showed how injurious the slave trade was to our mercantile navy, quoting from the muster rolls of Liverpool and Bristol, that in one year, out of 12,263 seamen employed in the slave trade, 2643 had died.

After many other arguments, he concluded with a motion, "That the Chairman be directed to move for leave to bring in a Bill for preventing the further importation of African negroes into the British colonies and plantations."

The debate was continued, and adjourned until the next day—when the battle pro slavery or its abolition waxed fierce; but when it came to a decision, the numbers were—for the motion, 88; against, 163—majority against the abolition, 75.

1792 opened, as we would fain have our financial years open now-a-days, with an increase of revenue over the preceding year of £300,000, and a surplus of more than £900,000, besides paying the annual million in reduction of the national debt. Pitt repealed £200,000 of burdensome taxes, added £400,000 to the million to extinguish the debt, and discreetly kept the balance in hand for eventualities. Trade had vastly increased, as we may see from the following figures:—In 1783 the exports were valued at £14,741,000; and, in 1791, they had risen to £20,120,000.

On 2nd April, the House of Commons being in Committee, Mr. Wilberforce again brought forward the question of the slave trade, and, after an eloquent speech, wound up with the motion:—"That it is the opinion of the Committee, that the trade carried on by British subjects, for the purpose of procuring slaves from Africa, ought to be abolished." After a debate, Mr. Secretary Dundas moved as an amendment, to insert the word "gradually" immediately before the word "abolished."

This was carried by a majority of 68, and the motion, so altered, being put, the numbers were—Ayes, 230; Noes, 85—majority for the motion, 145. The Chairman was then ordered to move the House for leave to bring in a Bill, pursuant to the said resolution.

England could not but be affected by the French Revolution. At the commencement of the movement there was some sympathy shown by the Whigs to a people who were struggling to free themselves from the trammels of despotism, but that sympathy rapidly grew cold, and faded, on witnessing the excesses committed by the people of Paris, and some other large cities, until the capture, and imprisonment of the Royal family, turned it to absolute loathing, and hatred.

There was great uneasiness throughout the country as to whether the tide of anarchy might not reach us, especially as numbers of fugitives were daily reaching our shores. Take, for example, two instances quoted in the Annual Register, both of the date 12th September:—

"Southampton.—One Ayland, a fisherman of Hamble, a village about seven miles from Southampton, was fishing for lobsters on the coast of France on Thursday last, and had taken in about half his cargo, when he espied two boats full of men, seemingly in great distress; on which he bore down, and received them on board. They had swam to their boats to get away from the coast, and many of them were much bruised and pelted with stones by others on shore. They begged the fisherman to land them somewhere in England, to prevent their being murdered; which he promised to do, and offered them subsistence till he had completed his lading. They represented the danger of being intercepted, if he did not immediately proceed to sea, and offered him any sum he should ask, to land them as soon as possible. He waived his own interest, set sail, and landed them at the above village; but with a spirit of humanity, which does honour to human nature, he absolutely refused any reward whatever, although he had not completed his fishing, which is the maintenance of his family."

"Lewes.—Upwards of 500 unfortunate emigrants were, last week, landed on our coast, who have had the fury of the elements to contend with, after escaping that of their countrymen. The Brighton packets, heavily laden with them, were driven by the winds far eastward off their usual track, and with difficulty made Hastings, Pevensey, and Eastbourne. At the former place, on Wednesday morning, 76, all ecclesiastics, came on shore, among whom were the Bishop of Auvranches, the Dean of Rouen, and several other dignitaries. The Bishop with great difficulty escaped from Auvranches by the assistance of one of his grand vicars, who, with domestics, accompanied him to Rouen, where they were for some days concealed. The populace having again discovered them, they were again obliged to travel on foot, in disguise, to Dieppe. They arrived in the night, took refuge a few hours in an hotel; and, at the time appointed for the departure of the packet, ran to the sea side, and, it providentially being high water, were enabled to get out of reach of the rabble, who, in one minute after, pursued them to the shore."

Take again an extract or two from the St. James's Chronicle of 11-13th September 1792. "Between daybreak and eight o'clock yesterday morning, thirteen broad-wheeled waggons, crowded with French emigrants, passed through the Borough. During the night, and the whole of yesterday forenoon, waggons, carts, and chaises, and carriages of almost every other description, continued arriving in town with emigrants, by way of Westminster, Blackfriars, and London Bridges."

"It is a known fact, that upwards of forty thousand French men, women, and children, are at this moment in England: two-thirds of them of the lowest class, who, taking advantage of the convulsed state of their native country, come over under the plausible title of exiled aristocrats."

"There are three powerful reasons why the very great number of arrivals here from France should excite the immediate attention of Government. One, that it may occasion a rapid rise in the price of provisions, already at a height that occasions much complaint among the lower orders of people. Second, lest under the appellation of fugitives, a multitude of insidious and evil-designing persons should intrude themselves, with the intention of raising similar disturbances in this kingdom. Third, lest it should be the means of introducing a great number of rascals, thieves, and villains, who are always cowards, and cannot have principle enough to take any side; these, therefore, are the first to run. An inundation of them, added to the bad among our own people, might not only render private property very precarious, but even prove dangerous to the state."

The Government was fully alive to this great influx of Frenchmen, and the possible effect it might have on the people of England; so they introduced, and passed, the "Act for establishing Regulations respecting Aliens arriving in this kingdom, or resident therein, in certain cases," 33 Geo. III. cap. 4. After the preamble, the gist of which has been given, this Act enacts that all masters of vessels are to give to the officer of the Custom, at the port of arrival, a written declaration specifying the names, &c., of foreigners on board. All aliens arriving after 10th January 1793 were to give to the port officer of the Customs a written declaration of their names, rank, &c. If they failed in so doing, they were to depart out of the realm, or be transported for life. The officer of Customs had to furnish them with a certificate, and, if they wished to change their abode, they were to have a passport, which they were to show, or be committed for trial. They must also depart from the realm when ordered by His Majesty's proclamation, &c. &c. &c.

Edmund Burke.

This was a somewhat severe ordinance, but as far as I know, it was never acted on, for the French emigrés were a quiet, law-abiding people, thankful for the refuge they had received. It was during the debate on this Bill that Burke made his historical coup de theatre, the dagger scene in the House of Commons. I quote from the St. James's Chronicle 27-29th December 1792:—Burke loquitur. "It had been declared by a noble Lord (Granville) in another place, that there were known to be nineteen assassins in this country with daggers for the extirpation of kings—but it had been said that nineteen were of no consequence; he thought differently, for there were in that number seven more than necessary to destroy the whole Royal family; the number to him was alarming, for he knew not how many apprentices those murderers might have, nor how many encouragers in this country; the knowledge of nineteen French murderers having arrived, was a full justification of the present Bill. He thanked His Majesty's Ministers for having brought it forward; it might prevent the arrival of nineteen times nineteen of those monsters, and it might counteract the intentions of that Englishman who had ordered the manufacture of 5000 daggers at Birmingham—how many for exportation, or how many for home consumption, he knew not. He had, however, strong reasons to believe that they were intended to introduce French fraternity into the bosoms of Englishmen—to introduce murder and desolation, for 'there! there!' exclaimed Mr. Burke, throwing a dagger upon the floor of the House, 'is the fraternity of freedom; that is the fraternity they wish to plunge into the heart of our Sovereign; into the heart of every virtuous Englishman who was loyal to his King, or worshipped his God,'" &c. &c.

This rodomontade was only provocative of mirth, and it is said that Sheridan asked—"You have thrown down the knife—where is the fork?" which convulsed the House with laughter.

1793 opened gloomily with the trial, sentence, and decapitation of Louis XVI. (sentenced 17th January, beheaded 21st January); and our national sympathy towards the martyred King was shown by an order for a general mourning, which it was hoped would be universal. "As our Court has ordered an etiquette mourning for Louis XVI., there can be little doubt that the people will, as one man, clothe themselves in a garb expressive of their detestation of his murtherers."

Our relations with France had been very strained, for some time past, and war had long been expected. In December 1792 a proclamation had been issued, embodying and calling out the militia. Vessels were being hurriedly equipped, and commissioned, and nobody was surprised, when, on 1st February, Parliament received a message from the King, informing his people that M. Chauvelin had left this country, and that there was an urgent necessity for augmenting the sea and land forces. The number of French in England became a source of uneasiness, and an Order of Council was issued on 2nd February, directing all aliens, save such as were excepted by the Alien Act, to reside within fifty miles of the standard on Cornhill, and ten miles from the sea coasts, and dockyards.

The French had already begun hostilities, by laying an embargo on all British shipping in French ports, and, on 5th February, we retaliated by acting in the same manner; but the terms were not equal, for there were but six, or eight, French vessels in our ports, whilst it was reckoned that the French had got hold of over 1000 of our seamen. But sailors were forthcoming to man the fleet, for we read, under 7th February, that "Upwards of 2000 sailors entered the Royal Navy last week."

On 11th February, the King sent the following message to Parliament:—

"George R.—His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint the House of Commons, that the Assembly now exercising the powers of Government in France have, without previous notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed against the persons and property of His Majesty's subjects, in breach of the law of nations, and of the most positive stipulations of treaty, and have since, on the most groundless pretensions, actually declared war against His Majesty and the United Provinces; under the circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked aggression, His Majesty has taken the necessary steps to maintain the honour of his Crown, and to vindicate the rights of his people; and His Majesty relies with confidence on the firm and effectual support of the House of Commons, and on the zealous exertions of a brave and loyal people, in prosecuting a just and necessary war, and endeavouring, under the blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual barrier to the farther progress of a system which strikes at the security and peace of all independent nations, and is pursued in open defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity, and justice.

"In a cause of such general concern, His Majesty has every reason to hope for the cordial co-operation of those Powers who are united with His Majesty by the ties of alliance, or who feel an interest in preventing the extension of anarchy and confusion, and in contributing to the security and tranquillity of Europe.

G. R."

The Government was determined to do nothing by halves, and, as the law of nations had not yet condemned the practice, they (on the 12th February) caused to be issued, by the Admiralty, letters of marque,[1] and reprisals against the French shipping—whilst pressgangs scoured the streets and boarded all vessels for seamen. As, for instance (16th February), "A press broke out in the river yesterday morning, all the seamen were taken from the colliers, and the gangs were very successful." And every means were taken to get sailors to volunteer, vide the following extract out of a letter from Rochester, 15th February:—"Three guineas are given to an able-bodied seaman, two guineas to an ordinary seaman, and one guinea to a landsman (above the King's bounty), to those who shall enter within a month in this city; being the voluntary generosity of the Mayor and corporation here." And this example was followed by many other corporations.

War being declared, preparations for it were carried on with the utmost vigour. The Duke of York, colonel of the Guards (afterwards on 12th April made general), addressed the three regiments on parade, told them that he would accompany them to Holland, and asked for volunteers. This met with an unanimous response, but the number required being limited, such men, only, were selected, who were judged fittest for the service, and they started on their expedition on 25th February, after having been inspected by the King.

It is no part of the scheme of this book to follow the fortunes of the war, and, as there is little else noteworthy in the year 1793, we pass to the next year.

On the 22nd February, 1794, His Majesty sent a message to Parliament, calling attention to the expediency of increasing the land forces, and, consequently, a large increase in the militia, and an addition to the fencible corps, were voted, and the Secretary of State sent a circular to all the Lords-lieutenant of Counties, recommending them to solicit voluntary contributions towards carrying on the war.

Wilberforce still continued to agitate the slave question, although not on the same lines as formerly. He changed his tactics, and, as the sense of the House, on a previous occasion, was in favour of gradually doing away with it, he introduced a Bill for abolishing that part of the slave trade which related to the supply of foreign plantations. Of course it met with opposition, Sir William Young moving that it be read a second time this day (26th February) six months, but it was carried in the Lower House, the numbers for the second reading being 56 against 38—majority, 18. The Bill, however, was thrown out in the Lords, owing to the opposition of Lord Grenville, who argued that such a Bill should not be introduced whilst the House was instituting inquiry into the whole question. And so, for a time, it dropped, perforce.

Many amongst us seem to think that Sir Rowland Hill originated the penny post, but such is not the fact. That it was mainly through his instrumentality that letters could be sent to all parts of England, Scotland, and Ireland, at the uniform price of one penny, and that he did much to re-organise the vast establishment of the post-office, is beyond doubt; but the penny post existed long before that. There is a squabble between Dockwra and Murray as to which of them commenced it in 1683; at all events, the Government took it from Dockwra in 1690, and afterwards gave him a pension of £500 a year, and he was made Controller of the District Post; but he was finally discharged, on account of some charges of malversation, &c., brought against him.

In 1711 an Act was passed abolishing the penny post, and on June 23rd of that year a proclamation was issued, putting it in force. But it was resuscitated, for we find, in the Parliamentary intelligence of the Times, 26th February, 1794: "House of Commons, 25th February. The House having gone into Committee, Mr. Long proposed some resolutions to be adopted as an improvement on the mode of carrying letters by the penny post. It was proposed that letters sent by the penny post should be carried six times every day, and that an additional duty of one penny should be paid to the King,—that is, as we understand it, that the person who receives the letter shall pay a penny in all cases, as well as he who sends it. Another resolution was, that the postage of letters in the islands of Guernsey and Jersey should be the same as in England." Pitt explained that the extra penny would, probably, only cover the extra cost involved in having six deliveries, and, after a short debate, the resolutions passed the Committee.

The Times (28th February 1794), commenting thereon says—"The new Penny Post Office is likely to prove such a very great accommodation to the public, that the only wonder is, it has been so long neglected. Instead of the numbers of deliveries, and the hours of despatch varying in different parts of the town, as at present, there will be six deliveries each day in all parts of the town; by which means a person living at Mary-le-Bonne may send letters to, or receive letters from, Limehouse, a distance of seven miles, five times a day.... Persons putting in letters by nine in the morning, at the distance of ten miles from the chief Penny Post Office, and later, at less distant parts, may receive answers from London the same afternoon."

The Revolution in France still continued, as did then emigration, for a return was made of the number of emigrés, who had been brought off from Toulon by the British Fleet, and this report avers that they numbered 14,877 men, women, and children. No wonder, then, at the passing of the Alien Act.

The French Revolution, no doubt, stirred up the discontented, and disaffected, in England: the perusal of Paine's "Rights of Man" in no ways tended to soothe a rebellious feeling, and the mob, on several occasions, was very riotous. Societies, like the "Corresponding Society" and the "Society for Constitutional Information," were founded in London, and the Government, feeling itself strong enough, was determined to strike a blow and crush them: so, on the 12th May, the King sent a message to Parliament, saying, that "having received information that the seditious practices, which have been for some time carried on by certain societies in different parts of the country, have lately been pursued with increased activity and boldness," &c.... he "has given directions for seizing the books and papers of the said societies in London, which papers have been seized accordingly, and these books and papers appear to contain matter of the greatest importance." He directed them to be laid before Parliament for consideration, so that they might take "measures thereupon, as may appear to be necessary, for effectually guarding against the further prosecution of these dangerous designs."

John Thelwall (political lecturer), Daniel Adams, and Thomas Hardy were taken into custody. The latter two were examined before the Privy Council on the 13th, the former on the 14th, on which date a Royal Messenger went to Earl Stanhope's house, and arrested his lordship's private secretary, the Rev. Jeremiah Joyce. A famous agitator, the Rev. John Horne Tooke, was also taken. Their trials took place in October, November, and December 1794, and ended in the acquittal of the prisoners, after which the Government abandoned similar prosecutions.

But a patriotic feeling was abroad, more than enough to counterbalance these turbulent spirits. The vast majority of the population was loyal, and volunteers hastened to band together for the defence of their country. One or two instances will suffice. "On the 17th April the Court of Common Council of the City of London agreed to open a subscription for raising, and disciplining, a regiment of infantry and a troop of cavalry for the defence of the city, to be called the 'Loyal London Volunteers.'"—"Rutland Volunteers Troops of Cavalry. On the 5th instant, 154 men and horses, consisting of the high sheriff, the noblemen, gentlemen, and yeomen, who intend forming this corps, met at Oakham.... Uniform, French gray and buff. Every person who belongs to this corps binds himself, under £50 penalty, to attend when called upon."—Times, 21st April. These two instances shew the wide range the volunteers' movement—then in its very infancy—took.

The feeling, however, of the nation was not altogether unanimous in favour of war. There was then, as now, a peace party. On 6th March Mr. Whitbread moved an address to the King, strongly disapproving of the policy of the Government, and of their conduct, not only preceding, but succeeding the war. The Earl of Guildford did the same in the Lords, but in both Houses the motions were negatived by large majorities. Nothing daunted by this, on 30th May, the Duke of Bedford, in the House of Lords, reviewed the causes which led to the war, and also the foreign policy of the Government, ending by moving fourteen resolutions, of which the most material were the two following:—"That it appeared expedient to that House, that it should recommend to His Majesty to adopt such measures as might lead to a negotiation for peace."

Or that, "if His Majesty, in his wisdom, thought it advisable still to prosecute the war, that he would be most graciously pleased to state what the object of it was."

After a debate, which lasted till half-past one o'clock, it was adjourned till the following Monday.

In the Commons, Fox took the same tone, winding up with—"The advantages we had gained by sea and land were favourable for the negotiation of a peace, as they served as so many funds to induce the enemy to treat; and, should we fail, we should thereby justify our pacific intentions to the world." He concluded by moving resolutions similar to those of the Duke of Bedford. The result was—For the previous question, 208; for Mr. Fox's resolutions, 55—majority, 153. And no more was heard of the Duke of Bedford's resolutions.

The next, and last, great incident was, Lord Howe's great naval victory over the French off the coast of Ushant, on "the glorious first of June." Two 80 and five 74 gun ships were the substantial fruits of this victory, although "Le Vengeur," one of the 74's, sunk soon after capture, drowning some 300 men. No one knows the French loss in this battle, but we do know, that on board the prizes taken there were found 1200 dead bodies. Our total loss was 904. The news travelled very fast, for that day; Sir Roger Curtis, Howe's first captain, arrived at the Admiralty with despatches on the evening of the 10th June.

The jubilation was great, nor was practical sympathy with the widows and orphans of our seamen wanting. In less than one hour a thousand guineas were subscribed at Lloyd's for their relief. The popular rejoicing took the form of illuminating the houses, smashing Earl Stanhope's windows, and much beer drinking. The thanks of both Houses of Parliament were given to Earl Howe, and, on his arrival at Portsmouth, the King, Queen, and the Royal family went down and paid him a visit on board his own ship, on 29th June. As there is a crispness, and freshness, about contemporary accounts of events, let the Times (July 1st) tell the story.

"On the King being received on board the 'Queen Charlotte,' he presented Earl Howe with a diamond hilted sword. His lordship, perceiving His Majesty's intention, threw the sword he had on his side upon the deck, and, kneeling, received from the Sovereign's hand this distinguished proof of approbation. His Majesty also presented a gold chain, to which a medal is hereafter to be annexed, to Admiral Sir Alexander Hood, and Rear-Admiral Gardner; the like honour was conferred on Lord Howe's first captain, Sir Roger Curtis. The wounded Admirals, Bowyer and Pasley, who consequently could not attend, have been distinguished with similar marks of His Majesty's favour."

Poor Admirals Bowyer and Pasley had to be pensioned off, on account of their wounds, in February 1795, the sum awarded to each being £500 per annum.

At the commencement of 1795 the French took possession of Utrecht, Rotterdam, and Dort: the treasure of the Prince of Orange was sent to London, and the Stadtholder and his family had to make a hurried flight for their lives in an open boat, luckily reaching Harwich safely. The French having thus occupied Holland, the English Government laid an embargo on all Dutch vessels in our ports.

The Opposition still attempted to embarrass the Government on the question of the War, and, on 26th January, Mr. Grey, in a very lengthy speech, brought forward a motion, recommending peace with France. Pitt came forward with an amendment, to the purport that there could be no security for peace whilst the Government of France was an irregular one, and, on its being put, it was carried by 269 to 86.

Wilberforce still kept "pegging away" at the Slave Trade, and, on 26th February, introduced a motion, "for leave to bring in a Bill for the abolition of the slave trade, at a time to be limited." Pitt lent him the weight of his influence, but it was a small House, and he lost it by a majority of 17.

Fox, naturally (being in opposition), was always baiting the Government, and on 24th March he moved, "That the House should resolve itself into a Committee to inquire into the state of the nation;" but he suffered a severe defeat, the numbers against his motion being 219; for, 63.

The English troops in Holland had met with a series of misadventures, and were compelled to retreat. A fine array of 35,000 men left our shores for this expedition, and but about a fifth part could be mustered when they reached the town of Bremen, on the 27th and 28th of March—and right glad were they to embark on board the transports lying in the Elbe, ready to receive them.

The harvest of 1794 had been bad, and bread and provisions generally were so dear as practically to amount to a famine among the poor. People, as a rule, will, unfortunately, not starve quietly, so we hear of food riots occasionally. On 11th April a mob at Portsea attacked the butchers' and bakers' shops, and compelled them with persuasive eloquence to sell, the one, meat at 4d per lb.—the other, bread at 6d a quartern loaf. Again on 20th April, the Oxford Militia, with loaded guns and fixed bayonets, went to Seaford, where, having confiscated all the beef and mutton they could lay their hands on, they sold it at 4d per lb., and then, going to Newhaven, they seized 2000 sacks of flour, and sold it at their own price. This flagrant breach of military discipline was, however, soon punished, for the Horse Artillery and Lancashire Fencibles came up and took the rioters prisoners. But similar riots were rife all through the Midlands.

In the autumn things got even worse, and Parliament was assembled earlier than usual to deliberate on a remedy for this state of things; the outcome of which was an order for a bounty of twenty shillings per quarter on wheat from the Mediterranean, fifteen shillings on wheat from America, and five shillings per quarter on Indian corn. Bills also were passed prohibiting the manufacture of starch from wheat, and also the distillation of spirit from grain.

This scarcity of food, and the heavy burdens, both in taxation, the levying of men, and the pressgangs, fell sorely on the poor, who murmured loudly,—a fact which was duly taken advantage of by the demagogues for their own seditious purposes. They agitated for universal suffrage and annual parliaments, and the movement gathered strength. On the 26th October, the Corresponding Society held a mass meeting in Copenhagen Fields, and the inflammatory speeches there delivered, no doubt, bore their fruit three days afterwards, when the mob stoned the King. As the Times' account of this assault is very meagre, compared with that in the Annual Register, I copy the latter verbatim.

"29th October.—On the occasion of His Majesty's going to the House of Lords, the Mall and the Parade of St. James's Park, and Parliament Street, were completely choked up with spectators. The crowd was by no means so great at the Coronation, and, to see the King go to the House, there never were before more than a tenth part of the numbers of this day; for they, at least, amounted to 200,000. Several noblemen and Cabinet Ministers passed through the Park from Buckingham House about two o'clock. The Earl of Chatham, Duke of Gloucester, &c., were hissed, and the Duke of Portland was very much hooted.

"About twenty minutes afterwards the King left Buckingham House, and was violently hissed and hooted and groaned at the whole way; but no violence was offered till he arrived opposite the Ordnance Office, when a small pebble, or marble, or bullet, broke one of the windows. In returning, the moment His Majesty entered the Park the gates of the Horse Guards were shut, for the purpose of excluding the mob who followed the carriage; at which, as it passed opposite Spring Gardens Terrace, another stone was thrown, but it fortunately struck the woodwork between the windows.

"The crowd now pressed closely round the coach, and His Majesty, in considerable agitation, signified, by waving his hands to the Horse Guards on each side, his anxiety that the multitude should be kept at a distance. In this way he passed on through the Park, and round by the Stable Yard, into St. James's Palace, at the front gate, the bottom of St. James's Street. A considerable tumult took place when His Majesty was about to alight, and one of the horses in the state coach took fright, threw down an old groom of the name of Dorrington, and broke one of his thighs, but it proved, fortunately, a simple fracture; his other thigh was considerably bruised, but not dangerously.

"A few minutes after His Majesty had entered the palace, the mob attacked the state coach with stones, and did it great injury. In its way along Pall Mall to the Mews many things were also thrown at it. After a short time the King went, in his private coach, from St. James's to Buckingham House; but, on his way through the Park the mob surrounded the carriage, and prevented it from proceeding, crying out, 'Bread! Bread! Peace! Peace!'—The Guards were, however, speedily brought up, and they protected the carriage till His Majesty got safe into Buckingham House.

"When His Majesty entered the House of Peers, the first words he uttered were these, to the Lord Chancellor: 'My Lord, I have been shot at!' This alluded to the substance which had broke the window while passing the Ordnance Office.

"Three or four persons were apprehended on suspicion of having thrown stones, &c., at the King, and one of them was charged with having called out, 'No king,' and other such expressions. They were all examined at the Duke of Portland's office; and, waiting the result of this business, nothing was done in the House of Lords till near six o'clock, when Lord Westmoreland, who rode in the carriage with the King, having previously moved 'that strangers be ordered to withdraw,' stated the insult and outrage with which the King had been treated; and added that His Majesty, and those who had accompanied him, were of opinion that the glass of the coach had been broken by a ball from an air-gun, which had been shot from a bow window of a house adjoining the Ordnance Office, with a view to assassinate him.

"The King, through the whole of the riot, displayed the cool magnanimity for which the family have ever been distinguished. At the time that the glass of the coach was broken, he said to Lord Westmoreland, 'That is a shot;' and, instead of leaning back in the carriage, or striving to avoid the assassin, he pointed to the round hole in the pane, and examined it. But this was not all; he went into the private coach, to go from St. James's to the Queen's house, in the midst of the wildest commotions of the multitude, thereby exposing himself, almost without guards, to their fury; and then it was that His Majesty's person was most imminently in danger."

"30th October.—Confident in the attachment of his people, notwithstanding the alarms of the preceding day, the King, accompanied by Her Majesty and three of the Princesses, visited Covent Garden Theatre, and, at their entrance, was received with the usual burst of applause. 'God save the King' was sung twice, and, by a considerable part of the house, over-zealously called for a third time; this, in a corner of the gallery, provoked a few hisses, which, however, were soon overruled, and one or two of the most active of the turbulent party were turned out; after which the performance went on."

Five persons were apprehended for this outrage, but with the exception of one, Kidd Wake, aged 27, a journeyman printer, who owned to his hissing and hooting at His Majesty, and who was committed to take his trial on 14th November, I cannot trace their fate; probably they were discharged for want of evidence.

A Royal Proclamation was issued, offering one thousand pounds reward to any one "who shall give information, so that any of such authors, actors, or abettors, as aforesaid, shall be apprehended and brought to justice."

In November there were fearful storms, especially on the 6th, which were extraordinarily destructive, both to life and property. One of these storms was so severely felt at Weymouth, that nearly 1600 dead bodies were, at different times, thrown up on the beach, 300 being buried at one time, and, had not the Gloucestershire Militia helped in burying them, there would, doubtless, have been a pestilence.

On 8th December Pitt, in the House of Commons, delivered a message from the King, in which occurs the following passage, which must have been hailed with thanksgiving throughout the length and breadth of the land:—"His Majesty, on this occasion, thinks proper to acquaint the House, that the crisis which was depending[2] at the commencement of the present session, has led to such an order of things in France, as will induce His Majesty (conformably to the sentiments which he has already declared) to meet any disposition to negotiation on the part of the enemy, with an earnest desire to give it the fullest and speediest effect, and to conclude a treaty for general peace, whenever it can be effected on just and suitable terms for himself and his allies."

At the commencement of 1796 the Royal Family were still in bad odour with a certain section of the public,—nor can it be wondered at by any one who has studied the satirical prints of the day. Every foible of Royalty was noted, exaggerated, engraved on "perennial brass," exhibited most freely in the shop windows, and most eagerly purchased. Farmer George, and his simple, and somewhat mean habits, the Queen's avarice, the Prince of Wales' licentiousness, and extravagance, and all the scandals (and they were many) appertaining to the rest of the Royal Family, were ruthlessly laid bare, and mercilessly exposed to the public gaze.

That this must have tended to lower the Royal Family in most men's eyes, there can be no doubt, so that we are not very much surprised at the occasional practical manifestations of the mob. On the night of 1st February, there was more stone-throwing on the part of the populace, which the Times of 3rd February thus describes:—"On Monday night, as the Royal Family were returning from Drury Lane Theatre, just as they reached the middle of Pall Mall, a stone was flung at the coach in which were their Majesties and the lady-in-waiting, which broke the glass, and, entering the carriage, struck the Queen on the cheek, and fell into Lady Harrington's lap.

"A deposition of the circumstances was taken yesterday at the Duke of Portland's office, at which his Grace and some of the Bow Street Magistrates were present; when four of the footmen attending their Majesties were examined; a reward will be immediately offered to discover the offender." And so it was to the extent of £1000, but nothing came of it.

Whilst on the subject of the royal unpopularity, I may mention that Kydd Wake, who last year was apprehended for hissing and hooting at the King, was tried before Lord Kenyon, for "trespass, riot, and misdemeanour," and found guilty—sentence being deferred. This, however, was pronounced upon him by Mr. Justice Ashurst at the Court of King's Bench 7th May. His judgment was somewhat long-winded, and he concluded thus:—"It now becomes my duty to pronounce the sentence of the Court; which is, that you be committed to the custody of the keeper of the Penitentiary House, in, and for, the County of Gloucester, and be kept to hard labour for the space of five years; and, within the first three months of that time, that you stand in, and upon, the Pillory for one hour, between the hours of eleven and two o'clock in the afternoon, in some public street on a market day; and that you give sureties in £1000, for your good behaviour for the term of ten years, to be computed from the expiration of the said five years; and that you be further imprisoned till you find the said sureties."

On the 15th February, Mr. Grey, in the House of Commons, again ventilated the subject of peace, this time in the shape of an address to the King, praying him to communicate to the executive government of France, his readiness to meet any disposition to negotiate a general peace. Both Pitt and Fox spoke on the subject, but the motion was lost by 189 to 50.

There was one crumb of comfort to the nation, which had hitherto been suffering from a grievous scarcity of bread-stuffs, and this was the great fall in wheat, which took place on 31st March. On that date, owing to the large importations of foreign wheat, this grain fell 13s. per quarter.

Joy, too, must have sprung up in the national heart when the King made his speech on the opening of both Houses, 7th October. He said:—"I have omitted no endeavours for setting on foot negotiations to restore peace to Europe, and to secure, for the future, general tranquillity. The steps I have taken for this purpose have at length opened the way to an immediate and direct negotiation, the issue of which must either produce the desirable end of a just, honourable, and solid Peace for Us, and for Our Allies, or must prove, beyond dispute, to what cause alone the prolongation of the calamities of war must be ascribed. I shall immediately send a person to Paris with full powers to treat for this object, and it is My anxious wish that this measure may lead to the restoration of General Peace; but you must be sensible that nothing can so much contribute to give effect to this desire, as your manifesting that We possess both the determination and the resources to oppose, with increased activity and energy, the farther efforts with which We have to contend."

The "person" who was to go over to France as Plenipotentiary, was Sir James Harris, who had lately been made Lord Malmesbury—and he arrived at Paris on 22nd October. The usual diplomatic fencing took place, but this was brought to an end by a squabble respecting the annexation of the Netherlands to France. Lord Malmesbury wished to communicate with his Government on this point, but the Directory meant to force his hand, and required his ultimatum within twenty-four hours, and, as he still asked for time, he was told his presence in Paris was useless, and that he must depart within two days. He replied that he would leave next day, and demanded his passports. On the 20th December he left Paris for England, and so ended, for a while, all hopes of peace. That the French had but faint hopes of a successful end to the mission is evident, for, during the negotiations, on 2nd November, the Council of Five Hundred passed a decree, prohibiting the importation of British goods into the Republic.

As a proof of the patriotism of the English people, and their thorough reliance on the Government, Pitt asked for a loan of eighteen millions. This loan, called "The Loyalty Loan," was opened on 5th December, and in 15 hours 20 minutes it was all subscribed. The Times of 6th December says—"Yesterday, soon after 11 o'clock, the SUBSCRIPTION for EIGHTEEN MILLIONS STERLING, for the services of the ensuing year, closed at the Bank; and such was the general desire to subscribe, that the Court Room was a scene of the utmost confusion. Many gentlemen were altogether disappointed; and those who could get near the books to put down their names, did so with the utmost difficulty. There was very little remaining to be subscribed; for a great number of orders had been received by Mr. Newland in the morning, from the country, which claimed a preference; and, accordingly, the doors were shut some time, until these commissions were written down. There is no doubt but that many millions more would have been subscribed, if the public service had required it. There cannot be a greater proof of the patriotism of all ranks of people in thus assisting Government, because, at the time the loan was opened, the other funds were considerably the cheapest purchase."

Nor was it money only, that our forefathers gave. In October 195,000 men were voted for the land service for the year 1797, and 120,000 seamen and marines for the navy. There was also a levy of 15,000 men, from the different parishes, for sea service, and recruiting the regiments of the line, and a supplementary militia was raised, of 60,000 men, not to be immediately called out, but to be enrolled, officered, and completely trained, so as to be ready in a moment of danger, and a force of 20,000 irregular cavalry was also embodied.

The year closed with a frost which exceeded in severity any known for many years. Many people were frozen to death, and the thermometer was 34, and 35 degrees below freezing point.

1797 opened very gloomily; finance, the backbone of a nation, was somewhat dislocated. People were alarmed at the rapid growth of the National Debt, and, selling out of the funds, found other investments for their capital: there had been an enormous drain of bullion to subsidise the allies, and Pitt had borrowed from the Bank in the most reckless manner. It was in vain that the Bank remonstrated with him, but still he borrowed, so that at last he had to be told that if he took any more, it would probably lead to the insolvency of the Bank. There was a run upon the country banks, and its effects were soon felt in London; and, on 26th, an order of the Privy Council was made, forbidding the Bank of England from making cash payments, until Parliament had been consulted. On inquiry, it was found that the Bank was not only perfectly solvent, but, after payment of all liabilities, its capital would amount to £9,660,290. Under these circumstances Mr. Pitt brought in a bill (37 George III. cap. 28), permitting the Bank to issue notes from 20s. upwards, in lieu of cash. This measure brought relief, and saved the National credit.

Perhaps one of the chief National events in the year, was the mutiny of the fleets. Looking at it from this distance of time, one can hardly wonder at it, especially when we consider the way in which the crews were procured, by impressment and otherwise, their hard fare, the bad accommodation for them, the frequent punishments, from 50 to 500 lashes, at the discretion of a possibly irate captain, frequently for venial offences; add to this, small pay, and constant work, and we are fain to acknowledge that the men who could stand such treatment tamely, were almost more than human.

Yet they stated their grievances very properly, and quietly, sending petitions, either in February, or March, to Lord Howe, begging him to use his influence with the Admiralty, to procure them an increase of wages, and an improvement in the quality, and quantity, of their provisions. No notice whatever was taken of this temperate remonstrance, so the men, finding no help came to them, tried to help themselves, and secret communication was opened between all the vessels of the fleet. No one can defend the gross breach of discipline of which they were guilty, but it must be remembered that they were ignorant men, smarting under a sense of injury, rendered especially galling, by their just complaints, and moderate demands, being utterly ignored.

Their plot to seize the ships, and expel the officers, came to be known, and, on 15th April, Admiral Lord Bridport, in obedience to orders from the Admiralty, signalled for the fleet to sail. But the men refused to put to sea (unless an enemy was known to be at sea), until their grievances had been examined into, and redressed. A deputation, of two men from each ship, met in the Admiral's cabin, and another petition was drawn up. On the 18th, a Committee of the Lords of the Admiralty went to Portsmouth, to investigate the seamen's claims; and the result was, that Admiral Bridport returned to his ship on 23rd April, and, having hoisted his flag, he told his crew that he brought with him the redress of all their grievances, and the King's pardon for all offenders.

One would imagine that this would satisfy them, coming as it did from the mouth of their "father and friend," but when, on the 7th of May, he signalled to put to sea, no ship would obey him. The fact is, the men were suspicious; they had been so badly treated with regard to the granting of their moderate demands, that they thought the order for sailing was only a ruse to get them away, and then faith would not be kept with them. This mutiny was unfortunately accompanied by bloodshed, and it lasted until the 14th May. On the 11th, Lord Howe visited the fleet, saw the delegates, and assured them, that before a Royal pardon could be proclaimed, they must express contrition for their conduct. This they did, but solemnly declared they would never again receive on board those officers they had sent on shore. This was agreed to, and Lord Howe, on the 14th of May, showed them an Act of Parliament, which granted what they wished, and the fleet at St. Helens were, for a time, content.

But, at the Nore, there was much discontent, or rather open mutiny; the men had forced the Admiralty to grant their demands, and now thought they could go in for more; and, to enforce it, they attempted to blockade the Thames, and prevent any vessel from entering or departing,—and they did fire on several that attempted to run the blockade. Of course, such a state of things could not last long, and the removal of all the buoys, by the Admiralty, helped to bring about a surrender. Their provisions began to run short, and the Government peremptorily refused to accede to their demands. Some of the fleet left, and returned to their duty, on the 9th June. On the 10th, more struck the red flag, and on the 12th, there were but seven left that were not flying the Union Jack; and next day, five of them sought the protection of Sheerness.

The mutiny was now at an end, and it only remained to deal with the ringleaders, the chief of whom was named Richard Parker, and he, and several others, were duly hanged. Many who were sentenced to death were, however, pardoned, and a general veil of oblivion was wisely thrown over the whole affair, as soon as the men returned to their duty.

Earlier in the year occurred a curious page in our history, nothing less than a practical invasion of England by the French, details of which can best be learned from contemporary accounts.

"London Gazette, Extraordinary, February 25.

"A letter this day received by the Duke of Portland, from Lord Milford, Lord-Lieutenant of the County of Pembroke, dated Haverfordwest, February 23rd, 5 P.M., contains information that two frigates, a corvette, and a lugger, appeared off the coast of Pembrokeshire the 22nd inst., and on the evening of that day disembarked some troops reported by deserters to be about 1200, but without field-pieces."

"London Gazette, Extraordinary, February 26.

"Haverfordwest, February 24, 1797, 6 o'clock A.M.—Since I had the honour of writing last to your Grace by Express, I have received information of the French ships having sailed, and left 300 men behind, who have surrendered themselves prisoners. The great Spirit and Loyalty that the Gentlemen and Peasantry have shown on this occasion exceeds description. Many thousands of the latter assembled, armed with pikes, and scythes, and attacked the enemy, previous to the arrival of the Troops that were sent against them."

"February 24th, 9 o'clock P.M.—I have the honour and pleasure to inform your Grace, that the whole of the French troops, amounting to near 1400 men, have surrendered, and are now on their march to Haverfordwest."

And so ends the invasion of England.

On 14th February, Admiral Sir John Jervis, with fifteen sail of the line, attacked the Spanish Fleet of twenty-seven sail of the line, off Cape St. Vincent, captured four large vessels, and dispersed the fleet. The news reached England on 3rd March, when London was brilliantly illuminated.

The Whigs moved heaven and earth in order to oust Pitt and his Government, but without success. On March 3rd the inhabitants of Westminster met in Palace Yard, and resolved to petition the King to dismiss his Ministry. In the City, too (the bones of whose patres conscripti would shake with indignation, could they but know of the present wave of Conservatism, which has flowed over this Corporation), loud, and many, were the calls to the same purport. In vain were Common Halls convened, in vain did the Remembrancer, and the Sheriffs, wait upon his Majesty with petitions; he would have none of them, but would be glad to see them at a Levée; and so Pitt kept in, notwithstanding the growls all round.

France was making peace with its enemies, one by one, and it could easily be foreseen that, very shortly, England would have to bear all the brunt of the war; therefore, on the 1st June, a note from Lord Grenville was presented to M. de la Croix, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, in which was expressed the wish of the English Government to negotiate preliminaries of peace. Of course there was some diplomatic fence; but, finally, it was settled that Lord Malmesbury should again go as Plenipotentiary. He arrived at Lisle on 6th July, but the demands of the French were outrageous, and, after, in vain, combating their absurd requirements, he demanded his passports, and left Lisle on 18th September.

On 11th October, Admiral Duncan attacked the Dutch fleet off Camperdown, and, after a terrible action, defeated it, capturing eleven vessels, and sinking one.

About the last event of national interest, occurring in this year, is the formation of the French "Army of England," which was destined for our invasion, and which was to be under the command of General Buonaparte, which is about the first time our great enemy came into active collision with us.

At the commencement of 1798, the financial pressure on the nation, caused by the war, was very great. A triple assessed tax, a loan of £15,000,000, additional duties on salt, tea, dogs, horses and carriages, and a tax on armorial bearings, came home to every one. Yet, English patriotism was sound to the core, and the people helped the Government nobly, by means of voluntary contributions. A few examples will show how every class vied with each other in subscribing. They are taken from the Times.

February 7th.—"Yesterday the Marquis of Buckingham subscribed at the Bank, the profits of one year's income from his Tellership of the Exchequer. On Monday the Duke of Marlborough subscribed £5000 at the Bank. The city of Oxford has subscribed £500 as a voluntary donation, to be continued for three years, if the war lasts so long."

February 8th.—"The subscriptions yesterday at the Bank amounted to upwards of £30,000. Among the subscribers were—the Earl of Carlisle £4000, and the Bishop of Litchfield and Coventry £1000. But the largest individual subscriptions are expected from Manchester, from whence letters were yesterday received, stating that three mercantile houses in that opulent town had subscribed Thirty-five Thousand Pounds, and that Mr. Peele's house gave £20,000."

On the 9th February a meeting, on this subject, was held at the Royal Exchange, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and most prominent citizens being present—and the result is thus stated in the Times, 10th February:—"As soon as the meeting was dissolved, four separate books were opened on the Hustings; and at the close of the day, the exact sum subscribed in cash, was Forty-six Thousand, Five Hundred, and Thirty-four Pounds, Three Shillings and sixpence, which, if calculated for the time the books were opened, is at the rate of £400 a minute. The number of subscribers was 218, and the subscriptions from one guinea to £3000, which last sum was the donation of Boyd, Benfield, & Co., with the promise of continuing it annually during the war."

14th February.—"The City of London yesterday subscribed £10,000 towards the contributions to the Bank. Yesterday the sum of £18,900 was subscribed by the merchants on the Royal Exchange."

It would be wearisome to detail all the subscriptions, but yet two or three more may be recorded. The Bank of England gave £200,000, and the King and Queen £20,000, and £5000 respectively, out of their private purses; and on 20th September the amount of the voluntary contributions then subscribed, was £1,514,993, 12s. 9d.

Ireland, this year, was more than disaffected: it was in open rebellion, and, on 30th March, a proclamation was issued by the Lord-Lieutenant, for suppressing such rebellion. That it was a most serious one, is evidenced by a paper in Lord Edward Fitzgerald's handwriting, that, at a meeting held 26th February 1798, a return was made that there were in Ulster, Leinster, and Munster, 269,896 armed men, and that their treasurer had £1485, 4s. 9d. in hand. That this was not altogether an exaggeration, is shewn by the fact that, in the year 1797, there were seized by the Government, in the provinces of Leinster, and Ulster, alone, 49,109 guns, 1756 bayonets, 4463 pistols, 4183 swords, 248 blunder-busses, 119 musket-barrels, 106 sword-blades, 22 pieces of ordnance, and 70,630 pikes, besides other weapons voluntarily surrendered. In the same year, 14,973 pikes were surrendered in the county of Kildare alone, and in Dublin, on 11th May 1798, 5 pieces of cannon, and 500 pike handles, were seized.

On 24th May, seeing that war was being openly waged against the Government, the Lord-Lieutenant issued a proclamation warning the people that they were put under martial law, and, on the morrow, the rebels were defeated, with much loss, near Carlow, and, after the engagement, about 200 of them were hanged, or shot. Then the rebels gained a slight advantage, especially at Enniscorthy, where they compelled the garrison to retreat. This, and a few other small successes, were amply avenged by Lord Lake, on 21st June, at Vinegar Hill, a position which the Irish had held since the 28th May. Their rout was complete, and their slaughter must have been immense, for no quarter was given by the Royal troops. Then came the trials of the ringleaders, and the gibbet was in constant requisition.

And, now, the French must needs have a finger in this pie, although their attempt at invasion was simply ludicrous. The following is the first official news, and it is a letter from the Duke of Portland to the Lord Mayor:—"27th August. I think it right to inform your Lordship, that, by official accounts received this morning from the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, it appears that three French frigates, unaccompanied by any transports, appeared in the Bay of Killala, on the evening of the 22nd instant, and landed about 700 men, who immediately took possession of the town of Killala, and made a small party of the Prince of Wales' Fencible Regiment, consisting of an officer and 20 men, and some yeomen, prisoners; a large force is collecting from different quarters, and every necessary preparation making for attacking the enemy."

This expedition, consisting of 1030 privates and 70 officers under General Humbert, had sailed from Rochelle, with the intention of rendering material help to the Irish rebels—and, after the capture of Killala, they marched on Castlebar, where was a force of from 2000 to 3000 regulars, under Lord Lake. The English artillery, however, expended their ammunition too soon; a fact the French did not lose sight of, but, charging, put the English force to flight, and they then occupied Castlebar. But here was the end of their success—General Lake and Lord Cornwallis surrounded them, and the French had to surrender, but no quarter was given to the Irish. The number of French troops, on their surrender, was 96 officers, and 748 non-commissioned officers and privates, the rest having been lost since their landing at Killala. This force was intended to be the vanguard of a larger expedition, which was prevented joining, by want of funds.

Another little expedition set sail from France, to help General Humbert, consisting of one ship of the line, eight frigates, a schooner, and a brig. It was met by Sir John Borlase Warren, who was cruising, with seven sail of the line, off Lough Swilly. They engaged, and, after an action of three hours and forty minutes' duration, the French three-decker, and three of the frigates, hauled down their colours, and of the five frigates that then escaped, three were subsequently captured.

The rebellion in Ireland was now virtually at an end, the rebels were dispersed, and their leaders accounted for. Still, this result was not arrived at without a fearful expenditure of treasure and life; it being estimated that not less than 30,000 lives had been sacrificed. £1,000,000 was voted by Parliament, as compensation for injury done to the Loyalists in Ireland, and that sum was reckoned as only being a third of their actual losses.

On the 1st August of this year was fought the battle of the Nile; the news of which, however, did not reach the Admiralty until the 2nd October, and great were the rejoicings, and illuminations, on the 3rd. With this welcome news, the chronicle of the year may well end.

As far as we can judge, from the lights of history which are left to us, nothing was going particularly wrong with the national arms, or the national prosperity, considering we were at war, but the powers, that were, thought things might possibly go better, if they had a General Fast, so, on the 1st February, 1799, a proclamation was issued:—

"George R.—We, taking into Our most serious consideration the just and necessary War, in which We are engaged, for the Maintenance of the Independence of Our Crown, for the Defence and Protection of the Commerce, and of the Rights and Liberties, Civil and Religious, of Our Subjects, and putting Our trust in Almighty God, that He will graciously bless Our Arms, both by Sea and Land, have resolved, and do, by and with the Advice of Our Privy Council, hereby command that a Publick Fast and Humiliation be observed throughout that part of Our Kingdom of Great Britain called England, Our Dominion of Wales, and Town of Berwick upon Tweed, on Wednesday, the Twenty-seventh Day of this instant February; that so both We and Our People may humble Ourselves before Almighty God, in order to obtain Pardon of Our Sins; and may, in the most devout and solemn Manner, send up Our Prayers and Supplications to the Divine Majesty, for averting those Heavy Judgments which Our manifold Sins and Provocations have most justly deserved; and imploring His Blessing and Assistance on Our Arms, and for restoring and perpetuating Peace, Safety and Prosperity, to Us and Our Kingdoms," &c. &c. There were special forms of prayer for morning, communion, and evening services.

In January, and February, there was much agitation as to the union with Ireland, to which the Irish Parliament, by small majorities, was agreeable; but it was reserved till 1st January, 1801, to become an accomplished fact.

After besieging St. Jean d'Acre for sixty days, in vain, Napoleon determined to raise the siege, and, on the 20th May, his army began its return march to Egypt. He threw his heavy artillery into the sea, not being able to transport it across the desert, and the English had previously captured his battering train. It need scarcely be said that there was great rejoicing in England.

Volunteers had sprung up as if by magic, and it was felt that it would do good, if they received some direct recognition from royalty, and were reviewed by the King. Accordingly, the time was fixed for the 4th of June, and the place, Hyde Park. I know I shall be pardoned if I give a list of the corps who were then reviewed, as so many of the modern Volunteers must be ignorant that their progenitors were present on this occasion.

In all, there were 8193 effective men, and the Review was very successful, the only exception that was taken to it being, that some of the newly-embodied Corps did not fire with perfect regularity. Every Londoner is familiar with the statue in Pall Mall, of George III. on horseback, doffing his cocked hat. Well, that was how he appeared at this Review, which happened on his birthday. On the 21st, he, and all the young Princes, inspected some 12,200 men, in a very curious fashion. The Corps were not brigaded, as in Hyde Park, but were inspected in their different districts. The Royal party started at a quarter before 9 A.M., returned to Buckingham House at 6 P.M., and then set off for Windsor, a good day's work! especially as it all, with the exception of the journey to Windsor, had to be done on horseback. The King, and party, were to have gone to Leman Street, Whitechapel, to inspect the Shoreditch, Whitechapel, and Mile End Volunteers, but he could not get so far, so turned up Houndsditch, to Finsbury. The only refreshment, and rest, the Royal party seem to have had, was breakfast with the Lord Chancellor, at his house in Upper Guildford Street, where they remained an hour and a-half.

The history of the remainder of the year is centred in Napoleon Buonaparte. On 23rd of August, he suddenly left Egypt, affairs in France requiring his presence there, if he would look after his own interests. Had he not done so, it is probable that the world would never have heard so much of him; as it was, he was elected the First Consul of the three,—Cambacérès, and Le Brun, being his coadjutors.

On the 25th December of this year, Napoleon committed a solecism in diplomatic etiquette, by writing an autograph letter direct to George III., pointing out how each nation was wasting its strength and resources, and suggesting the possibility, and desirability, of peace. Lord Grenville replied to this letter, through Talleyrand, much to Napoleon's disgust, and expressed his regret that the English Government did not yet see its way to enter into negotiations for a peace, which would not, in all probability, be a lasting one.

This year will close with a report of the number of French prisoners in England, taken December 31, when they were delivered over to our Transport Board, the Consular Government refusing to provide for them any longer.

At Plymouth7,477
" Portsmouth10,128
" Liverpool2,298
" Stapleton693
" Chatham1,754
" Yarmouth50
" Edinburgh208
" Norman Cross3,038
———
Total25,646

MEN'S DRESS.

The latter part of the last century was noticeable for the great, and grave, mutations which took place in masculine attire, and, most particularly, during the times here treated of. Previously, the wig, and dress (quaker cut) coat, had long had a successful run, but people visited the Continent more, especially France, and brought back French fashions, which at this time were particularly fantastic. The Prince of Wales, too, delighted in fine dress, and was "arbiter elegantiarum" of his sex. At every levée, and public appearance, his dress was always expatiated on, and the "gilded youth" of the period, dressed up to him, and copied his manner, even to his bow.

We, in our days, cannot afford to jeer at the accompanying illustration, when we see, in the advertisement sheets of some of our periodicals, men's stays advertised, and even vividly depicted; and, therefore, we must not throw the first stone of laughter at the fashions of 1788.

Here we see the transition stage, the modification of the old courtly wig, with its accompanying powder, and black silk bag for the queue, now only to be seen pinned on to the coat collars of court officials, and extremely magnificent major domos, &c., and, also, we see the old court dress coat has now taken unto itself a collar, of that exaggerated description which was so much in vogue during the next twenty years. Frilled shirts, and ruffles, still existed, and the curious custom of wearing two watches was the fashion. Here, again, history has somewhat repeated itself in our modern double watch-chain, except that now only one watch is worn, the other side guarding a sovereign purse.

Brighthelmstone or Brighton—beloved of George the Magnificent, whether as Prince, Regent, or King—was the place where the fashionable youth congregated, and therefore we may take the following extract from the Morning Post (the doyen of the Daily Press) of 18th September, 1788:—

"Brighton Dress.

"The fashionable bathing dress, at Brighton, is chiefly a pair of buff trousers, with a slight jacket.

"This is adopted by all the young men of the place, and a number of idle, sauntering land lubbers meet the eye every morning on the Steyne, that one cannot help wishing for a sturdy pressgang to give them useful employment, or at least keep them out of mischief.

"After breakfast they are accoutred for the sports of the field.

"The sporting dress is a brown jacket, with a multiplicity of pockets, on each side, that reaches from the bottom to the top, so that, from this appearance, it is somewhat difficult to determine which the fashionable tribe most resemble—a set of grooms, or a company of smugglers.

"When the dinner hour arrives, after these sprightly and heroic gentlemen have 'slain their thousands, and ten thousands,' according to their own account, in the field, with as little winking and blinking as Major Sturgeon himself, they then attire themselves in order to enjoy the pleasures of the table, and, however deranged they may afterwards be by convivial excess, they march or stagger away to the Rooms, as circumstances may determine, and entertain the Ladies with elegant and decent gallantry."

The Prince's Bow "Monstrous like the Prince! The very bow, demme!"

Tight Lacing.—1788. "These tight Stays will be the death of me!"

About this time flourished that curious being, the "Macaroni," but most of his portraits are evidently such gross caricatures, that I have not cared to reproduce them. I have been compelled to draw upon the satirical prints of the period, as a future historian would take the pictures from Punch, if he wanted to hit the passing folly of the day; but we must not forget that the satirical prints of the last century, did not their spiriting so gently as our modern caricaturists, but exaggerated in every way, in facial expression, and in costume.

The following brace of Macaronis is taken from a print of the "Mock Duel, or a trip to Flanders," 26th May, 1789: and, although the costume is scrupulously correct, yet one can hardly help thinking that the designer of the wig, which was typical of the genus, has somewhat "drawn upon his imagination for his facts." The name Macaroni was applied, in derision, to those youths who had made the Grand Tour, and were fond, on their return, of shewing off their superior graces, and extolling the polished manners, and superior civilization, of the countries they had visited. In those days you were nothing unless classical. Modern languages were rarely taught, Science was all but unknown, Latin and Greek were the chief branches of education, and rich men were keen collectors of everything classical, marble statues and busts, bronzes, and coins—so Italy was naturally the bourne of these travelled youths, and John Bull, who then was, in the aggregate, a very stay-at-home animal, derided them, when they came back, with the epithet Macaroni, an elegant title derived from the popular Italian dish.

The home-keeping youths imitated their brethren as well as they could, but it was at a very humble distance, and their dress, though partially modelled on that of their confrères, was much exaggerated, and did not display such simplicity or good taste.—John Bull had a name ready for him; a home-manufactured Macaroni was "a Jessamy."

These Jessamies were, like the modern Mashers, effeminate, and comparatively harmless beings—entirely taken up with the contemplation of their external appearance, and the attempted subjugation of the other sex.

See the following quotation from the Morning Post 4th July 1789:—"There is not a man in the nation, no not even Lord Effingham, who bestows so much time and attention in rendering the external appearance of his head, elegant in the extreme, than the Earl of Scarborough. It is said that his Lordship keeps six French frizeurs, who have nothing else to do than dress his hair. Lord Effingham keeps only Five!!!"

The Jessamies, however, were only one class among the youth of the time, and I fear, by far the smallest. The majority were what we now should term "fast." Animal spirits in young men must have vent somehow.

There were then no rowing, cycles, or other means of getting rid of the superfluous energy they possessed. Men's social habits were not at all of a "blue riband" nature, and, after dinner, the bottle circulated freely. So those who, like Charles Reade's description of modern athletic young men, knew "only one language, and lived principally in the open air," naturally became either "A choice Spirit," "A Buck," or "A Blood," descendants of the "Hectors," "Muns," "Titiretus," "Scourers," and "Mohocks"—men that hustled honest folk, sang roaring, maudlin, filthy songs—men from whom no woman was safe; who, armed with bludgeons, and going in company in large numbers, boxed the watch, set the constables at defiance, and made night hideous with their brawls and shouting.

Macaronis (From the Mock Duel, 1789.)

Far be it from me to say that the whole youth of this age could be classed either in one, or other, of these two categories; there were good young men who probably "always came home to their tea," well dressed, well read, well mannered—such as "A Smart."

As a rule, even now-a-days, a man when in the country, very seldom, or never, carries an umbrella: to a Londoner it is part of his costume. In Anne's reign the use of the umbrella was strictly set apart for the softer sex, and then only for those whose avocations compelled them to be out, whatever the weather. As Gay says in his "Trivia"—

"The tuck'd-up sempstress walks with hasty strides,
While streams run down her oil'd umbrella's sides."

But for men, fie! he must be an effeminate coxcomb who would carry one. Hear what fun was made of him (Female Tatler, December 12):—"The Young Gentleman belonging to the Custom House, that for fear of rain borrowed the umbrella at Will's Coffee House in Cornhill of the Mistress, is hereby advertised that to be dry from head to foot on the like occasion, he shall be welcome to the Maid's Pattens."

One John Macdonald, a footman, who wrote his own biography, helps us to fix a date when the use of them, by men, was so rare as to make the user singular. He says that he had "a fine silk umbrella, which he brought from Spain; but he could not, with any comfort to himself, use it, the people calling out 'Frenchman! why don't you get a coach?'" However, he "persisted for three months, till they took no further notice of this novelty. Foreigners began to use theirs, and then the English." Macdonald wrote in 1778. Jonas Hanway, the philanthropist, who had travelled much in Persia and the East, is said to have been the first Englishman who habitually carried an umbrella whilst walking in the street. He died in 1786.

That it was not in general use in the year 1790, is evidenced by the somewhat sneering title of a "Rain Beau," or one that was afraid of a drop of rain. This illustration shews several modifications of fashion besides the use of the umbrella. The cocked hat had gone out—and the galling yoke of the "chimney pot" was being inaugurated. As yet it was limp, of felt, but there is the hideous head covering that has martyrised at least three generations.

Then we cannot but notice that the hair has lost all trace of the wig—and is allowed to be worn "au naturel." A huge cravat swathes the throat, the coat is cut shorter, and more fly-away than hitherto, that knee breeches are disappearing, and pantaloons coming in, to be in their turn superseded by the modern trouser. Lastly, the term Macaroni, or Jessamy, is replaced by Beau—which will soon have to give way to Dandy.

Jimmy Lincum Feadle shows us the Beau of 1791. Here the fashion is evidently imported from France—loud coloured striped coat—pantaloons, boots and all. The French Revolution was hastening on, rapidly, to its culmination, and, the younger Whigs, before the time came when they were utterly disgusted by the brutal excesses of the French, copied the dress of the Revolutionary party.

A Jessamy.—1790.

A Choice Spirit. A Buck.

The accompanying illustration will show how far they succeeded. There is an elaborately studied negligence about the coat, and a height about the hat, which could never be of native production, whilst the bludgeon must have belonged to some "Merveilleux," (the class whom Bonaparte so cordially detested), and have been imported direct from Paris. The supercilious look, and the mincing gait, are warranted truly Parisian, and I have very little doubt but that Isaac Cruikshank sketched him from the life.

The term "a Crop," is indicative of Revolutionary and Republican sympathies. Lucius Junius Brutus, and all the ancient Romans, wore their hair cut short—and so we must needs copy them, and have a revolution in hair cutting, just to show the outer world what our thoughts are on the present position of political parties. The elaborate hair of the Macaroni or the Jessamy, or even the negligent, but natural chevelure of the Beau, would not suit Republican simplicity, and, as in our own Commonwealth, the men of the Republic cropped their heads, as a testimony against their political opponents, so did they in 1791. The Duke of Bedford, especially, attracted public attention, by having his hair cut short, and many are the allusions to him, with respect to it, in the public prints.

But with 1792 came another change of fashion, of which we get two views, back and front, and as they are by a lady (Miss Keate), they are probably not caricatured.

Here we see a return to a more natural style of dress, the colours of which, in "Neck or Nothing," are well chosen, and very becoming. Of course the awful cravat is of white cambric or muslin, and he wears a pink underwaistcoat, white over-waistcoat, and knee-breeches, a mulberry-coloured coat, and blue and white stockings; hair powdered.

"A back view of the cape" is not so felicitous as regards colour, being somewhat "prononcé." The coat is green, breeches yellow, necktie yellow, stockings grey, powdered hair, and a liberal supply of powder on the back of the coat.

In order to keep this hair powder on the hair, it was necessary to saturate it with some kind of grease, even if only a tallow dip, or rushlight, were used; but an advertisement in the Times, of 7th February 1793, gives us some notion as to the antiquity of Bears' Grease, which must have been undoubtedly genuine, if the last paragraph can be taken as a fact:—

"JUST KILLED, an extraordinary fine Fat Russian Bear, at Ross's Ornamental Hair and Perfumery Warehouse, No. 119 Bishopsgate Street (late Vickery's), three doors from the London Tavern.

"The excellent virtue which the fat of Bears possesses, has been experienced by thousands of both sexes, and of all Ages, in this Metropolis. To those who have used the real Bears' Grease, it is evident no Grease whatever beside, retains its moisture so long upon the head, it being the only thing possible to make the Hair grow thick and long, recover it after illness, prevent it falling off, or turning grey, during life: being the most efficacious remedy for making the Hair grow on Horses' knees when broken or chafed.

"It is sold at 1s. per ounce, or 16s. the pound, to be seen cut off the Animal in the presence of the purchaser."

Apropos of "cropping," take the following skit from the Times, January 21, 1794:—

"Sir Robert Mackworth is at Bath, and seems to be no otherways distinguished than by the particularity of his equipage: he drives four horses of different colours in his phaeton, which has four wheels painted to correspond with the colours of the horses: in the midst of his badge of distinction, the bloody hand, is the figure of 4, which he explains in this way, four in hand. The motto 'This is the Tippy.' If anything can add to the folly of the whole it is that he intends to crop four opposite ears of his horses, to make room for four monstrous roses, of different colours, to match."

A Smart.—1790.

A Rain-beau.

The Court dresses which the Nobility and Gentry then wore, were magnificent, and the following are only a few, taken as an example, from the Times, June 4, 1794:—

"KING'S BIRTHDAY.

"Yesterday, being the anniversary of the King's birthday, when His Majesty entered into the 57th year of his age, a Drawing-Room was held in the afternoon, and, at night, a Ball at St. James'. The Gentlemen's dresses were in general embroidered silks and silk cloths: but one half were dressed in Regimentals.

"His Majesty, as usual on his own Birthday, was in a plain suit of clothes. The best dressed Gentlemen whom we saw at Court, and indeed their dresses were very generally noticed for their taste and splendour, were—

"Mr. Skeffington.

"A brown spotted silk coat and breeches, with a white silk waistcoat richly embroidered with silver, stones, and shades of silk: the design was large baskets of silver and stones, filled with bouquets of roses, jonquilles, &c., the ensemble producing a beautiful and splendid effect.

"The Hon. Thomas Anson.

"A striped silk coat and breeches, with a white silk waistcoat, richly embroidered with white silk and dentelle: the waistcoat embroidered to match the coat.

"The Hon. Mr. Paget.

"A brown and blue striped silk coat and breeches, with a white silk waistcoat, the suit elegantly embroidered with silver, stones, and bouquets of flowers.

"Duke of Queensberry.

"A striped, and spotted silk coat, and breeches, with diamond buttons, with a white silk waistcoat embroidered with silver, stones, and silk.

"Marquis of Lorn.

"A blue and brown striped silk cloth coat, and breeches, with a white silk waistcoat, embroidered with dentelle, and shades of silk.

"Lord Willoughby de Broke.

"A dark olive spotted silk coat, and breeches, with a white silk waistcoat, the suit richly embroidered in silver, coloured stones, and shades of silk."

Anent Hair Powder, we have the following, which may be a libel:—

"As a Frenchman cannot exist without a powdered head, and meal being so dear in France, the Beaux are under the necessity of wearing powdered whiting. Rouge is plenty enough, that article not being put in requisition: the ladies therefore, as usual, wear their faces under red masks. They go to bed as blooming as Sol, when he retires to the Lap of Thetis: and rise as pale as Cynthia, in her nocturnal visits to the earth."—(Times, Nov. 29, 1794.)

"Mother of Pearl buttons are likely to take the lead in the fashionable world, as they are both beautiful and ornamental, as well as durable and economical: on the contrary, those made of steel, and other metals, soon rust, and want frequent cleaning."—(Times, Dec. 16, 1794.)

Jimmy Lincum Feadle—1791.

A Scaramouch.

By the 35 Geo. III., c. 49—a Duty was laid on Hair powder—and "the Crops," besides their (as we should term it) Radical tendencies, were extra unpopular among the Tories, because they evaded the Hair Powder duty, by wearing none:—

"A numerous club has been formed in Lambeth, called the Crop Club, every member of which, on his entrance, is obliged to have his head docked as close as the Duke of Bridgewater's old bay coach-horses. This assemblage is instituted for the purpose of opposing, or rather evading, the tax on powdered heads."—(Times, April 14, 1795.)

"The following Noblemen and Gentlemen were of the party with the Duke of Bedford at Woburn Abbey, when a general cropping, and combing out of hair powder took place: Lord W. Russell, Lord Villiers, Lord Paget, &c., &c. They entered into an engagement to forfeit a sum of money if any of them wore their hair tied, or powdered, within a certain period. Many Noblemen and Gentlemen in the county of Bedford have since followed the example: it has become general with the Gentry in Hampshire, and the Ladies have left off wearing powder."—(Times, Sept. 25, 1795.)

"The Bedford Crops.—Something has at last fallen from this party to entertain the Public. We hope they will find their heads cooler for this salutary operation. Dr. Willis[3] is of opinion, that more than one of them ought to have been shaved. If the Shavees think by publishing their names they will gain proselytes, till their absurdity is lost in the crowd, they are mistaken. Can it be supposed that a few drunken persons in a frolic, will be followed by the sober part of the people of England?

"The new Crop is called the Bedford Level.

"An Irish Member once proposed in the House of Commons of that Country, to encourage the breed of Crops. We believe no such proposition is likely to be renewed upon the present occasion."—(Times, Sept. 29, 1795.)

"The price of hair is considerably fallen. The wig-makers declare people are so afraid of having anything from the crops, that they can't sell a single peruke."—(Times, Nov. 23, 1795.)

We get a curious insight into the manners of the young men of that day, in the following cutting from the Times, Dec. 14, 1795:—

"If the young men of the present day have not much wit in their heads, they have it at least in their hats. Amongst the pleasantries we have seen in this way, are the following: 'Not yours.'—'Hands off'—'No vermin'—and 'Rip this as you would a hot potato'—and other charming sallies of refined and elegant vivacity. But the wittiest linings are the political ones: Upon a table, the other day we observed one perfectly clean, in which was written 'Avaunt, Guinea Pig!' and on the lining, in a very powdery hat, that lay in a window in the same room, were inscribed the two following monosyllables, 'Off Crop.'"

"A Crop, who had begun to let his hair grow, was accused of aristocracy, and had his head shaved in the form of a horse-shoe at Wooburn, by a verdict of his Peers."—(Times, Dec. 30, 1795.)

Clothes were dear in those days, as the following Tailor's bill shows—because we must reckon the value of money then at more than double what it is now:—

"Address to the Public.—Those Gentlemen who are inclined to a solicitude to their interests, the undermentioned prices will be found to be highly advantageous:—

"G. Brown & Co., Taylors, No. 17 Sun St., Bishopsgate.

A suit of the best Superfine Cloth£440
A Coat and Waistcoat ditto380
A Coatditto2126
A suit of the best Second Cloth3100
A Coatditto1180
An Elastic Cloth Coat220
A Florentine, or Satin Waistcoat and Breeches of the best330
A pair of Breeches ditto1180
A Waistcoatditto153
A Cassimere Waistcoat and Breeches1160
A pair of Breeches ditto110
All sorts of Manchester Cotton Breeches according to their respective sorts and qualities, from 16s. to140
A superfine Cloth Surtout Coat300
A ditto of Second or Elastic Cloth220
A ditto of Bath Beaver, from 24s. to1116
A frock suit of Livery, all Cloth330
A ditto, with Shag Breeches3120
A Livery Surtout of Drab Cloth200
A Coach-Box Coatditto330
A Cotton Thicksett Frock and Waistcoat220
A Pillow Fustianditto1116
A Duffil Jacket and Waistcoat ditto1100

"The above Prices are calculated for middle-sized men only, and the difference in all colours in grain, Blues and Greys, gilt or extra buttons, Waistcoat sleeves, &c., must be paid for extra."—(Times, April 16, 1795.)

Aping the Frenchman

Among the eccentricities of Costume, was a Coat devised by the then Earl Spencer. He made a bet that he would cut off the tails of the coat which he then wore, and appear in public in a jacket, which, within a week, should be the fashion. He did so, and won his bet. Gillray caricatured the Earl, in a picture 17th May, 1792. Earl Spencer wears (in the picture) a blue spencer red coat with brass buttons, yellow trousers, and blue and white stockings. The "Threadpaper" has a green coat and grey stockings. Both have plenty of powder on the backs of their coats.

The fashion is alluded to in a paragraph in the Times of 16th May 1795, and the "livery" therein alluded to is a covert satire on the "Windsor Uniform," which has been the semi-court dress, from George III.'s time to our own. It is said to have been taken from the uniform of a Berkshire Volunteer Cavalry Regiment, of which the King was Colonel:—

"The general fashion of wearing Spencers, reminds us of a wager laid by Lord March, who betted several years ago a considerable sum with some of his friends, that he would be able to introduce to general imitation, the most humiliating fashion he could think of. Accordingly he appeared several days successively about the Royal Exchange, dressed like a livery servant. The livery consisted of a blue coat, with crimson collar and cuffs; and he gained the wager."—(Times, May 16, 1795.)

The accompanying illustration by W. Hanlon (11th July 1795) is, of course, a caricature, but it is intended to show the eccentricities of dress, in which the "Crops" indulged.

THE BOND STREET LOUNGE.

AN IMPROMPTU.

Modo vir, modo fœmina.—Virgil.
(Times, January 7th, 1796.)

When men in Petty-Coats appear,
No wonder Wives the breeches wear:
Assuming manners quite robust,
Game, swear, drive, box, or take a thrust.
But happier far would be the case,
Were each to keep their proper place:
The fair ones wear the female dress,
And men adorn their persons less;
For such the fashion of the day,
They make it difficult to say,
Whether the pretty things we meet,
Parading through their fav'rite street,
A Male or Female we may call,
Their shapes are so equivocal. V.

London Coffee-House,
January 7th, 1796.

Neck or Nothing; A Back View of the Cape—1792.

A Spencer and a Thread Paper.—1792.

"The high kick of fashion is to wear only one spur, like a postillion, and to have an assortment of long whips tied up behind the curricle, in case of wearing them all out in Bond St., during a ride in the morning."—(Times, August 3, 1796.)

We need not go very far, any day in Winter, to see the young men of our day, doing the same thing, and looking extremely "Norse"—they never telling of the Chamois leather vests they wear.

"One of the latest roads to fame that any of our young men of ton have discovered, is to wrap their bodies carefully in flannel under the shirt, and to keep the coat and waistcoat quite open, to show the strength of their constitution, and set the snow at defiance."—(Times, January 2, 1797.)

"Margate is already beginning to be crowded, as usual, with all sorts, and for all purposes, some to undo, and some to be undone; wives to leave their husbands, and misses to procure theirs. Some tradesmen gone down to get, and others to get rid of their money: old maids to display tresses not their own, and the young men to show off Brutus heads, when the grand point is, whether their's or their type's in Ross's shop window have the most brains: perhaps there cannot be situations more calculated to display what Shenstone terms 'The various ways of dressing a calf's head.'"—(Times, August 5, 1799.)

"Milan, July 15th.—In order to a due execration of the licentious dresses which our Government has forbidden, the executioner of this place, with his wife, appeared in the public walk. He was elegantly dressed, with his head à la Brutus, a large cravat which, concealing the chin, reached to the mouth: long pantaloons, hanging loose: and shoes, the points of which were a finger's length. His wife was quite à la guillotine—naked shoulders, neck and arms."—(Times, August 5, 1799.)

"Our emaciated beaux in their quilted lappelles and stuffed sleeves are like a dry walnut in a great shell."—(Times, August 20, 1799.)

This paragraph is easily explained by a reference to the two accompanying engravings.

These peculiar garments were called "Jean Debry," after the French statesman of that name, who was born in 1760, died 1834. He was a somewhat prominent figure in the French Revolution, and, as his name was at this time much in men's mouths, he was made the peg on which to hang a coat.—"A French Taylor fitting John Bull with a Jean de Bry," is by Gillray, 18th November 1799, and, although a gross Caricature, fairly represents the garment. The tailor is in ecstasy with the fit. "Aha! dere my friend, I fit you to de life! dere is Liberté! no tight Aristocrat Sleeves, to keep from you vat you like! a ha! begar, dere, he only want von leetle National Cockade to make look quite a la mode de Paris!"

John Bull surveys himself in the looking-glass, grumbling at his change of costume. "Liberty! quotha! why, zounds, I can't move my arms at all! for all it looks woundy big! Oh! damn your French Alamodes, they give a man the same Liberty as if he was in the Stocks! give me my old Coat again, say I, if it is a little out of Elbows!"