The Hakluyt Society.
REPORT FOR 1892.

The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India, edited by Mr. Edward Grey, in two volumes, have been issued to members during the year. More recently, a volume containing Mr. Markham’s translation of the Journal of Columbus’ First Voyage, together with documents relating to the voyages of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte-Real, has also been issued.

Mr. Theodore Bent’s Early Voyages to the Levant, comprising the Diary of Thomas Dallam, and extracts from the Diaries of Dr. John Covel, is now ready for issue; and there will shortly appear, in two volumes, a collection of Early Voyages to Hudson’s Bay in Search of a North-West Passage, edited by Mr. Miller Christy. These contain carefully annotated transcripts of the rare first editions of the North-West Foxe and Capt. James’s Voyage.

The President has translated the Letters of Amerigo Vespucci, and other documents relating to the career of the Florentine navigator, with Notes and an Introduction. The volume is now ready for the press.

Dr. Robert Brown’s Leo Africanus is also ready for press.

Among other works undertaken for our Society, Mr. Miller Christy has in hand Jens Munk’s Voyage to Hudson’s Bay, translated from the Danish. This work will complete our series of voyages to the North-West in the first half of the seventeenth century.

The Council having decided on sending a set of its publications, as complete as possible, to the Chicago Exhibition, the books (80) were suitably bound and sent to Chicago. They were placed in the British Section (Liberal Arts, Group clv), in a case specially made to hold them. This set has since been purchased by an American book collector at the price fixed, 310 dollars.

Our list of Subscribers, with a total of 289, shows an increase on previous years. The balance at the bank was £239 18s. 5d. at the end of 1892.

The following Members of Council retire: Mr. Bouverie Pusey, Mr. Ernest Satow, and Capt. Sir J. Sydney Webb; and the following gentlemen are proposed for election: Capt. Nathan, R.E., Mr. F. Ducane Godman, F.R.S., and Mr. C. P. Lucas.

Statement of the Accounts of the Hakluyt Society for the year 1892.

Examined and found correct,
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM.

WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society.

EARLY VOYAGES AND TRAVELS IN
THE LEVANT.

No. LXXXVII.

PORTRAIT OF Dr. COVEL,
From the Painting in Christ’s College, Cambridge.

James Hyatt.

EARLY
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS
IN
THE LEVANT.

I.—THE DIARY OF
MASTER THOMAS DALLAM,
1599-1600.

II.—EXTRACTS FROM THE DIARIES OF
DR. JOHN COVEL,
1670-1679.

WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE LEVANT COMPANY
OF TURKEY MERCHANTS.

Edited with an Introduction and Notes
BY
J. THEODORE BENT, F.S.A., F.R.G.S.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY,
4, LINCOLN’S INN FIELDS, W.C.
M.DCCC.XCIII.

LONDON:
PRINTED BY CHAS. J. CLARK, 4, LINCOLN’S INN FIELDS, W.C.

COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

Clements R. Markham, Esq., C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S., President.

Major-General Sir Henry Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., Associé Étranger de L’Institut de France, Vice-President.

Lord Aberdare, G.C.B., F.R.S.

Vice-Admiral Lindesay Brine.

Robert Brown, Esq., M.A., Ph.D.

Miller Christy, Esq.

The Right Hon. Sir Mountstuart E. Grant Duff, G.C.S.I., late Pres. R.G.S.

F. Ducane Godman, Esq., F.R.S.

Albert Gray, Esq.

C. P. Lucas, Esq.

A. P. Maudslay, Esq.

Captain Nathan, R.E.

Admiral Sir E. Ommanney, C.B., F.R.S.

E. A. Petherick, Esq.

S. W. Silver, Esq.

Coutts Trotter, Esq.

Prof. E. B. Tylor, D.C.L.

Captain W. J. L. Wharton, R.N.

[Transcriber’s Note: no name, a blank space], Honorary Secretary.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION.

§ 1.—Of the Formation of the Levant Company of Turkey Merchants.

The two manuscript diaries which are published in this volume give us the experiences of men who resided in Constantinople during the earlier days of the Levant Company. When Master Thomas Dallam went with the present of a marvellous organ from Queen Elizabeth to the Sultan Mahomed III in 1599, our Company of Turkey Merchants had scarcely organised themselves. When Dr. Covel went as chaplain to the embassy in 1670, the Company was still struggling to gain for itself those rights—or capitulations, as they are called—which formed the basis of the prosperity of the Company during the ensuing century and a half. Consequently, I think, a succinct account of the rise of this Company will form a suitable introduction to the perusal of the diaries themselves.

In the development of our system of commerce the Company of Turkey Merchants played a most important part, second perhaps only to the great East India Company, and its history is the history of one of those pillars on which British prosperity has been constructed. It was a marked feature of the sixteenth century, when all those Companies—the African Company, the Muscovy Company, the East India Company—all had their rise, and by them was laid the foundation of our subsequent mercantile successes. The Levant Company lived an active life of 244 years; and, besides the amount of wealth it accumulated for this country, it did infinite service in the development of art and research, geography and travel, the suppression of slavery, and the spread of civilisation in countries which would still have been unapproachable had not the continued efforts of the 244 years been towards civilisation and humanity.

The history of the capitulations or treaties with which foreign nations sought to establish themselves in the greatest centre of commercial enterprise before the opening out of other routes to India is a very interesting one, and dates back to remote ages, when commercial bodies were formed in the city of Constantine, at the time when the power of the Greek emperors was on the wane. As far back as the ninth and tenth centuries of our era, the emperors of the East granted to the Warings or Varangians from Scandinavia capitulations or rights of exterritoriality, which gave them permission to own wharves, carry on trade, and govern themselves in the Eastern capital: these rights established numerous imperia in imperio during the succeeding centuries in Constantinople. The Venetians obtained them early in the eleventh century; the Amalfians in 1056, the Genoese in 1098, and the Pisans in 1110, and henceforward they became so general, that the Greeks of the later empire complained that there were no wharves for themselves, and that they could not compete with these indefatigable foreign traders; much as we hear complaints now amongst our own artisans of the influx of German and Belgian workmen into England.

When the Turks took Constantinople they did little to interfere with the existing order of things: the Genoese and Venetians got their capitulations renewed; the right to have disputes with their fellow-countrymen decided by their own authorities; the right to have questions between them and Ottoman subjects decided only in presence of a Venetian interpreter; exemption from the tax imposed on Christians in lieu of military service; and the right to appoint their own magistrates in Constantinople. Being a nomadic race, the Ottoman Turks cared little for commerce: their ships were the caïques of the Greeks; their emperors wrote their decrees in red ink, as their Greek predecessors had done; and to the foreign traders who flocked to Constantinople they gave the same privileges that the Greek emperors had done, and, as far as they were concerned, the status quo was maintained.

Meanwhile trade was passing westwards; the time was come when the Portuguese, the French, and finally the English were to succeed the Italian republics as the commercial nations of the world.

In 1536 Sieur Foret arranged a capitulation for the French between Sultan Solyman I and Francis I, and the essential articles of this treaty have been often redrawn and embodied in many treaties with the different European Powers, and still remain as the foundation of the many treaties under which foreigners now live in Constantinople: matters of dispute between Frenchmen were to be decided only by their own authorities; questions between Frenchmen and Turks were to be decided only in the presence of the French dragoman; they could appoint their own magistrates, and were exempt from the harach. This was the first of what we may call the modern capitulations, by which the Western nations have obtained their footing in Constantinople; they are by no means an invention of the Turks, but a distinct inheritance from the old Byzantine days, which they were compelled to adopt, and which has turned out to be as great a boon to the Mussulman as to the foreigner who obtained it.

In proportion to the exigencies of the Turk and his want of money, the system of capitulations has increased in strength. Encroachments have occurred; fresh clauses have had to be introduced to meet the subtleties of the Turk; the so-called avanias, of which we shall hear more in Dr. Covel’s diary, had to be combated; but, nevertheless, the progress has been continuous, and no Company has contributed more to the success of the foreigner on Turkish soil than the “Turkey Merchants” of England.

During the reign of Elizabeth, our infantile commercial adventures were beginning to make themselves felt. Early in the sixteenth century there had been a few isolated cases of voyages to the Levant in search of wealth. From 1511 to 1534 we hear of certain “tall ships belonging to London, Southampton, and Bristol, which made voyages to the East, trading with Sicily, Crete, Chios, and sometimes Cyprus, Tripoli, and Beyrout in Syria”; but there appears to have been no systematic commerce carried on in English bottoms in those days, most of the trade between the Levant and England being conducted by the Venetians. So far back as 1513 we had a consul established at Chios, and in 1534 (Hakluyt, vol. ii, p. 98) we read of an exciting voyage made by The Holy Cross and The Matthew Gonson to Crete and Chios, both ships coming back much the worse for wear. In 1550 Captain Bodenham, with “the great Barke Aucher”, went to Chios, and three years later Anthony Jenkinson went to Aleppo, and got trading privileges “on a footing with the most favoured nations”. This was the actual foundation of our future capitulations, and the first commencement of our Levant Company.

Up to this time the carrying trade between England and the Levant had been carried on, on ships called argosies, by the Venetians. Sir Paul Ricaut, son of a London merchant, who was born in 1620, was secretary to Lord Winchilsea, and consul at Smyrna for eleven years; he wrote, by the direction of Charles II, a work entitled The Present State of the Greek and Armenian Churches. He also wrote a book entitled The Present State of the Turkish Empire, a very interesting work, the first edition of which, Pepys tells us, was destroyed in the Great Fire of London. In this work he tells us that the ships known as argosies were so called because they were built at Ragusa for the Venetian merchants. “These vast carracks called argosies, which are so famed for the vastness of their burthen and bulk, were corruptly so denominated from Ragosies, ships of Ragusa.” The Ragusans, as merchants, were much to the fore in those days, prior to the great earthquake, and had, as we see from Dr. Covel’s diary, an ambassador of their own at Constantinople.

“Your mind is tossing on the ocean;

There, where your argosies, with portly sail,—

Like signiors and rich burghers on the flood,

Or, as it were, the pageants of the sea,—

Do over-peer the petty traffickers,

That curt’sy to them, do them reverence,

As they fly by them with their woven wings.”

(Shakes., Merchant of Venice, Act i, Scene 1.)

One of these argosies was wrecked off the Isle of Wight about 1575, and it is said that the Venetians refused to bring merchandise into such dangerous seas after this catastrophe. Perhaps this argosy may be the very one which suggested to Shakespeare the shipwreck of the Venetian merchantman. At any rate, this fact obliged individual action on the part of the English merchants of the day, and at once necessitated the formation of a distinct Company, if the trade with the Levant was to be continued.

Another point also contributed to the starting of an independent trade with the Levant, namely, a quarrel with Venice concerning the duties on currants (State Papers, Domestic, 11th April, 1606). In 1575 Venice had granted a patent to one Acerbo Velutelli, a native of Lucca, which gave him the sole right of importing to England currants and oil from Venetian dominions. Velutelli contrived to get these articles conveyed to England on English ships, and, by exacting an export duty for his own benefit, enriched himself and impoverished the Venetian traders. Venice then imposed a fine of 5s. 6d. on currants and oil conveyed to England in other than Venetian bottoms. Elizabeth retaliated by a similar fine on their importation, and for a time trade in these commodities was at a standstill.

Yet another, and that a political, cause promoted our intercourse with Turkey. Queen Elizabeth was just entering into her vital contest with Philip II of Spain, and to secure the alliance and co-operation of the Sultan was one of her favourite schemes at this critical juncture. Until the reign of Amurath III the English had been altogether strangers to Turkey; but in 1579 three merchants were sent to Constantinople—William Harebone, Edward Ellis, and Richard Staple—to spy out the land, as it were, and, if possible, obtain for English merchants the same social and commercial privileges that other nations enjoyed. Two years later Queen Elizabeth formed a treaty charter with Amurath III for five years, in which he styles himself “the most sacred Mussulman-like Emperor”, and she also granted letters patent to a small Company entitled “The Company of Merchants of the Levant”, consisting of Sir E. Osborne, Thomas Smith, Stephen and William Garret—“because they had found out and opened a trade in Turkey, not known in the memory of any man now living to be frequented by our progenitors.”

The first of the Company’s ships to trade with the Levant was sent out in 1582. It was called The Great Susan, and William Harebone, the first ambassador from England to the Ottoman Porte, was carried out by her. He established factories at Constantinople, obtained capitulations from the Porte, and regularly inaugurated our trade there. Harebone was considerably assisted by the great Vizier Sokolli and the Sultan’s tutor, the learned historian Seadedin, in his negotiations. (Von Hammer.)

At the same time it is evident that commercial objects were not paramount in Queen Elizabeth’s mind, but a desire to obtain the Sultan as an ally against her formidable enemy. In her letters to the Sultan she takes advantage of the well-known horror the Mahommedans have of image-worship, and styles herself, “the unconquered and most puissant defender of the true faith against the idolaters who falsely profess the name of Christ”.

In 1587 her agent in Constantinople presented a petition to Sultan Amurath III, for assistance against the Spanish Armada, imploring him to send help “against that idolater, the King of Spain, who, relying on the help of the Pope and all idolatrous princes, designs to crush the Queen of England, and then to turn his whole power to the destruction of the Sultan, and make himself universal monarch.”

Christendom, luckily for the reputation of Elizabeth, never saw an alliance between the Crescent and the Cross of so peculiar a nature brought to any ultimate result. The Sultan promised, but did nothing. Turkey was already on the decline, and her internal troubles occupied her sufficiently. Ranke, vol. i, p. 433, speaks of “the advances made by the English Government to the Turks in the time of Elizabeth”, and this factor had no doubt as much to do with the formation of the Levant Company as anything else.

In 1586 a charter was granted to fifty-three individuals, with power to trade in the Levant; and though, of course, the ambassador resided at Constantinople, in those days the principal mart of English trade was Aleppo, where Michael Locke was at that time consul, whose account of the condition of affairs in that city is quaint and interesting. He also speaks of the trade of Chios being great some years before, and alludes to it as “the great store of sundry commodities”, and further states that in 1593 tin was the principal article of export from England. He founded a factory at Aleppo which was one of the most flourishing in the Levant for 150 years. The outlet of this commerce was Scanderoon, and we find all the vessels which traded to the East, including the ship Hector, which took Master Dallam out, going to Scanderoon before Constantinople.

Sir Edward Barton was the first resident ambassador at Constantinople. Harebone had evidently been only sent out as a plenipotentiary extraordinary to inaugurate the intercourse with the Levant. Hakluyt (vol. ii) gives us an account of the present which Sir Edward Barton took out on the ship Ascension in 1593 for the Sultan Amurath III: “12 goodly pieces of plate, 36 garments of cloth of all colours, 20 garments of cloth of gold, 10 garments of satin, 6 pieces of fine Holland, and certain other things of good value.” To his powerful wife, the Sultana Safiye, Queen Elizabeth sent a “jewel of her Majesty’s picture set with rubies and diamonds; 3 pieces of gilt plate; 10 garments of cloth of gold; a very fine case of glasse bottles, silver and gilt; and 2 pieces of fine Holland.” With Mahomed III, who succeeded his father, Amurath III, in 1595, Sir E. Barton seems to have been on most intimate terms, carrying on the traditional alliance, and hopes of possible hope of support which had been started in his father’s reign.

Mahomed III was the eldest son of Amurath, one of his 103 children. He was a son of his Venetian wife and favourite, the Sultana Safiye, a lady of the House of Baffo, who had been captured by a Turkish corsair in her youth. Mahomed III put nineteen of his brothers to death on his accession, the grossest instance of fratricide even in Turkish annals. He was at the outset of his reign chiefly engaged in wars in Hungary, and in these Sir Edward Barton accompanied him. They ended in the victory of Cerestes, and, on his return to Constantinople, Sir E. Barton, worn out by the rigours of the campaign, died. In Sultan Mahomed III’s letter to Queen Elizabeth, in 1596, he thus alludes to Sir E. Barton: “As to your highnesse’s well-beloved Ambassador at our blessed Porte, Edward Barton, one of the nation of the Messiah, he having been enjoined by us to follow our imperial camp without having been enabled previously to obtain your highness’s permission to go with my imperial Staff, we have reason to be satisfied, and to hope that also your highness will know how to appreciate the services he has thus rendered to us in our imperial camp.”

Mustapha, the first Turkish envoy to England in 1607, also alludes to Sir E. Barton: “Mr. Barton was in the army ... when Raab, alias Severin, was won from the Christians.”

Sir E. Barton came of a Yorkshire family, and was sent out to Constantinople as ambassador in 1593, with the title of “Agent for her Majesty with the Grand Seignior”. Subsequently, however, he received his stipend from the Levant Company. He died at Chalki, one of the Prince’s Islands, in 1597, and was buried at the monastery there. His tombstone (which Dr. Covel saw, [vide p. 281]) was displaced and put over the door of the monastery wrong way up, until Lord Strangford had it put in its present position, and the following inscription is still legible:—

“Eduardo Barton, Illustrissimo Serenissimo Anglorum Reginæ Oratori viro præstantissimo, qui post reditum a bello Ungarico quo cum invicto Turcorum imperatore, profectus fuerat diem obiit, pietatis ergo, ætatis anno xxxv. Sal. vero MDXCVII XVIII Kal. Januar.”

Mr. Henry Lello was appointed to succeed Sir E. Barton. From the Venetian Baily’s report we learn about his reception by the Sultan. He calls him Sir Henry Billoe (Von Hammer), but this is an obvious mistake. Sir Henry Lello wrote regularly to England an account of affairs as they progressed at Constantinople. His term of office is chiefly marked by a prolonged quarrel with the French ambassador, to which Dallam refers in his MS. ([vide p. 81]), to settle which the Baily of Venice, one of the Capello family, was chosen arbiter.

Sir Henry Lello’s correspondence is now in the Record Office, and from one of his letters we learn officially how the Sultan received the present which Dallam took out. I herewith transcribe a considerable portion of it as bearing very good testimony to the accuracy of Master Thomas Dallam’s MS.:—

“S. P. Foreign, Turkey, No. 4.

“Henry Lello to Sʳ Robᵗ Cecil, 21 Oct. 1599.

“Right Honorable,—I omitted the last curier, for that I could not then, nor yet cannott, advize yoʳ honnoʳ of that good succes of my ymployment heere wᵗʰ the Gʳ Signior, as I expected, by the meanes of the french Ambassador, who, with his great bribes (receyvinge now the Pope’s pay), sparethe nothinge to hinder all my desingnes in mallice, seinge the reputation of Her Majesty is so great in this port, and cheefly for the consulledge of forrestiers, wᶜʰ the Grand Signior lyttle after the arrivall of the shipp graunted should come under Her Majesty’s banner, nothwithstandinge the same was formerly graunted by his father and him sealfe, proffering all other reasonable demaunds wᶜʰ her Majesty should desire, countinge hir frindshipp before that of any other Christian Prince, rejoysinge greatly to see the shipp to come into port, and more hir princely presents, espetially the instrument and plate, whereof hee made great accompt, and at the tyme apoynted mee to come present the same; he made demonstration therof by spekinge himsealf to me wᶜʰ hath not ever bin used (as is reported) to any Cristian prince’s ambassador, the manner whereof in breefe I doe hereby advize yoʳ honnor.

“Althoughe he kept his court out of the Cittie, yett cam hee home of purpose for mee to delliver her Majestie’s letter and present, and to kisse his hand, at wᶜʰ tyme I apoynted to attend upon me xii gentlemen on horsebacke, vested in cloth of gould and silver, a gentlem̄ usher, ii pages in white damaske, 20 menn in livery gownes, xii merchaunts, desently apparelled merchaunt-like in blacke, and my sealf attired as richly as I might.

“The captains of the Chowses and Spahees (Chiauses and Spahis) were sent to accompany and entertayne mee to the Gʳ Signior his pallace, where first in open court before the Gʳ Signior, his Pashas, or Counsellors, I declared to them her Maᵗʸᵉ’ˢ pleasure, salutations, and requests.

“Conferring about divers late accidents, espetially of her Majestie’s forces against Spaine, and of the peace made betweene him and the French Kinge, wᶜʰ thay all seemed to dislike, we spent a smale tyme untill the banquett ordayned for mee was provided; which being furnished, only I, Halul Pasha, the Cheefe Vizier, and a first Pasha, late general of Scelestia (Silistria), sate at one Table, the other Pashas satt apart by them sealves; at another, a lyttle distant from us, satt the ii Cadiliskers, or cheefe Judges of all this empire, and apart from them ii of the high Tresorors; by them satt alone the highe chaunsellors, every one served accordinge to his degree, but our Table furnished wᵗʰ the allowance and dayenties as are usually served to the Gʳ Sʳ, in great variety and abundance; wᶜʰ finished, order was sent by the Gʳ Sʳ that before our entrance unto him bothe I and my gentlemenn should be clothed in vests out of his Tresorie, wᶜʰ were there scarcely found, yet had I ii, and ten for my gentlemenn; and so, in company of the Vizeires, I entered into the presence chamber, where the Grand Sigioʳ satt uppon a cushion of red sattin most richly ymbrodred wᵗʰ pearls, and all his chamber floored with Redd sattin Ritchly ymbrodered wᵗʰ gould; and, omyttinge the sumptuousnes of the sight, coming to deliver my Ambassadge unto him, I first salluted him in her Highnes’ name; secondly, declared to him the good intelligence betweene her Highnes and his father,[1] and of the bennefitt therof to both their dom̄nions and subieckts; thirdly, I ymformed him of Her Majesty’s pleasure for my Confirmation in former charge of Ambassador, requiringe therein not only his Highnes’ consent, but princely favour in all future occations; and, lastly, recom̄ended unto him the affayres of her merchaunts traffickinge in his dom̄nions, wher unto hee him sealf answered as afore, sainge he did much reioyce at Her Majesty’s frindshipp, and prayed God that shee might allwayes have the victory over her enemyes as hether unto. Lastly, he tould me I should receyve sattisfaction of all I desiered, Licensinge me to departe. I was accompanied with Chiauses and other his officers to my house, having binn both outward and homward Salluted wᵗʰ divers tiers of artillery from the Shipp, for wᶜʰ and the favour of the Grand Signoʳ shewed me that day ministred many dayes after occation to speak of my Entertainment.

“But this while thinkinge my sealf sure of all things, the French ambassador, with his bribe of 6,000 chickins,[2] did not only over throughe our former graunt of counsolledge of forresteeres, but all other demandes I made, besides the confirmation of our ould Capittulations, the Vizeer denienge me audience to shew reason for my just demands.”

[Then follows a long account of his difficulties owing to the interference of the French ambassador, and certain details concerning the war in Hungary; and the letter closes as follows:—]

“I comitt yoʳ honnoʳ to Gode’s most mercifull protection this 21ᵗʰ of October 1599.

“Yoʳ honnoʳˢ most dewtifull

“Ever to comand,

“Henry Lello.”

Addressed—

“To the right Honᵇˡᵉ Sir Robert Cecill, knight, principal secrʳⁱᵉ to the Queen’s most Exᵗ Magᵗⁱᵉ and Her Highnes’ honorable privie Counseill.”

§ 2.—Of the Dallam Family.

Such was the state of affairs in Constantinople when Master Thomas Dallam, whose diary we here produce, went to present a complicated organ, which he had made, as a gift from Queen Elizabeth to Sultan Mahomed III. His MS. diary was written just after the publication of Richard Hakluyt’s volumes of travels, or else it would in all probability have been included in them. From the foregoing remarks it will easily be seen why so handsome a gift was sent out with so much trouble; the Queen was anxious for the Sultan’s friendship and allegiance against her Catholic enemies. To further the interests of the infantile Levant Company such a present would be exceedingly useful, and, in choosing Dallam as the bearer of this present, Queen Elizabeth evidently selected, as subsequent events showed, the most skilled man in his craft that she could.

Some interesting notes with regard to this present may be gathered from the State Papers, Jan. 1596. For some time there had been a discussion about sending a present to the new Sultan of Turkey. The Levant merchants apparently thought it would imperil their own safety and their factories in Constantinople if Sir E. Barton’s papers were not made out by the Queen, and if the present did not come from her Majesty herself. Hence, out of compliance with their wishes, Sir E. Barton, though the Company’s nominee, was accredited as ambassador from Queen Elizabeth, and the present, which the Levant merchants no doubt paid for, purported to be from the Queen of England to the Sultan.

In the State Papers, January 31st, 1599, just a month before Dallam set out on his voyage, the following entry is made: “A great and curious present is going to the Grand Turk, which will scandalise other nations, especially the Germans.” This great and curious present was the organ which Dallam had built, and which he was about to take out in person.

Of the previous history of Thomas Dallam we know little. From the tombstone of his son in New College, Oxford, we gather that he came from the village of Dallam, in Lancashire, not far from Warrington. From the papers of the Blacksmiths’ Company we learn that he came up to London, and was apprenticed to that Company, and admitted as a liveryman of the same. In those days the Blacksmiths’ Company had supervision over many Companies, including the organ-builders, and in this branch of the craft Thomas Dallam was employed.

From Dr. Rimbault we learn many details concerning this celebrated family of organ-builders and the instruments they constructed. Of this particular one, which Dallam made, and which was set up in Whitehall for Queen Elizabeth’s approval prior to its being shipped off to Constantinople, there appears to be no other record; but, immediately on his return from the East, Thomas Dallam seems to have worked hard at his trade, and he and his sons constructed most of the principal organs of the seventeenth century.

In 1605-6 Dallam was engaged for fifty-eight weeks in constructing the organ of King’s College, Cambridge, for which purpose he closed his workshop in London, and for this work he received the sum of £371 17s. 1d. This organ was destroyed in the civil wars, but the case still remains. In 1607 he got £1 15s. for tuning the same organ, and a like sum for the sale of surplus tin, and his name frequently occurs in the College records till 1641. In 1613 Dallam made “new double organs” for Worcester Cathedral, and got £211. This organ was likewise destroyed in the rebellion.

On 29th of September 1626, Thomas Dallam was made a steward of the annual feast of the Blacksmiths’ Company, but did not put in an appearance, and was fined £10 for neglect of duty. In the following year he petitioned in court to be let off his stewardship, and his petition was granted him on payment of certain small fines.

Almost immediately after his return from Constantinople Thomas Dallam must have married, for his eldest son, Robert, was born in 1602, and was brought up by his father in the organ-building trade under the auspices of the Blacksmiths’ Company. Together, between 1624 and 1627, they put up an organ in Durham Cathedral, which was eventually sold to the Church of St. Michael-le-Belfry, York, where it remained till 1885, and was finally disposed of to Mr. Bell, organ-builder, York, for the sum of four pounds.

Robert Dallam also built an organ for Jesus College, Cambridge, for £200, and several others. Finally, we hear of him as engaged to build an organ for New College, Oxford; and he died at Oxford, May 31st, 1665, and, from his tomb in that College we learn certain particulars about the family, the concluding lines of which would seem rather to refer to his father than himself, for we have no record of his having travelled in distant lands. It runs as follows:—

“Hic jacet Dᵐⁿᵘˢ RobertUs Dallam Instrumenti Pneumatici (quod vulgo organum nuncupant) peritissimus artifex filius Thomæ Dallum de Dallum in comitat: Lancastriæ mortuus est die Maii ultimo

“Qui postquam diversas Europæ plagas hâc arte (quâ præcipue claruit) exornasset solum hoc tandem, in quo requiescit cinere suo insignivit.”

Ralph Dallam, another son of Thomas, also an organ-builder, constructed the organ which was put up in St. George’s Chapel after the Restoration, and also built organs in Rugby, Hackney, and Lynn Regis, and died whilst making the organ in Greenwich Chapel in 1672.

George Dallam, another son, lived in Purple Lane in 1672, and in 1686 added a “chaire organ” to Harris’s instrument in Hereford Cathedral.

Thus it will be seen that Thomas Dallam, the writer of the diary, was the progenitor of a distinguished family of organ-builders, whose work was in great request in the seventeenth century. We have also to thank him for the graphic account of the Imperial Court at Constantinople during the reign of Mahomed III, and incidents in seafaring life at that period, which add considerably to our knowledge of the state of nautical affairs as they existed in the days of Raleigh and Drake.

§ 3.—Of the further Progress of the Levant Company.

It was understood from the first that the Levant Company should pay and appoint the consuls, ambassadors, and other officials of their Company, though difficulties arose on this point between the Government and the Company concerning the salary of Sir Edward Barton. Affairs seem to have gone on smoothly till 1600, when the monopoly was removed, and the Company had to struggle on as best it could against competition which proved almost fatal to it at the very outset of its career.

Accordingly, in 1605, we find petitions from the Company to James I, complaining that they could no longer pay the salaries of the ambassadors and consuls, and that they feared that the Turks might seize their factories and buildings in the Turkish towns. Lord Salisbury entered into consultation with Chief Justice Popham on the subject, and the result was that, on the 14th December 1606, letters patent were granted by James I which may really be said to have established the Company on a permanent basis. The five years’ terminable licences were made perpetual, and privileges were granted to several persons and their sons, and such others as should be after admitted. The Company was to have the monopoly of all the Levant trade: in fact, the English traffic of nearly all the Mediterranean was handed over exclusively to the Company, which was to be open to all merchants who could pay £50 towards the expenses of carrying on the trade, the salary of the ambassadors and consuls, and the presents which, from time to time, were necessary to be given to the Sultan to keep him favourably disposed, and the first year’s “imposition”, or tax of £5,322, was handed over to the Company to assist in tiding over a time of difficulty.

Thomas Glover, who had been one of Thomas Dallam’s companions on board the ship Hector on his journey out, was ambassador at this time, with power to appoint consuls and regulate the trade for the Company. It does not appear what emolument he got from the Company, but it was doubtless considerable, as he was forbidden to trade on his own account, and, under his skilful management, the successful career of the Levant Company was inaugurated.

It was absolutely necessary in those early days of mercantile enterprise to give the monopoly of the Levant trade to one Company; only a rich and united body, with the privileges accorded to them by their capitulations, could carry on such trade. It was necessary, for the safety of the ships, that they should sail in large numbers for mutual protection from Dunkirkers, corsairs, and other hostile craft, and hence very strict penalties were imposed on private individuals who sought to carry on trade under the protection of the Company without actually belonging to it. The celebrated case of Bates, who refused to pay a tax to the Company on currants, and drove them off in his own cart from the wharf, was tried shortly after this, and when it was decided in the Company’s favour, their monopoly was clearly established.

In the reign of James I the Company received the name of “The Governor and Company of Merchants of England trading to the Levant Seas”, and the arms of a ship with three masts in full sail between two rocks. Their crest was a demi sea-horse salient; their supporters two sea-horses; and their motto, “Deo Respublicæ et amicis.”

In 1612, Mr. Paul Pindar, another of Thomas Dallam’s companions on board the ship Hector, succeeded Sir Thomas Glover as ambassador for the Company to the Porte.

In 1623, Sir T. Roe was ambassador. He got a salary of £1,800 per ann. from the Company, besides a portion of the consulage and other advantages, but at the same time he was forbidden to carry on a trade of any kind. During this period the Levant Company continued to make satisfactory progress, and the only thing to remark is the controversies which, during the reigns of James I and Charles I, raged between the regulated Companies, namely, the Levant Company and Merchant Adventurers, against the East India Company, which, as then constituted, they considered as the monopoly of a few which told against the monopoly of larger corporate bodies.

In 1643 further privileges were granted to the Levant Company. In an ordinance of both Houses, upholding the Levant Merchants, dated 9th of March 1643, the following points occur:—

“That for the better supportation and encouragement of the Fellowship of merchants of England, trading to the Levant Seas, which, besides the building and maintaining of divers great ships, both for defence and burthen, the venting of kerseys, sages, perpetuanas, and several other commodities hath been found very serviceable and profitable to the State, by advancing navigation, and transporting into foreigne parts for severall years together above 20,000 broadclothes per annum, besides other commodities whereby the poor people are sett at worke, and the whole kingdome receive benefit. The Lords and Commons do ordaine:—

“That the Fellowship of Merchants trading to the Levant Seas shall continue a corporation; that they shall have free choice and removal of all ministers by them maintained at home and abroad, whether they be dignified and called by the name of Ambassadors, Governours, Deputies, Consulls, or otherwise.

“That they shall have power to levie monies on the members of their corporation, or on strangers; on goods shipped in English bottoms, or on English goods in strange bottoms, which shall goe into or come from the Levant Seas, for and towards necessary charge, maintenance, and supply of their ministers, officers, and government.

“That no person shall send ships into these parts limited by their corporation, but such as are free brothers, or otherwise licensed, each person to pay, if a mere merchant, £50, if above twenty-one years of age, or £25 if under that age; and they shall have power to fine persons disobeying their orders in a sum not exceeding £20, or imprisoning their persons till the said sum be paid.”

About this time the Levant Company suffered somewhat from the conflicting state of parties in England. Sir S. Crowe was appointed in 1642 as ambassador of the Levant Company; he was a staunch loyalist, and, during his tenure of office abroad, his goods in England were confiscated by the Parliamentarians. On hearing this, Sir S. Crowe imprisoned many of the English factors in Constantinople, and appropriated their goods. The Parliamentarians forthwith obliged the Company to send out another representative, Sir J. Bendish, who, after some difficulty, succeeded in establishing himself as the ambassador of England, and Sir S. Crowe was sent home. On arriving in London, he was impeached at the suit of the Company, condemned, and kept in prison till 1653.

The regulations of the Company with regard to their employés were very strict in those days; none of the consuls under their authority might marry without the consent of the directors, and the factors or merchants at Constantinople and elsewhere in the Levant frequently received admonitions from the governing body at home against “sensuality, gambling, Sabbath-breaking, neglect of public worship”, and other irregularities of life in which the merchants, far from the influence of their strait-laced relatives at home, were prone to indulge.

In 1661 the Earl of Winchilsea went out on The Plymouth as ambassador for the Company. Captain Hayward was in command of the vessel, with whom Pepys (p. 50) made merry at the Rhenish Wine House. Lord Winchilsea is described as “a jovial Lord, extremely favoured by Vizier Kiuprili”. Two Kiuprilis, father and son, were practically the rulers of Turkey from 1658 to the death of the latter in 1676. Both the Kiuprilis were men of exceedingly good powers of organisation, and raised Turkey to comparative power, despite the weakness of her princes. The Sultan Mahomed IV, about whom Dr. Covel in his MS. tells us so much, was a man of weak character, devoted only to the chase, and left the organisation of the empire to his Vizier. From him Lord Winchilsea obtained further capitulations, an account of which is given us by his secretary, Paul Ricaut, in a pamphlet entitled The Capitulations and Articles published by Paul Ricaut, Esquire, Secretary to his Excellencie the Lord Ambassador, in 1663, and addressed to the Governors of the Levant Company. In this pamphlet he says: “The first capitulations took place 80 years before, in Queen Elizabeth’s reign, and have been enlarged in the time of allmost every ambassador, with such alterations as the state of affaires, and the abuses, and the iniquities of the times suggested.” The principal grievance which this set of capitulations rectified was “that English ships should be exempt from search for foreign goods”. Mahomed IV, in his address to Charles II, on the occasion of the granting of these capitulations, speaks in high-flown language of “the Queen of the aforesaid Kingdom” who commenced the Levant trade.

A curious and ludicrous instance of the fanaticism of the times occurred in 1661. An individual called “John the Quaker” arrived at Constantinople, and began to preach at the street corners repentance to the Turks in his own native tongue. Naturally enough, the Mohammedans looked upon him as a lunatic, and consigned him to a mad-house, where he languished for eight months, until his nationality was discovered, and he was taken before Lord Winchilsea. On entering the ambassador’s presence, true to the regulations of his creed, John refused to remove his hat, whereupon he was bastinadoed; and, on his clothes being examined, a letter was discovered in his pocket addressed to the Sultan, politely telling that monarch that he was the scourge employed by God to punish wicked Christians.

There was a distinct revival at this juncture in the condition of the power of the Ottoman Turks at Constantinople; under the severe rule of the elder Kiuprili, and the firm but temperate jurisdiction of his son Ahmed, both internal and external affairs prospered favourably. Ahmed Kiuprili conducted the wars with Austria with a fair amount of success. He won Crete for the Turks, in 1669, from the Venetian general Morosini; the wars with Sobieski, under his guidance, were, with certain fluctuations, favourable to the Turks. He, in 1675, instituted the levy of 3,000 boys from the Christian population to fill the ranks of the Janissaries; and three days after the peace of Zuranna, by which the Turks regained much of their lost military prestige, he died, very shortly after the events related in such minute detail by Dr. Covel in our second manuscript, and very shortly after the ratification of further capitulations with the Levant Company at Adrianople; the incidents concerning the obtaining of which Dr. Covel relates so graphically.

§ 4.—Of Dr. John Covel.

The writer of the second MS. we have before us is mentioned by Evelyn in his Diary (ii, 338) as “Covel, the great Oriental traveller”. Evidently he intended either to publish a work himself, or that his diary should be published shortly after his death, for he divided part of his MS. into chapters, put in illustrations, and collected together everything connected with himself, every scrap of letter and paper that would be of use, even down to his testamur when he took his B.A. in 1657; but this mass of MS. has remained hidden in the British Museum, and has never yet seen the light of day. It is easy to see why any publisher would recoil from bringing out so prolix a work, for the Doctor is wearisome in the extreme. Before we leave Deal, in his first chapter, at the outset of his travels, we are treated to at least thirty closely-written pages on the wonders of the deep, which he picked up there; soon follows a long dissertation on sea-sickness, and its supposed causes; and whenever he came near any place of archæological interest, such as Carthage, Ephesus, Constantinople, etc., he gives us enough information to fill a good-sized volume on each spot. Consequently, it has been found necessary to eliminate much in Dr. Covel’s exceedingly bulky diaries.

His narrative is, however, extremely interesting on many points: during the six-and-a-half years he resided at Constantinople, from 1670 to 1677, he noticed everything; his sketches of life, costumes, and manners are minute and life-like. Sir George Wheeler says, in his volume of travels: “Dr. Covel, then chaplain to his Majesty’s ambassador there, amongst many curiosities shewed us some Turkish songs set to musick; which he told us were, both for sense and music, very good: but past our understanding.” Being, as he was, intimately connected with the embassy, he had ample opportunity for studying the politics of the time. Dr. Covel was present at the granting of the capitulations of 1676, which gained for the Levant Company privileges which established it, for the ensuing century and a half of its existence, on an unapproachable foundation.

John Covel was born at Horningsheath, in Suffolk, in 1638, and educated at Bury St. Edmunds and Christ’s College, Cambridge, in the hall of which his portrait, by Valentine Ritz, is still to be seen. He studied medicine in early life with a view to being a physician, which will account for his intimate knowledge of botany and drugs; but eventually, being elected to a Fellowship at his College, he changed his line in life and took Holy Orders.

Covel was distinguished for his erudition, and was a scholar of no mean repute, as his MS. shows; and on the Restoration, in 1661, he was deputed to make a Latin oration in the hall of Christ’s College, to celebrate the return of the Stuart family to the throne of England. He composed a long poem also to celebrate this event, a few stanzas of which I give here:

“The Horrible winter’s gone,

And we enjoy a cheerful spring;

The kind approach of the Sun

Gives a new birth to every thing.

“The trees with blossoms are crowned now,

Which then did penance in snow;

And there with busy noise the Bee

Practise mysterious chemistry.

“Just so, great Prince, when you arrived,

Each drooping heart revived;

Your glorious rays and divine influence

Gave us new life and sense.

“Too rigid Fate

Had blasted Church and State;

And, with a boisterous storm,

Put all things out of form.

“Oh, may your glories ever shine!

Always rising still more bright.

What never stops at any height

Can never decline.”

In 1669 Covel was appointed as chaplain to the ambassador at Constantinople, Sir Daniel Harvey, by the Levant Company, and Charles II gave him a dispensation to go to Constantinople and hold his Fellowship at the same time: it runs as follows:

“Given at our Court at Dover, 19th day of May, in the 22nd year of our reign. Our will and pleasure is that you dispense with the absence of the said John Covel, so that he receive and enjoy (by Himself or his assignees) all and singular the profits, dividends, stipends, emoluments, and dues belonging to his fellowship in as full and ample manner to all intents and purposes as if he were actually resident in the College.”

During his residence at Constantinople he witnessed many important sights, notably the great fêtes at Adrianople in honour of the circumcision of Prince Mustapha, and the marriage of the Sultan’s daughter, which were the most noted fêtes of the century in Turkey,[3] and also the granting of the capitulations during the time of the plague. The next nine years of Covel’s life were spent in travel. In 1679 he returned to England, and immediately afterwards took his D.D., and was chosen as Margaret preacher of Divinity at Cambridge. In 1681 he got one of his college livings of Kegworth, and was soon afterwards appointed as chaplain to the Princess of Orange, and resided at the Hague. In October 1685 the Prince of Orange intercepted a letter written by Dr. Covel to Skelton, the English ambassador, giving an account of Prince William’s tyrannical behaviour to his wife. Dr. Covel was forthwith dispatched home again in great disgrace; he never spoke of what had transpired, and it was long a mystery. There is, however, a letter to Princess Mary amongst his papers, in which he speaks of the scurrilous reports which alleged that he tried to make mischief between the King and the Prince, and between the Prince and your Royal Highness, and concludes, “in the words of the Royal Martyr, your most glorious grandfather, that as He hath given us afflictions to try our patience, so He would give us Patience to bear our afflictions.”

Dr. Covel was twice Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, the first time in 1689, when King William visited the University, and his letters show a considerable degree of anxiety as to how the King, whom he had maligned as Prince, would receive him. In reply to these anxieties, King William sent a curt answer, stating “that he could distinguish between Dr. Covel and the Vice-Chancellor of the University”.

Dr. Covel was not fortunate with his voluminous writings; he got into another scrape with the Court in a book entitled The Interpreter of Words and Terms; it was ordered to be destroyed, being, as it was supposed, “in some points very derogatory to the supreme power of this Crown”. He also wrote on gardening and fruit-trees; but his magnum opus was a work on the Greek Church, which he published shortly before his death, which remained for long the standard work on the subject. It is entitled: Some Account of the present Greek Church, with Reflections on their present Doctrine and Discipline, particularly on the Eucharist and the rest of their seven Pretended Sacraments. In his Preface he apologises for the long delay, owing to his “itinerant life”, and having been “chained to a perpetual college bursar’s place”. It is evident from his diary that, when at Constantinople, Dr. Covel gave himself up to this study very closely, in fact, he was deputed to do so, for the controversy was then at its height which was started by M. Arnold, Doctor of the Sorbonne, as to whether the Greeks held the doctrine of transubstantiation or not, and a union between the Eastern and Western Churches was much feared by the Protestants. The eccentric Marquis de Nointel, who was the French ambassador to the Porte at that time, was most eager to bring this about, and as he was on very friendly terms with Sir John Finch, it was suspected that he used his influence to win over the English ambassador; hence Dr. Covel had an important task to perform, and no wonder he writes so bitterly on the ignorance and corruption of the Greek clergy. To show his zeal, the Marquis de Nointel celebrated Midnight Mass on Christmas Eve, 1673, in the cave of Antiparos, with a broken-off stalactite as his communion-table, on which may still be read the words he carved:—

“Hic ipse Christus adfuit
Ejus natali die mediâ nocte celebrato
MDCLXXIII.”

The ambassador was accompanied by five hundred people—his domestics, merchants, Greeks, and Turks—and he was so impressed by it, that he repeated the experiment on two subsequent occasions. The proposed union of the Churches, however, never came to anything, and by the time Dr. Covel’s book came out the controversy was at an end and forgotten.

Dr. Covel was appointed Master of Christ’s College in 1688, and retained this position until his death in 1722, at the ripe age of eighty-four.

The good work that Sir John Finch did for the Company in getting the capitulation of 1676, as Dr. Covel relates, in the teeth of the plague at Adrianople, did much for the security of trading and property in the Levant. Attached to these capitulations is the following clause: “That two ships’ loads of figs and currants should be allowed to be annually exported from Smyrna for the use of the King’s kitchen.” Sir John Finch was the son of the Speaker of the House of Commons, and was brought up as a physician, together with his bosom companion Thomas Baines; they studied together in England, and in Padua, and when Sir John was appointed as Minister to Tuscany, he got Charles II to attach his friend as physician to the legation, and also to bestow on him the honour of knighthood. When Sir John Finch was moved to Constantinople Sir Thomas Baines accompanied him in the same capacity; they were together with Covel during the trying time of the plague at Adrianople, and frequent allusion is made to them both in the diary. They were known in Constantinople as the ambassador and the chevalier, the two inseparable friends, whose attachment to one another was as romantic as that of Damon and Pythias. Sir Thomas Baines died in Constantinople in 1680, and, in great grief, his friend had his body embalmed and sent home to be buried in Christ’s College. Two years later, immediately on his return to England, Sir John Finch himself died, and, by special request, was buried in the same tomb as his friend, with the same marble slab over them, on which Henry More wrote a touching epitaph. Jointly, they endowed two scholarships and two fellowships for Christ’s College, and are still jointly thanked as benefactors of that very College over which their friend and companion in adversity, Dr. Covel, ruled for forty years after their deaths.

§ 5.—Of the subsequent History of the Levant Company.

From the life of Dudley North, afterwards Sir Dudley, son of Lord North, and ambassador for the Company to the Porte, which life was written by his son, we get an interesting insight into the life and times of those Merchant Adventurers in the seventeenth century, who were undoubtedly the founders of our national fortunes and national pre-eminence.

Dudley North was born in 1641, and went out to Smyrna as supercargo, and was apprenticed to a Turkey merchant when eighteen years of age, with a capital of £400. For many years he lived a most frugal life, making himself master of the Turkish language, and keeping himself aloof from the extravagant and luxurious lives which the English merchants in the Smyrniote factories lived in those days. When they “procured a pack of hounds, and hunted in the country, after the English way”, young North resisted the temptation to buy a horse, and went out hunting on an ass. He was a young man sure of eventual success. On his subsequent removal to Constantinople, and employment in the factory of Messrs. Hedges and Palmer, he lived in the building itself, and looked after the bookkeeping, and gained his first credit by getting in the outstanding debts of the firm. He made himself master of the “rules of Turkish justice”, and at once set about to institute five hundred claims in the law courts. These claims he conducted himself in the Turkish Courts in the Turkish language, and won a great many of those which his employers had hitherto looked upon as hopeless.

He soon set up business on his own account, and as it rapidly increased, he sent for his brother Montagu, from Aleppo, and together the brothers built up for themselves the fabric of a colossal fortune.

The brothers North appear to have dealt largely in jewels, with which they tempted the women of the Seraglio, and to have lent money at from 20 to 30 per cent. to impecunious Pashas. Dudley North became treasurer of the Levant Company in Constantinople, did excellent work in the survey of the city, and eventually concluded his successful career by being appointed ambassador for the Company to the Porte. He was a man of strong business capacity, and “his first care”, says his son, “on setting up for himself, was to get a fire-tight room to secure his goods from fire, and a sofa-room in which to entertain the Turks.”

About this time we hear ever more and more, in the Levant Company’s dealings with the Turks, of the avanias, or unauthorised demands made by the Turks on foreign merchants. Sir Dudley North at once took up this question, and wrote himself an interesting account of these encroachments on the capitulations granted to the Turkey merchants. The avanias had their origin in small matters of etiquette; gradually they spread to commerce and merchandise, and in 1685 came the great edict, which obliged every foreigner who had married a Turkish subject, himself to become a subject of the Porte, and these men were forbidden to leave the country without the Sultan’s consent.

This edict has given rise to the still numerous Levantine families to be found in the Turkish Empire, families bearing English, French, and Italian names, and tracing their origin to those nations, but practically absorbed in the Ottoman Empire. It was a great blow to many artisans and merchants who had married and settled in the Levant. No less than forty French watchmakers, who had married Greek wives and settled in Galata, were obliged to become Turkish subjects in spite of the remonstrances of the French ambassador, and the case of Mr. Pentloe settled the question with regard to the English. He had married a Greek lady, and on his death left a will appointing two English merchants as his executors, obliging them to realise his property, and send his widow and her two children to England. Accordingly, the executors proceeded to carry out his wishes, but the Turkish Government seized Mrs. Pentloe and her children on embarkation, and threw the two executors into prison, from which they did not emerge for some considerable period; all Mr. Pentloe’s money was confiscated, and our ambassador could get no redress. This iniquitous avania was not repealed for a hundred years afterwards, and may be taken as the origin of most of the so-called Levantine families, great numbers of which are to be found in Constantinople, Smyrna, Salonika, and other trade centres in the Turkish Empire.

The progress of the Levant Company was steady, and prosperity attended their commerce. Notwithstanding, in 1681 we find the Turkey merchants petitioning Parliament against the East India Company, and begging for permission to have “exercise of trade in the Red Sea, and all other dominions of the Grand Signior, and to forbid the East India Company to import raw or wrought silks”; and further stating that as their freights were “raw silks, gaules, grograms, yarn, cotton, etc., and as they, not being a joint-stock Company, did not export much gold”, that the East India Company ought to be restricted from importing such things as they considered they only had the monopoly of. To this petition the East India Company drew up an exhaustive reply, and Parliament set the petition on one side.

For the first three decades of the last century the prosperity of the Levant Company may be said to have been at its height. In the years 1716 and 1717 they exported to Turkey “43,000 cloths, and a very great quantity of lead, tin, sugar, etc.” In 1718, for the greater protection of merchants, “general ships”, which sailed together in large squadrons, were appointed, and the manufacturers had nothing to do but to convey their goods to the wharves, consign them to the shipowners, and pay the freight. These general ships, as they were called, used to leave England about July 1st, so as to have good weather in the open seas, and reach Turkey about the right time for the winter markets; then they returned home with raw silks, mohair, and other products of the East.

For some cause or another, in 1753 the condition of the Levant Company was not so satisfactory. In this year they sent a petition to Parliament for the remodelling of their charter on more favourable conditions. In this petition they stated that a quarrel between Sir Kenelm Digby and the Venetian admiral in the Bay of Scanderoon had cost the Company £20,000; that the indiscretion of a young man at Aleppo had imperilled the lives of all Europeans, and incurred enormous losses on the Company; that they had to pay an indemnity of £12,000 for prisoners taken in war, and other similar misfortunes had fallen upon them. Consequently, Parliament thought fit to grant them their petition: they were to have unmolested choice of the ministers maintained by them at home and abroad, ambassadors, governors, deputies, consuls, etc.; nobody except free brothers of the corporation could send ships into those parts, and very stringent rules were made on this point, full powers being given to the Company to fine, imprison, and send home in custody any individuals who infringed this rule; they were allowed to make their own laws and by-laws, though these had to receive the sanction of the Board of Trade; and, with various little assistances from Government in minor points, the Company of Levant Merchants again became exceedingly flourishing, and continued to be so until the end of its days.

At the end of the last century it would appear that the Company consisted of eight hundred members, each and all calling themselves “Turkey Merchants”. The wages of their officials, that is to say, the ambassador, secretaries, chaplains, consuls, and physicians at Constantinople, Smyrna, Aleppo, Alexandria, Algiers, Patras, etc., came to £15,000 per annum. Many of our consulates in the East, as they now stand, were built by them, and the fine embassy at Constantinople cost the Company £10,000. The Porte gave the ground for this building out of gratitude to England for driving the French out of Egypt, and the opening of it was hallowed by the liberation of many Christian slaves, mostly Maltese, who came in a body to the ambassador to tender their heartfelt thanks.[4]

In 1803 it was that the British Government first assumed the appointment and payment of the ambassador and his secretaries; this was the first step towards the disestablishment of the Company. The Eastern Question was then beginning to make itself felt, the Balkan States were in arms against Turkey, and, the interests of trade being naturally subordinate to foreign policy, the Levant Company had to give way.

In 1825, when the disintegration of the Turkish Empire appeared imminent, the Levant Company came to an end. Mr. Canning’s communication to them ran as follows: “It results solely from considerations of public expediency, and in no degree from any disrespect, or disposition to impute any blame to their past administration.” The fact was obvious: the new order of things had to supersede the old; the political atmosphere was full of ideas of free trade; and the aristocratic, exclusive Company of Turkey Merchants had to give way, and they did so gracefully. The deed of surrender was drawn up in 1825, “of all the several grants, privileges, liberties, powers, jurisdictions, and immunities granted and conferred by their charters”; and in solemn conclave the Company of merchants dissolved themselves, after honourably providing pensions for their officials, and handing over a substantial balance to the treasury.

During its life of 244 years the Levant Company had had a most exemplary and noble career, beneficial not only to its members, but to the English nation, building up for her her commerce, and making her name respected in the East. It would take a volume to enumerate the deeds of their great men, and how they have not only contributed to our commercial success, but have embellished our literature with admirable studies both of the past and of the present. Sir Paul Ricaut and Sir James Porter wrote admirable works on the policy and government of the Turkish people. Montague, Covel, and Pococke gave some of the earliest accounts of the people of the East in our tongue.

Under the influence of the Company, considerable attention was paid to archæology: Spon and Wheeler, Chishull, Shaw, and last, but not least, Lord Elgin, who rescued the marbles of the Parthenon from being damaged in the bombardment of 1827. The Company’s doctors used to make a special study of the plague. Russell on the Plague was quite the standard work of its time, and Dr. Maclean also made a special study of that dread disease; and to the efforts of these men we may almost say that we owe the gradual diminution and eventual eradication of the malady.

The rescuing of slaves from corsairs, the liberation of oppressed Christians, whether they happened to be English, Greeks, or Armenians, will be for ever one of the noblest and proudest of our actions. Without the influence of the Levant Company, Greece would probably have never succeeded in establishing her independence, and the Mussulmans would have effectually eradicated the Christian populations of the East; and it is a question for grave thought, as to whether our free and enlightened Government, during the half-century that it has had control over our actions in the East, has been as active and as influential as the Company of Turkey Merchants, who could draw the sword as well as the purse-strings, and were not hampered by the parsimonious feelings of those who have to draw up an economical budget to present to the people whose goodwill they wish to retain.

LIST OF ENGLISH AMBASSADORS TO THE PORTE
IN THE 16th AND 17th CENTURIES.

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

[P. xxiii], for “Sir J. Bendish” read “Sir T. Bendysh”.

[Pp. xxxiii-v], Sir Dudley North was not Ambassador, but Treasurer, of the Levant Company.

[Pp. xxxix-xl], Mr. Albert Gray adds: “An Act of Parliament (6 Geo. IV, c. 33, Royal assent 10 June 1825) was passed which, after reciting the Letters Patent of James I, and the subsequent Acts relating to the Levant trade, recites that it would be beneficial that the exclusive rights and privileges of the Company should cease and determine, and that ‘the said Governor and Company are willing and desirous to surrender up the said Letters Patent into His Majesty’s hands’. In pursuance of this Act a deed was forthwith executed surrendering the Letters Patent to the Crown. One section of the Act is now of some historical importance. It provided that ‘all such rights and duties of jurisdiction and authority over His Majesty’s subjects resorting to the ports of the Levant for the purposes of trade or otherwise, as were lawfully exercised and performed’ by the Company’s consuls, should thenceforth be exercised or performed ‘by any consuls or other officers respectively as His Majesty may be pleased to appoint for the protection of the trade of His Majesty’s subjects in the ports and places, etc.’ This was the first statutory assignment to Royal consuls of jurisdiction in places outside the dominions of the Crown. From this Act sprang in due time the Foreign Jurisdiction Act of 1843 (now replaced by that of 1890), under which British subjects and British protected persons enjoy the protection of British courts of law in almost every independent Oriental country from Morocco to Corea, and by means of which the foundations of law and order are being laid in the great protectorates of Africa.”

[P. 11], “North Cape” is Cape Finisterre, known of old to the seamen of the Mediterranean as the North Cape.

[P. 16], “Morottome” is probably Marabout, on the coast of Africa, near a “fort in ruins”. See Admiralty Chart, sect. vii, 252.

[P. 63 note], for “Paul Pinder” read “Paul Pindar”.

[P. 84], “Chorlaye in Lancashier”, is the town of Chorley, on a hill on the Chor, nine miles south-south-east of Preston.

[Pp. 95, 96], “Grande Malligam” is Malaga. “Alama” may be identified with Almeria, a large seaport of Spain, not with Alhama, as stated in the note.

[P. 96], “Mount Chegos” is probably Serra de Monchique, north of Cape St. Vincent, not Los Guigos, behind Algeciras, as stated in the note.

[P. 102], “Virginia men” alludes to ships bound for America; “Streightsmen” to those bound for the Mediterranean.

[P. 106], “Les Scenes” refers to the cluster of islands known as the Chaussée de Sein, off the coast of Brittany (cf. Sailing Directions, Glossary, p. 34, ed. for the Hakl. Soc.).

[P. 133], “Romania” was the name originally given to the whole of the western Roman Empire. This term, together with Roumelia, has now become much circumscribed.

[P. 133], Maniotes were the inhabitants of Mani, the southern portion of the Peleponnesus. This term has probably the same origin as Romani.

[P. 140], line 15, for “work” read “word”.

[P. 141], Agnus castus is the oleander.

[P. 143], “Magla” should be Nagara, exactly on site of ancient Abydos.

[P. 153], “Kalenderis” are, as stated by Dr. Covel, a sect of dervishes.

[P. 153], “Jamurluck” is a tunic.

[P. 154], “Bellonius.” This is Pierre Belon, a well-known French archæologist, who wrote Thesaurus Græcarum antiquitatum, Antwerp, 1589.

[P. 196], “Mr. Cook.” This must be the Mr. Coke who was present at the solemnities, and wrote the following:—“A True Narrative of the Great Solemnity of the Circumcision of Mustapha, Prince of Turkey, eldest son of Sultan Mahomed, present Emperor of the Turks. Together with an account of the Marriage of his Daughter to his great Favourite Mussaip at Adrianople. As it was sent in a letter to a Person of Honour.

“By Mr. Coke, Secretary of the Turkey Company; Being in Company with his Excellency the Lord Embassador, Sir John Finch. London, 1676.” Reprinted in Harleian Miscellany.

PART I.
MASTER THOMAS DALLAM’S DIARY.

1599.

In this Book is the Account of an Organ Carryed to the Grand Seignor and Other Curious Matter.

Nessecaries for my voyege into Turkie, the which I bought upon a verrie short warninge, havinge no frend to advise me in any thinge.

From the Landes end of England to the straites mouthe is 4 hundrethe leagues.

Betwixte the straites mouthe and Argeare in Barbarria is one hundrethe and fiftie leages.

From Argeare to Cisillia is 2 hundrethe leages.

From Cesillia to Zante is 90 leages.

From Zante to Scandaroune is 2 hundrethe and fiftie Leages.

DALLAM’S TRAVELS
WITH AN
ORGAN TO THE GRAND SIGNIEUR.

A brefe Relation of my Travell[18] from The Royall Cittie of London towardes The Straites of Mariemediteranum, and what hapened by the waye.

The shipp whearin I was to make my voyege to Constantinople, Lyinge at Graves ende, I Departed from Londone in a pare of ores, with my chiste and suche provition as I had provided for that purpose, the nynthe of Februarie 1598 (1599), being Frydaye.

Comminge to Graves ende, I wente aborde our shipp, Called the Heckter, and thare placed my chiste, my bedinge, and a pare of virginals,[19] which the martchantes did alow me to carrie, for my exersize by the waye. Other comoditis I carriede none, savinge one grose of tin spounes, the which coste me nyne shillinges; and thirtie pounde of tin in bares, which coste me 18s. The shipe beinge verrie unreddie, and no cabbins appoynted for passingeres, I was constrainede to go into the towne for my Lodginge and Diette, till the thirtenthe Daye in the After nowne, at which time anker was wayed and we under sayle, untill we came to Deale Castell.

Cominge to Deale Castell, thare we came to an anker, for the wynde sarved not to pass by Dover. Thar our ship stayed fouer dayes for a wynde. In the meane time we wente a shore into the towne of Deale, and also to Sandwiche, to make our selves merrie. When the wynde came fayer, it was in the nyghte, and diverse of us that weare passingers, and also som saylers, weare in the towne of Deale, wheare som of our company had dranke verrie moche, espetialy one of our five Trumpeters, who, beinge in Drinke, had Lockid his Chamber dore; and when he that came from the ship to call us went under his chamber wyndoe and caled him, he Came to the wyndoe and insulted him; whear upon we wente all a waye a borde our ship, and lefte that Dronkerde be hinde. Thar the wynde sarvinge well, we sayled merraly by Dover, and so a longe the Sleve.[20]

But beinge aboute 30 leages at sea, sodonly thare cam a contrarie wynde, the which did prove a marvalus greate storme for the space of eyghte and fortie houres. In the nyghte we did not only louse our pinis caled the Lanerett,[21] who was to goo with us to the gulfe of Venis, but we also loste our selves, not knowinge whear we weare by Reason the fogge was so greate that we could se no son. When it began anythinge to cleare, we founde our selves to be harde upon the ponie stones[22] betwyxt Ingland and Ierlande, a verrie dangerus place. Than our mariners did Labur to gitte into the mayn otion againe, but the storme not altogether seacinge, but the foge more Increasinge, we wear the next Daye at a non plus againe, not knowinge wheare we weare, but beinge under sayle, and the foge verrie thicke. Upon a sodon we saw the seae breake a gainste the shore, the which was verrie greate Rockes, and we weare so neare the shore that it was not possible to caste aboute in time to save ourselves from shipwracke, but it pleased almyghtie God so to defend us from harme that we weare juste befor the harbur at Dartmouthe, a verrie straite entrie betwyxte greate Rockes that ar on bothe sides of that entrie. Than weare we all verrie joyfull, and entred in thare verrie willingly. Thare we stayed four dayes. In the meane time the Mr.[23] and Martchantes sent postes aboute to all the haven townes upon that coste to inquier of our pinis, the Lanerett. In the End word was brought that presently, after the storme, 3 or 4 sayle of Dunkerkes[24] had her in chace, and in the storme her topmaste was broken, so that, to save her selfe from beinge taken, she Ron a shore at Falmouthe. Havinge thar goten a new topmaste, she sente word by the mesinger that she would meet us in Plimmouthe sounde. This worde beinge broughte, Anker was wayed, and we under sayell; when we cam Ryghte before Plimmouthe a peece was discharged to call our pinis; but even at that time the wynd came contrarie, so that we moste needes also goo in thare, and cam to an anker in Catt water, wheare we founde our pinis. Thare we stayed sevene dayes for a wynde.

The 16th day of Marche, beinge verrie could wether, the wynde came fayer, and as we weare under sayle in Plimmouthe-sounde, thare came in a litle carvell[25] with salte, who no sonner was come to the shore, and hearinge the name of our shipe, but they caused a parlie to be sounded be a trumpett, whearupon sayle was storouk, and tow sailers of that carvell came aborde our shipe, advisinge our Mr. not to goo to seae with oute good store of companye; for they wente to seae in a man of ware from Plimmouthe, caled the Plow, and theye weare taken by seven sayell of Dunkerkes, who Did straitly examon them if they could tell weare the Heckter was, or whether she weare gone her voyage or no, but they protested that they never hard of suche a shipp. Som of these men thei put to death, to feare otheres. Whate they did with the Reste of theire men they knew not. They touke theire ship from them, and gave sixe of them that litle carvell to bringe them home.

When our Mr. and captaine had harde these men speake, he toulde them that he would not staye one hour for any more companye than God alreddie had sente him, the which was only our pinis and tow shipes that weare goinge for New found Land, and for there owne saftie mad haste after us. Saylinge forthe before a faire wynde, our ship sayled so well that we could spare the pinis our mayne saile, and yeate the nexte morninge our pinnis was verrie far behind. Aboute 8 of the clocke, one in our maine tope discried 3 sayle, the which did ly close by our fore porte a little after; he saw four more, which lay the same cource, and these weare the seven sayell which we weare tould of. Than we began to Louke aboute us, our goneres made Reddie there ordinance, our faightes[26] oute, and everie man his bandaleare[27] and muskett. We hade the wynde of them, and needed not to have spoken with them, but our Captaine thoughte it not fitt to show our selves fearfull or cowardly; Leaste the wynde should sodonly turne, or scante upon us, and our flyinge would incurridge our enemyes to com the more bouldly upon us. Than he caled the botson and bid him beare towardes them, the which he willingly wente aboute; so we bore Towardes them, and when we came so neare them that we myghte well disarne the hulke of there amberall and of their vizamberall, and they cam bouldly upon us, our Mr. bide the botswayne stow them a brood side; for our mayne sayle was so brode, that they could not se the stoutnes of our ship; for may hape, cothe he (mayhap, quoth he), they may take our ship to be one of the Quen’s, and yf we doo hapen to heale them, or theye us, they which make answer maye say our ship is caled the Seven stars, for the quene as yeate hathe none of that name; but assowne as they sawe the brode side of our ship, thinking us in dede to be one of the Quene’s ships, they presently turned them aboute to flye away. Than we gave chace to them, havinge almoste loste sighte of our pinis, and all other shipes savinge those which we gave chace unto. They made all the sayle they coulde, and yeat with in halfe an hour we weare come with in shott of them. Than our captain bid the Mr. goner give them a chace peece[28] shout at the amberall, but hitt him not, so the Mr. goner gave him a shott cloce by his fore bowe[29]; yeat would they nether strike sayle, nor show any flagge, but made away with all the sayle they had, drablings[30] and topgalands, but all would not serve their turne, for we came nearer and nearer unto them. Than our Mr. bid the goner shoute throughe the amberall his maynsayle, and so he did verrie near her drablinge. Than the Amberall, vise amberall, Rear amberall, and one more shoute the mayn topp; but at that time they hade the wyndie side of us, though we weare com unto them, yeat no man would once show himselfe. Than the booteson of our ship stod upon our spar decke,[31] with his sorde drawne in his hande, commandinge them to come under our Lee side. The which verrie unwillingly they dide, yeate no man would show himselfe. Now we beinge verrie neare the coste of Spayne (or France) he tackte about againe to goo his Ryghte cource, and all this seven sayell did follow us; than our Mr. caled unto the amberall him selfe, comanding them to caste oute the bote and com abord us (or eles he would sinke them); after so callinge twyse unto them, one that semed by his spetche to be a Ducheman, answered, we woll, we woll, but Longe it was before the boote came forthe, yeat at laste there bote came forthe, and the captaine of that shipe, with 4 saylers to Row the bote, wente a borde the wise amberall, and there stayed halfe an houre. Than those thre captaines came a borde our shipe; now all this whyle we weare saylinge our courc, and all these seven shipes durst do no other but follow us. When these thre captaines came aborde us, one of our company saw one of them have under his arme a good long mony bage full of somthinge, and so they wente with the Mr. of our ship into his cabin, and talked a good whyle. In the meane time the sayleres which broughte these captaynes a borde, standinge on our hatchis, and our saylers Loukinge upon them, one of our men sayde, surly I should know this fellow, for he is an Inglishman. That man presently answered, swearinge a greate othe, and sayde that he was no Inglishman, nether could speak one worde of Inglishe; and yeat he spoke as good Inglishe as any of us. Than one of our maysteres mates, our pursser and boteson touke theyr boote, and foure of our owne sayleres, and wente a borde thre or foure of those shipps; and in that meane time, our Mr. and the 3 captaines havinge well talked of the mater, our Mr. cam forthe of his cabbin and strode upon the sparr decke, causing all our company to be caled before him, did Reed a letter which semed to be but newly wrytten; the efeckte of that letter was as yf it had bene made as a pass from the kinge of France, with sartayne wynes which the captaynes sayde weare a borde ther shipes. But whyle he was a Reeding that Letter, our mysteres mate, purser, and bootson came frome the shipps and sayd they weare men of warre, Laden with nothinge but men, soulders, musketes, Raperes and dagers, sheldes and buckeleres, and ment nothinge so moche as to have taken us; but our maister havinge alreddie taken the prise in his cabbin, seemed to be verrie angrie with his mate and the purser for sayinge so, he havinge a letter to show the contrarie; so he discharged the captayn and let the shipes go, the which greved the sayeleres and the Reste of our company verrie moche. Yf he had done, as he myghte verrie well have done, broughte these seven sayle as a prise into Inglande, it would have bene the braveste sarvis that ever any Inglishe marchante shipe did, and tharby have Reaped greate cridit as any ever did.

[32][At our cominge home out of Turkie it was well knowne that those seven saile, after they escaped from us, and before our coming home, they had taken and Robed upon the seae, betwyxt London and New Castell, thre score sayle of Inglishe and other contrie ships.]

Marche 1599.

The 20th Day, the wynde sarvinge well, we paste the Northe Cape, and entered the bay of Portingale. The 23 we Recovered the Soothe Cape. Than we weare becalmed for a time. The 24 thare came an Infinite company of porposis aboute our ship, the which did leape and Rone (run) marvalusly. The 25 we saw 2 or 3 greate monstrus fishis or whales, the which did spoute water up into the eayere, lyke as smoke dothe assend out of a chimnay. Sometime we myghte se a great parte of there bodye above the water. The calme did yeat continue. The 27, havinge a verrie fayer wynde, the which did blow a good gale aboute 12 or one of the clocke, we entered the straytes of Marie-medeteranum in Dispite of our enymyes. At the entrie it is butt 3 Leages at the moste from shore to shore. In my thinkinge it seemed not to be above 3 myles, but the Reason of yt is because the Lande is verrie hie on bothe sides, Spayne on our Lefte hand, and Barberie of the Ryghte. On Spayne side we did se a verrie fayer towne or cittie, caled Tarrefe,[33] the which stood verrie pleasantlye close to the seae. On Barbarie side Thar is a myghtie mountayn of Rockes, the which theye do call Ape hill.[34] 7 Leages further, on Spayne side, thar is a verrie strone (strong) towne Caled Jebbatore.[35] This towne Lay verrie fayer to our vew. It is verrie well fortified, and of greate strengthe. Thare dothe also Ly a greate number of the king of Spayens gallies and men of warr, to keepe the straites. On the easte side of the towne tharis a greate mountayne, wheare on a great parte of the towne dothe stande. This mountayne is verrie upryghte on bothe sides, but on the easte sid it is so uprighte that no man can go to the top of it. It standes cross wyse to the seae. On the fore end tharis a stronge bullworke, by which means the towne is more secure.

We sett oute from Plimmouthe the 16th of Marche, havinge than verrie could wether, and no sine of any grene thinge on trees or hedgis; and the 27, at the entringe of the straites, the wether was exsedinge hoote, and we myghte se the feeldes on bothe sides verrie grene, and the tres full blowne, the which unto me was a verrie greate wonder to finde suche an alteration in a 11 dayes. Ryghte over againste Jeblatore, on Barbarie side, thar is a towne verrie fayer to our vew, caled Shutte.[36] This towne is waled aboute, and the feldes about it verrie pleasante, and of good soyle.

Thoughe on bothe sides of seae tharis hudge mountains and Raged Rockes, on the Easte end of this towne a litle tharis a Large and stronge bullworke (or forte), and the Lyke is on the weste side. The kinge of Spayne Dothe also houlde that toune, beinge in Barberie.

A litle further on the Coste of Spayne thar is a Towne caled Marvels,[37] but I could not well disarne it for the fogge which at that time Laye upon the seae. The nexte towne is caled grand Malligan,[38] and than Sallabrin,[39] which towne is fortie Leages easte of Jeblatore.

The 28 of Marche we sayled still a longe by the shore of Spayne, wheare we myghte se upon hudg mountaynes great store snowe that Dothe ly thare contenually, and yeate in the vallies below it is verrie hote.

The 29th daye we sayled by the shore of Africa.

The 30th daye we entered into a harber in Barberia, Caled Argeare.[40]

When we weare upon the sea before the towne it made a verrie fayer show. It Lyethe cloce to the seae, upon a verrie upryghte hill. The towne in proportion is Lyke a top sayle. It is verrie strongly waled about with tow wales and a dich.

The housis be bulte of Lyme and stone. The greateste parte of the towne, or housis in the towne, have flatt Roufes, covered artifitialy with playster of paris. A man beinge on the topp of one house may goo over the greateste parte of the towne. Diverse of the streetes ar verrie narrow and uneasie goinge in them, for the towne standes upon Rockes. Above the towne, upon the top of the hill, thar is a castell, the which may comande the Roode, or a parte of the seae before the towne. Almoste a myle from that castell into the contriewardes thare is an other castell, the which is gardede or kepte by a sartaine number of souldieres; but, as farr as I could Learne, it is but only to keepe the heade of there springes of water, which com to there fountaines in the town, for the Turkes Drinke nothinge but water; and they saye that hors and man maye goo under, or in the earthe, from that castell to the towne. I and 3 or 4 more wente yeat a myle further into the contrie, wheare we saw another castell, the which, as we did thinke, was made for the same use. We went so farr into the contrie at the Requeste of Mr. Chancie, who was our fysition and surgin for the seae. He wente to gather som harbs and Routes. This dai being the Laste Day of Marche, it was a wonder to us to se how forwarde the springe was: trees and hedgis wear full blowne, corne, wheate, and barly shott, yong oringis and apples upon the trees; and cominge againe into the towne, we mett Mores and other people drivinge assis laden with grene beanes, to be sould in the markett. As they went a Longe the streete, they often would cale to the people, and say, balocke, balocke, that is to saye, bewarr, or take heede. We saw diverse Moores com in riding, all naked, savinge a litle clothe before them like a childe’s apron. Som of them did carrie a darte, otheres a bowe and arros.

There be also a greate number of Jewes, but the greateste nomber be Turkes.

The toune or cittie is verrie full of people, for it is a place of great trad and marchandise. They have tow markett dayes in the weeke, unto the which do com a great number of people out of the mountaines and other partes of the contrie, bringinge in great store of corne and frute of all sortes, and fowle, bothe wylde and tame. Thar be great store of partridgis and quales, the which be sould verrie cheape, a partridge for less than one pennye, and 3 quales at the same price. Thar be also great store of henes and chickins, for they be hatchte by artificiall meanes, in stoves or hote housis, without the helpe of a hen. The maner of it I cannot at this time playnly discribe, but heareafter I may, yf God permitte.

They have also greate store of Camels, assis, asnegoes,[41] oxon, horsis, and som dromedaries. Thar be a greate number of Turks that be but Renied[42] cristians of all nations. Som, but moste are Spanyardes, Italians, and other Ilands adjoyninge, who, when they be taken, ar compelled so to doo, or els to live in moche more slaverie and myserie. But, in prosis of time, these Renied cristians do become most berberus and villanus, taking pleasur in all sinfull actions; but that which is worste of all they take moste delite in, and that is, Theye proule aboute the costes of other contries, with all the skill and pollacie thei can, to betraye cristians, which they sell unto the Moors and other marchantes of Barbarie for slaves.

Thare ar in this toune great store of hote houses, or bathes, the which they call bangowes,[43] and also cooke’s housis, that dress meate verrie well.

The next day after we came into the Roode, the kinge sent worde to our captaine that he should come unto him and bringe with hime the presente which he had to carrie unto the Grand Sinyor; so our captaine wente unto him and tould the kinge That the presente which he carried to the grand sinyor was not only a thinge of greate substance and charge, but allso it was Defficulte curios, and would aske a longe time to put it together, and make it fitt to be sene. When the kinge understode whate our captaine had saide, he would give no cridite unto his wordes, but kepte him as a prisner, and caused me and my mate to be sente for. When we came before him, and wear examened, he found us to be in the same tale that our captaine had toulde; and than was our captane Released and we discharged, and the kinge sente our captaine for a presente a borde our shipe tow buls and thre sheepe, the which weare verrie leane, for they do thinke the worste thinges they have is tow good for cristians. They ar all in generall verrie covitus, and use all the pollacie they can to gitt from the cristians, lawfully or unlawfully, as moche as they maye.

The Turkishe and Morishe weomen do goo all wayes in the streetes with there facis covered, and the common reporte goethe thare that they beleve, or thinke that the weomen have no souls. And I do thinke that it weare well for them if they had none, for they never goo to churche, or other prayers, as the men dothe. The men ar verrie relidgus in there kinde, and they have verrie faire churchis, which they do call mosques.

Of the Further Procession of our Navigation.

We departed from the Cittie of Argier the fourthe of Aprill, saylinge still near the Coste or shore of Africa. 20 leages from Argere Thare is a faire towne caled Teddell,[44] but we sailed afar of from it. We also passed by a litle towne calede Budgge,[45] under a hudge mountaine, risinge hie, and picked lyke a suger lofe. Som of our navigateres saide that at this place St. Augustine did sometime keepe a scoule or exersise. It is 30th leagues from Argere towardes the easte on the same side.

The seventhe of Aprill beinge Easter eve, we saw verrie strainge lyghtninge in the skie, or in the eire. It was verrie wonderfull and strainge, for we myghte se the eayre open and a fier lyke a verrie hote iron taken out of a smythe’s forge, somtimes in liknes of a roninge worme, another time lyke a horsshow, and agine lyke a lege and a foute. Also the Thunder clapes weare also exseding greate. The seventhe daye we passed by a place caled Morrottome. The 18th, by a hudge mountaine, which is an Ilande in the seae, close by the shore. This ilande is called Simberrie.[46] Upon that shore, over againste it, was somtime the Cittie of Carttag, but some wryteres caled it Carthage. Aboute five leagues further we sawe the cape, or forte, caled Debone.[47] At the weste sid of it thar is a greate and large Tovne, caled Tonis,[48] by some peopell Thunes. Thare dothe lye some parte of the Turkes gallis. The 14th we sayelled by a famous iland Caled Sissillia,[49] cloce by the shore of it. This ilande, they saye, is threscore leages in lengthe; a verrie frutfull and pleasante iland. It dothe yelde greate store of corne and all maner of frute. At the weste End Thare Dothe alwayes ly at the leaste nyne gallies, and at the weste end ten or more.

Neare unto the easte ende of this Cissillie there is a verrie heie mountayne, the which they do cale Montabell, but the ryghte name of it is mounte Ettna. In the Daye time we that sayle by it maye se the topp of it covered with snow, but in the nyghte we did see manye flashis of fiere, to our thinkinge about the mydle of the mountaine. This brave ilande is under the kinge of Spayne. We did leave it upon our lefte hand. Than, upon our ryghte hande, we saw another ilande, which is caled Malta, and that is likewyse under the kinge of Spayne, and is now kept for the quantati (sic) the Master of the Roodes,[50] so that the Turkes can hardly pass that waye. A litle before we cam so farr as Malta, we gave chace to a shipe, beinge the 15th daye. After the mayster of that shipp parsaved by our flage whate we weare, and did se that thre suche as him selfe was not able to contende with us, he caste out his boote and came a borde us, and broughte with him for a presente diverse Comodities: som turkie carpites, some quiltede Coveringes of watchat[51] silke, and tow or thre great peecis of salte fishe that wear 7 or 8 foute longe and one foute square. It was strainge fishe unto us. We never tasted it, for after he that broughte it had talked privetly with our mayster, he gave him leve to Departe, and to take all his presente with him; but it muche greved our sayles (sailors), for som offesers of our shipp wente aborde that shipp whyles he was talkinge with our mayster, and they founde by the pursseres bouke that theye had ten thousand Dolleres worthe of Spaynishe goodes a borde. But our Mr. having recaved som secrite bribe, he sayed that the shipe and good came from Sio,[52] wheare Mr. Willyam Auldridge was consell, with other idle reasons, and tharfore he would not take anythinge from him; and so the ship went awaye. Than we paste by Malta. The 17th daye we gave chace to another shipp of Massillia,[53] and borded here, but had litle or nothinge from her. Than we crost the gulfe of Venis.

The 19th we discried lande in Gricia.

The 20th daye we paste by Saffranee, leavinge it on our lefte hande. At this porte of Saffranee[54] thare be tow tounes, and a moste singuler good harber. Neare unto it is the iland caled Sante, but rether Zante. The same Daye we came to an anker before the greate toune of that ilande, the which theye Do call Zante, by the name of the ilande; thar is also a good harbur. The toune or Cittie of Zante is Cittiwated cloce to the seae, and is a good myle in lengthe; behinde it, upon a verrie hie and stepie hill, Dothe stande a large platforme of a castell, whearin Dothe live the governer of that castell and towne; he is caled the Providore.[55] Within the wales of this castell is diverse other dwelers, and many housis; within that place the Providore dothe tow dayes in the weeke hould a courte, and heare diverse causes, as well of the Grekes as of the Venition and Italians; for this ilande is under the Ducke of Venis, but he houldes it under the greate Turke, and Dothe paye tribute yearlye or quarterly for it. The greateste parte of the people in this ilande be Greekes, and theye doo labur harde in planting and triminge the corron (currant) gardins, ollive gardins, and vinyards. Hear growethe verrie litle corne, but from hence comethe the moste of our Corrance and beste ayle (oil); thar is also good wyne. There provition of breade, beefe, gotese, shepe, and swyne and pullin (fowls), they have it from Castle Turne[56] in Morea, the which place is neare the playnes of Arcadia, whear plentie of catle ar. The Providore, and those which ar nexte unto him in office, whome they do cale sinyors of healthe, would not suffer us to com on shore because we came from Argeare, whear Turks do live, and we broughte from thence som Turkes in our shipp; yeate, at the End of six dayes, we had proticke,[57] which is, Leve to com a shore. The order thar is, that all Those which doo com out of any parte of Turkie, havinge not a letter of healthe from som Venition or Ittalion, muste remayne ether a borde the ship, or in the prison which they do cale the lazerett, for ten Dayes; yf in the meane time any man hapene to be sicke, they muste all reste thare for ten dayes more, and so still for ten Dayes untill the have there healthe.

Whyleste we laye thus for sixe dayes upon the seae before the towne, I touke greate notis of a little mountayne, the which, as I thought, did ly close to the seae, and semed to be a verrie pleasante place to take a vew of the whole iland and the seae before it. It showed to be verrie greene and playen ground on the tope of it, and a whyte thinge lyke a rocke in the mydle tharof. I touke suche pleasur in behouldinge this hill that I made a kinde of vow or promise to my selfe that assowne as I sett foute on shore I would nether eate nor Drinke untill I had bene on the tope tharof; and in the meane time did labur with tow of my companyons, and perswaded them to beare me company. One of there names was Myghell Watson, my joyner; the other’s name Edward Hale, a Cotchman. The day beinge come that we should go a shore, I chalinged my associates with there promise, and gott there good wils to go with me before we wente into the towne. This hill is called by the Greekes Scopo (i.e., outlook). It is from the town more than a myle, but I gave our sayleres somthinge to carrie us in the coke boote, as we thoughte to the foute of the hill; but when we weare sett a shore we found it to be almoste tow myles unto it. When we cam to the foute of it, by greate fortune we hapened on the ryghte waye, the which was verrie narrow and crouked. It was arlye in the morninge, and we weare toulde, 2 or 3 dayes before, that no man muste carrie any weapern with him when he wente a shore, and tharfore we wente only with cudgels in our handes. So, assendinge the hill aboute halfe a myle, and loukinge up, we sawe upon a storie of the hill above us a man goinge with a greate staffe on his shoulder, havinge a clubed end, and on his heade a cape which seemed to hus to have five horns standinge outryghte, and a greate heard of gootes and shepe folloed him.

My frende Myghell Watson, when he saw this, he seemed to be verrie fearfull, and would have perswaded us to go no farther, tellinge us that surly those that did inhabite thare weare savidge men, and myghte easalye wronge us, we hauinge no sordes or dageres, nether any more Company; but I tould him that yf thei weare divers, I would, with Godes help, be as good as my worde. So, with muche adow, we gott him to go to that storie wheare we sawe the man with his club; and than we saw that that man was a heardman. Yeate, for all this, Myghell Watson swore that he would goo no farther, com of it what would. Edward Hale sayd somthinge fayntly that he would not leave me, but se the end. So we tow traveled forwarde, and when we cam somthinge neare the topp, we saw tow horsis grasinge, with packe sadls on ther backes, and one man cominge downe the hill towardes us, having nothinge in his handes. Cothe I to my fellow: Nede, we shall see by this man what people they be that inhabit heare. When this man came unto us he lay his hand upon his breste, and boued his head and bodye with smylinge countinance, makinge us a sine to go up still. Yeat than Ned Hall began to diswade me from goinge any further; but I tould him it would not stand with my othe to go backe untill I had bene as farr as I could go. Cominge to the top thare was a prittie fair grene, and on one sid of it a whyte house bulte of lyme, and some square, the whyche had bene the house of an ancoriste, who, as I harde after wardes, Died but a litle before our cominge thether, and that she had lived five hundrethe years. Ryghte before us, on the farther side of the greene, I saw a house of som 20 pacis longe, and waled aboute one yarde hie, and than opene to the eaves, which was aboute a yarde more. And I se a man on the inside reatche oute a coper kettell to one that stood with oute the wale. Than saide I to Ned Hale: I will go to yender house and gitt som drinke, for I have greate neede. The wether was verrie hote, and I was fastinge. But Ned Hale tould me that I had no reason to drinke at there handes, nether to go any nearer them. Yeate I wente bouldly to the sid of the house, whear I saw another man drinke, and made a sine to him within that I woulde drinke. Than he touke up the same ketle which had water in it, and offer it me to drinke. And when I did put out my hande to take it, he would not give it me, but sett it further of, and than cam near the wale againe, and lifte up a carpit which lay on the ground, and thar was six bottels full of verrie good wyne, and a faire silver cupe, and he filed that silver boule full of a redeishe wyne, which they do cale Rebola, and he gave it me to drinke; and when I had it in my hande I caled to my frende Nede Hale, who stood a far of, for he was a fraide to com neare. Hear, Nede, cothe I, a carrouse to all our frendes in Inglande. I pray you, cothe he, take heede what you dow. Will you take what drinke they give you? Yeae, truly, cothe I; for it is better than I have as yeat disarved of. When I had give God thankes for it, I drank it of, and it was the beste that ever I dranke. Than he filled me the same boule with whyte Rebola, the which was more pleasante than the other. When I had muche comended the wyne, and tould Ned Hale that he was a foule to refuse suche a cup of wyne, than he come neare the house, and desiered to have som water; so he had the kettle to drinke in. When this was all done, I was so well pleasede with this entertaynmente, that I knew not how to thanke this man. I had no mony aboute me but one halfe Dolor of Spanyshe mony, and that mony is best accepted of in that countrie. I offered to give that peece of silver to this man, but he would not by any means take it. Than I remembered that I had tow severall (Seville?) knyfes in my pocket. I toke one of them and gave it him, and the blad gilded and graven. When he had taken it oute of the sheathe and louked upon it, he caled with a loude voyce: Sisto, Sisto! Than another man Came runninge, unto whom he showed but only the hafte of it, and than they began to wrastell for the knife; but he that I gave it unto kepte it, and leape ower the wale to the side whear I was, and, bowinge him selfe unto me, he toke me by the hande, and led me aboute by the ende of that house, and so into a litle cloyster, throughe the whyche we passed into a Chappell, whear we found a preste at mass and wex candls burninge. He pute me into a pue, whear I satt and saw the behaveour of the people, for thare weare about 20 men, but not a woman emongste them; for the wemen weare in a lower chapell by them selves,[58] yeate myghte they heare and se. Ned Hale cam after, but hauinge loste sighte of me, at his cominge into the chappell he kneled Downe neare unto the wemen, but saw them not; but they saw him, and wondred at his behaveour; for, after I had kneeled Downe, I stode up in my pue to louk for him, and than I saw tow wemen put oute there heades and laughed at him—as indeed they myghte, for he behaved him selfe verrie foolishly. Nether he nor I had ever sene any parte of a mass before, nether weare we thinge the wyser for that. This chapell was verrie curiusly paynted and garnished round aboute, as before that time I had never seene the lyke. Sarvis beinge ended, we Departed out of the chapell; but presently one cam after us, who did seme verrie kindly to intreat me to goo backe againe, and he leed us throughe the chappell into the cloyster, wheare we found standing eyghte verrie fayre wemen, and rychly apparled, som in reed satten, som whyte, and som in watchell Damaske,[59] there heads verrie finly attiered, cheanes of pearle and juels in there eares, 7 of them verrie yonge wemen, the eighte was Anchante (ancient), and all in blacke. I thoughte they hade bene nones, but presently after I knewe they wear not. Than weare we brought into that house wheare before I had dranke. Clothe beinge layde, we weare requested to sitt downe, and sarved with good breade and verrie good wyne and egges, the shels of them collored lyke a damaske Rose,[60] and these mad lyke an alla compana (alla campagna[61]) Route, for they keep it in the earthe, because nothinge will thar take salte. My fellow, Need Hale, would nether eate nor drinke anythinge but water, yeat I did eate one egge, bread and chese, and I dranke tow boules of wyne. Whylste we satt there, the Jentelwemen came in, and thre of them came verrie neare us, and louked earnestly upon us. I offered one of them the cup to drinke, but she would not. Than I offered to give him that tended upon us my halfe Dollor, but he would not take any monye. These wemen standing all to gether before us, I thoughte they had bene Dwelleres there, because no mony would be taken. I presented my other knyfe, of 2s. price, unto the ould Jentlewoman, the which she was unwilling to take, but at laste she tooke it, and than they all flocked together, and, as it semed to me, they wondered muche at it. When thei had well louked upon it, they came altogether towardes me and bowed there bodies, to show ther thankfulnes. So Ned Hale and I Touke our leves and wente awaye verrie merrily; but when we came to the place wheare we lefte our fainte-harted frend Myghell Watson, who all this whyle has layen in a bushe, when we had tould him the wonderes that we had sene, and of our kinde entertainmente, he would not beleve us, for he was a shamed, and desiered us to make haste to the towne that he myghte git som vittals; but we mad the less haste for that, and wente to se another monestarie. Near unto the place upon this mountaine growed many sweete floweres, in stead of heathe, time, and other good earbes, and fine springes of watere. Cominge to the towne of Zante, we Inquiered out the house wheare our marchants and other passingeres weare, which was at the sine of the Whyte Horse; but Myghell Watson, for shame, would not go in with us. When our martchantes saw us, they began to be verrie angrie, sayinge that they had soughte alaboute, and thoughte that we had bene drowned, or com to som evell fortune; but I bid them hould ther peace, and lett me tell them my adventurs. When I had toulde them all the storie, they wondered at my bouldnes, and some Grekes that weare thare sayde that they never hard that any Inglishe man was ever thare before. It was than aboute 12 of the clocke, and nyne of these Jentlmen would needes go presently thether to se That which I had done, and because I would not go againe, beinge wearie, for it was 4 myles thether, they hiered a gide, and yeate, when they came to the mountaine, they myste of the Ryghte way, and did climbe upon the Rockes, so that som of them gott fales and broke there shins; but at laste they got thether, and the waye for them by me beinge preparede, thei weare bid verrie welcom; but there gide hade Instrucktede them with that which I never thought on, the which was, that at ther firste cominge they should go Into the chappell, and thar offer som mony, as litle as they would, and than theye should have all kinde entertainmente. So, verrie late in the evininge, they Returned safly againe, and gave me thankes for that which theye had sene.

The 30th day I wente with 3 more, havinge a Greke to show us the way into the Castle.

Maye.

The firste day of maye we saw there greatest traverses[62] or sportes that they have in all the yeare, for that day dothe meete at the toune of Zante all the able men of the Greeks with there best horsis and artillerie, which is nothinge but staves to Rvne at the Ringe, or at quintan.[63] They borroed our five trompateres to sounde whe[n] they Run at Ringe the prizis; the maner of it was so simple, that it is not worthe keping in memorye. In the fore noune they Run Quintan for a prize, the after noone at Ringe.

The second of Maye we departed from Zante.

The Turkes which weare passingeres in our shipp, and came with us from Argeare in Barbaria, and were to goo wythe us to Scandarowne, did somwate hasten us on of our voyege, and, the wynd beinge fayer, we sett sayle the second of Maye. The sam daye we sailed verrie neare an Ilande called Travallie,[64] in the which we did se a Castle, and in that Castell, or in som monestarie near unto it, thar be alwayes Thirtie fryeres, and no wemen in that Ilande, nether any more housis: it is low ground and levell, and litle above one myle in lengthe.

The third Daye we Entered in betwyxte Neagraponte, the mayne land of Grece, and a fine Iland called Sireego.[65] They saye that in this Iland faire Hellin was borne, and from thence stolne awaye before the Distrucktion of Troye.

The fourthe and the fifte Daye, havinge but a litle gale of wynde, we sayled cloce by the shore of Candie. This Ilande is fiftie leages in lengthe. We sayled neare unto that highe hill Caled Crete, wheare St. Pale preachede, and an ould Jue That was a passinger in our ship tould us that on the tope of that hill Dothe stand a brason man houldinge a bowe bente as yf he wear shoutinge againste the easte, and he sayd that it was placed thare by arte magick, before which time few ships could live upon those seaes, the Easterly wyndes weare so furius; but sence that time they have bene as other places or seaes ar. Over aginste Candie we lefte many litle Ilandes, spetialy at the easte end, Melo and Antimelo.[66]

The sixte Day we had a virrie straite entrie betwyxte tow Ilandes at aleven of the clocke, and did Run within a bot lengthe of the shores. They be verrie hudge and upryghte mountaines. That which we lefte on our Ryghte hande is calede Cassa,[67] a place not Inhabbited; the other upon our lefte hande is caled Scarpanta, and it is Inhabitede. In this Ilande tharbe verrie greate store of foule, that in the nyghte time doo Rouste in the grounde as our counis in Ingland dow.

16 leagues from Thence is the Ile of Roodes, but sence that Ilande was taken by the Turkes, the Roods[68] hathe bene kepte by the Spanyarde at Malta.

The seventhe daye we saw the coste of Carmanee.[69]

The 8 and 9 we weare in a maner be calmede. The tenthe, and eleventhe, and 12th we sayled by the Coste of Siprus, havinge it upon our lefte hande. Neare unto the weste ende we saw a towne caled Baffa.[70] Eyghte leagues further, at Cape Gata, we sett a man a shore, who was a Greke, and borne in Siprus, and thare dwelled, but havinge a brother dwellinge in Candie, whom he had not in a longe time seene, he gott passage in a shipe to goo to Candie; but the wynde would not suffer the ship to tuche thare, but carried that man to Zante, and in 3 monthes space he could not meete wythe any ship to carrye him backe againe to Candie. When our shipe came, he hearinge that we weare to sayle by Candie, he fell at our Maysteres feet, and craved passege in our shipe thether. So he was taken in. Yeat when we sayled cloce by the shore of Candie, our Mr. would not land him thare, but carried him to Siprus, and sett him on shore thare; the which I thought was the man’s hard fortun, and so he thoughte himselfe, for he wepte bitterly, because he had spente so muche time, and could not se his brother, whom he so dearly lovede.

Aboute ten leagus from the easte end of this Iland, in Siprus, near unto Cape Grego, thare is a greate and large towne caled Famagusta. It is a harber, or good porte. Thare dothe lye the moste of there gallis and other shipinge.

The 13th daye we sayled Juste to the easte ende of Siprus, for the wynde was verrie smale.

This Iland is the moste pleasante of any that hetherto I did ever see. The shores be lowe, and playne feeldes risinge into the lande still hier and hier, that a man maye se neare twentie myles into the Contrie, wheare we sett the man a shore. We saw great store of wylde swyne; but, out of all question, it is a verrie fruitful contrie.

When we weare about the mydle of Siprus, we sawe the Mounte Lebynus, which is in Assirria, and but tow smale dayes Journaye from Jerusalem. The 14th, havinge a freshe gale of wynde, we recovered the Cape Cansele,[71] the which is neare unto Scandaroune. The 15th we came to an anker in the Roode before Scandaroune, the which is in the verrie bottom of all the straites as farr as any shipp can go. The 16th daye our Mr. Guner, tow of his mates, Mr. Chancie, our surgin, one of our Trumpeteres, my selfe, and my maete, John Harvie, every one of us havinge a muskett, with powder and shott, we wente ashore, and though the mountaynes thare be exsedinge heie so that no ship dare goo within tow myles of the shore, for feare of not havinge a wynde to carrie them out againe, yet betwyxte those mountains and the seae there be desarte placis, thicke woodes, and boges, whearin dothe breed score of wyld foule, and allso wyld beastes, namely swyne and foxes.

We havinge entred into these woodes, thinkinge to kill som wylde foule, our myndes wear trabled to find oute som pathe waye, for feare of tearinge our cloese, and everie tow or 3 butlengthe[72] (boatlengths) we should finde a man caled a mountaineard, lyinge in a bushe, havinge in his hande ether a bowe and arrowes, or eles a peece, the which weapeins as we supposed they did carrie to kill wyld foule; but we havinge strayed some thre myles into the wildernes, we found a square playne, the which was nothinge but a quagmyer, and in the mydeste thar of was tow myghtie greate buffelawes, beastes biger then our greate oxen. At the firste we saw nothinge but there heades, and they made a great noyse with their snufflinge, and, in the ende, went Runing awaye, which was a wonder to us, for had it bene an ox, or cowe, or horse of oures, theye would thare have bene drowned.

Whylste we stood wondringe at this, we espied a great companye, to the number of aboute 40, of the afore sayde mountayneares, the which weare gathered together, and goinge aboute to catche us by inclosinge us aboute. This company beinge in that place, we knew not how to with stand, but only by flyinge away, and the woodes that weare betwyxte us and the seae weare so heie that we could not see the seae nor the maste of our shipe; but Runninge at a ventur throughe thicke and thine, thorns and bryeres, tearinge our close, at the laste we recovered a fayer playne, wheare we myghte se our shipe, and within a myle of the shore. Than weare we glade, and touke our ease, wheare we founde a fayre fountaine of verrie comfortable water, for we weare fastinge, and faynte with travell.

After we had couled and Refreshed our selves, we Returned throughe the scatelsteade,[73] plat,[74] or foundationes of the towne or cittie of Scandaroune, so caled by the Turkes, but formerly caled Allicksandretta. There we myghte se greate peecis of wales wheare goodly housis and monestaris had bene, which in the same is now nothing but boges and pondes, wals of housis, and a castle, so sunke into the grounde with water aboute it that no bodie can go unto it. We did se thare, upon the wales of an oulde house, verrie strainge varmente Runing up and downe at great pace, som of them biger than a great toude, and of the same collore, but they had longe tayles lyk a Ratt.[75] Som of them weare longer maede and less of boddie, and so many otheres of diveres fations. An other time my mate Harvie and I wente into the feeldes to washe our lininge, and, whylste it was a driinge, we went to gather some fruite, for thar be great store of good frute that is comon, cominge to a whyte Damson tre. As we were a gatheringe we espied a great Ader that was in the tre upon the bowes, at least 12 or 14 foute from the grounde. He was even Reddie to leape upon one of us. Assown as we turned our backe to run awaye, He leape oute of the tre, and Rune into a thickett of brieres. A greate number of suche smale matteres I will omitte.

The 18th Daye our ship was to be unladen of suche goodes as was appoynted to goo to Alippo[76]; but that morninge, as sowne as we weare up, we saw a marvalus goodly show of tentes upon the sid of that mountayne, stritchinge downe unto that fountaine which I spoke of before; the which, when our mayster sawe, he sente a boate ashore to know the cause; and our marchantes sent him worde that he should not, by any meanes, send any goodes or any man a shore untill he did se all the tentes gone, for thare was the souldieres of Damascus, a parte of the greate Turkes armye, that weare goinge to the warres, and if theye did finde any thinge on the shore that did lyke them, they would tak it as theire owne. So at nyghte we saw these tentes a takinge up, for, by Reason the contrie is verrie hote, theye dow travell by nyghte, and not by daye; so for four dayes there came everie nyghte a fresche companye, and we kept a borde our shipe. Everie daye thar would com Ridinge to the seae side a great company of brave horsmen, with their lancis. Som hade their neagors to carrie their Lancis and other weapeins. Som sayd that they weare sent for to Constantinople, the which is 20 dayes Jurnaye from Scandaroune.

The 30th daye the Franch Consell which is Resedent at Alippo Dined aborde our shipp.