Transcriber's Notes:
Blank pages have been eliminated.
Variations in spelling and hyphenation have been left as in the original.
A few typographical errors have been corrected.
The cover page was created by the transcriber and can be considered public domain.

From painting in Navy Department by R. S. Meryman

OUR NAVY AT WAR

BY
JOSEPHUS DANIELS
SECRETARY OF THE NAVY
1913 to 1921

Illustrated with Reproductions of Original
and Official Photographs

Pictorial Bureau
Washington, D. C.
1922

COPYRIGHT BY
Pictorial Bureau
1922

To the Six Hundred Thousand Men

Who Served in the United States Navy
and Marine Corps in the World War

Manning more than two thousand vessels—

Operating with Allied Navies from the Arctic to the Adriatic—

Transporting troops and supplies across the Atlantic—

Protecting ships from attack and destruction—

Driving off and defeating the murderous submarines,
You made safe the seas, and
Kept open the Road to France, so that,
Of all the vast Army sent overseas,
Not one soldier on an American troop-ship
Lost his life on the way to France.

Fighting with the Army, your comrades,
The Soldiers of the Sea, won fame in
Hard-fought battles that saved Paris,
Drove back the German hordes, and
Won for Humanity Complete and Glorious Victory.

In recognition of your splendid service, your dauntless deeds, this work is dedicated by one who was sometime your commander and always your shipmate.

CONTENTS

ILLUSTRATIONS

Our Navy at War

CHAPTER I
WHEN THE WAR CALL CAME

NEWS FLASHED TO SHIPS AND STATIONS FIVE MINUTES AFTER PRESIDENT SIGNED DECLARATION—ENTIRE NAVY MOBILIZED AT ONCE—FLEET, ON WAR BASIS SINCE BREAK WITH GERMANY, WAS AT YORKTOWN—"IN BEST STATE OF PREPAREDNESS IT HAD EVER BEEN," ADMIRAL MAYO SAID—OFFICERS AND MEN EAGER FOR ACTION.

Five minutes after President Wilson signed the war resolution passed by Congress April 6, 1917, the Navy's radio operators were flashing this message to every ship and station:

Sixteen Alnav. The President has signed act of Congress which declares a state of war exists between the United States and Germany. Acknowledge. 131106.

Secnav.

That dispatch had been prepared hours before. Radio and telegraph operators were at their keys waiting for the word to "let it go." Lieutenant Commander Byron McCandless, my naval aide, was waiting in the executive office at the White House. Lieutenant Commander Royal Ingersoll was stationed at the Navy Department, across the street, watching for the signal. The moment the President appended his signature, McCandless rushed out and wigwagged that the resolution had been signed. Ingersoll dashed down the corridor to the Communication office, and ordered the operators to start the "alnav" (all navy) dispatch.

Flashed from the towers at Arlington, in a few minutes it was received by the Atlantic and Pacific fleets, by vessels and stations all along the coast. By radio, telegraph and cable, the message was carried to Panama, across the Pacific to Honolulu, the Philippines, to the vessels on the Asiatic station. By the time the newspaper "extras" were on the street, the naval forces had received notice that we were at war.

The fleet was mobilized that afternoon by the following telegram to the five flagships:

U. S. S. Pennsylvania
U. S. S. Minnesota
U. S. S. Seattle
U. S. S. Columbia
U. S. S. Vestal

Flag Sigcode. Mobilize for war in accordance Department's confidential mobilization plan of March 21. Particular attention invited paragraphs six and eight. Acknowledge.

Josephus Daniels.

[Paragraph 6 assigned the rendezvous of the various forces, and paragraph 8 contained instructions with regard to vessels fitting out at navy yards.]

When this message was received by the Atlantic Fleet, at 1:33 p. m., Admiral Henry T. Mayo, Commander-in-Chief, hoisted on his flagship, the Pennsylvania, the signal, "War has commenced." At 5:50 o'clock he received the mobilization order, for which officers and vessels were so well prepared that Admiral Mayo said he did not have to "give a single order of any kind or description to pass the Fleet from a peace to a war basis." The entire Navy—Department, Fleet, yards and stations—was on a war footing within a few hours after war was declared. Complete instructions and plans, brought up to date, had been issued two weeks previous, and mobilization was completed without an hour's delay.

The Fleet was at its secret rendezvous "Base 2," to which it had sailed from Hampton Roads on April 3, the day after President Wilson delivered his war message to Congress. "Base 2" was Yorktown, Va., one of the most historic spots in America, and our battleships were in sight of the place where Cornwallis surrendered to George Washington. They rode at anchor in the waters where the timely arrival of De Grasse's ships assured the success of the war for American independence.

In those waters, first made historic in naval annals by the presence of the French ships sent to aid the struggling colonists in the crucial days of 1781, the American Navy was making ready to repay that invaluable assistance—to send its vessels to the beleaguered French coast, both to safeguard the vast army America would send to France and to drive back the onrushing enemies that threatened its life. In 1917 the York and the Chesapeake were again the rendezvous of fighting men of the same mettle as those of 1781, who were to strengthen by united service and common sacrifice in the World War the bonds of friendship between France and America that had been forged more than a century before.

And those who fought each other then were comrades now. "Old wars forgot," Great Britain and France for years had held the lines, and America was taking its place beside them, throwing all its power and strength with them against the common foe. From Yorktown went the first United States forces, ordered overseas just after war began. Sent to England's aid, to serve with the British forces, their arrival was hailed as the beginning of a new era in the relations of the nations—the "Return of the Mayflower." And later went huge dreadnaughts to the North Sea, joining the Grand Fleet in the mightiest aggregation of naval power the world has ever seen.

That is a wonderful harbor, there in the York River, with water deep enough for the largest battleship, and broad enough to accommodate a whole fleet. With defenses at the entrance to Chesapeake Bay, and nets, mines and patrol across York River, no submarine could ever hope to penetrate to this safe haven.

"When the active fleet arrived in Hampton Roads about the 1st of April, after its training period in Cuban waters, it was in the best state of preparedness that it had ever been," said Admiral Mayo, "and there was a feeling of confidence in the personnel of being able to cope with any emergency."

"At the end of March, 1917, when we were on the verge of entry into the war," said Rear Admiral Charles P. Plunkett, Director of Gunnery Exercises, "the gunnery was in the highest state of efficiency that it has been in the history of the American Navy."

When the break with Germany came the fleet was in Cuban waters, engaged in target practice, engineering exercises, and battle maneuvers. This intensive training had been going on under regular schedule for more than two years. Every man in the fleet, from the Commander-in-Chief to the youngest recruit, felt in his bones that the maneuvers that spring were a real preparation for war. Eager to get a chance at the Germans, confident that they could defeat any force of similar strength and tonnage afloat; they were just waiting for the word "Go!"

Is there such a thing as mental telepathy! Would you call it that or a mere coincidence, if the same thought at almost the same moment came to the Admiral of the Fleet at Guantanamo and to the Chief of Naval Operations in Washington? That is exactly what occurred on February 4, 1917. And the two dispatches stating the same conclusions in regard to moving the fleet were en route at the same time.

At 3:59 o'clock that afternoon Admiral Mayo sent this message from his flagship at Guantanamo:

Unless instructions are received to the contrary, propose to shift fleet base to Gulf of Guacanayabo after spotting practice February 5th; then proceed with schedule of all gunnery exercises.

Before that message reached Washington, in fact in less than ten minutes after it was handed to the operator in Cuba, the following to Admiral Mayo from Admiral William S. Benson, Chief of Operations, was being sent from the Department:

Position of fleet well known to everybody. If considered advisable on account of submarines, shift base to Gulf of Guacanayabo or elsewhere at discretion. Inform Department confidentially.

The first duty was protection of the Fleet from submarine attack. Four months before the U-53 had called at Newport, and sallying forth, had sunk British vessels just off our coast. On January 16th a Japanese steamer, the Hudson Maru, captured by Germans, a prize crew placed on board, had put into Pernambuco with 287 survivors from half a dozen vessels sunk by a German raider. That raider, as was learned later, was the famous Moewe, which captured twenty-six vessels, sinking all except the Hudson Maru and the Yarrowdale, which carried several hundred prisoners to Germany, among them fifty-nine American sailors.

The Germans could easily send their U-boats across the Atlantic. There was a possibility that they might strike quickly without warning. Naval strategists do not yet understand why Germany did not make an immediate dash against our coasts in the spring of 1917, instead of waiting until 1918. Allied and American officers alike expected the submarines to extend their operations to this side of the Atlantic when this country entered the war. It was necessary to provide for the fleet a rendezvous with which the Germans were not familiar, one easily defended, where battleships could carry on their work free from attack until the time came to bring them into action. But why Guacanayabo?

Though you would hardly notice it on the average map, the Gulf of Guacanayabo is a sizeable body of water, extending in a sort of semicircle some seventy miles, the broadest part about fifteen miles wide. On the southern coast of Cuba, it extends from Santa Cruz del Sur to below Manzanillo, nearly to Cape Cruz. With plenty of deep water inside, once the main channel is closed, only a navigator familiar with the turnings and depths can navigate safely through the other channels, for the Gulf is surrounded by a chain of islands, with many shoals. Difficult for submarines to negotiate submerged, it is easily defended against them.

When Admiral Mayo had placed his ships in this landlocked harbor, shut the door and turned the key, they were as safe as my lady's jewels in a safety deposit vault. At Guacanayabo the fleet continued its work, going out to sea for battle practice and long-range gunnery in the daytime, returning at night to conduct night firing with the secondary batteries, torpedo attack, and other exercises. There was even room in the Gulf to carry on torpedo firing and defense at 10,000 yards distance.

There the fleet remained until it was ordered north, on March 20th. "I feel sure that if this force had engaged an enemy on its cruise north in the spring of 1917, the victory would have been ours," said Admiral Henry B. Wilson, commander of the flagship, and Admiral Joseph Strauss, in command of the Nevada, declared: "In April, 1917, we could have gone out in mid-ocean and engaged the German fleet and come out successfully. Our ships were superior; our guns were superior; I believe our morale was superior."

Upon the arrival of the fleet, Yorktown became the center of battle training. During the entire war this base was one of the busiest places in America. Every ship was carrying on intensive training day and night—training gunners, engineers, firemen, deck officers and crews, armed guards for merchant vessels, men of every rank and rating to man transports, destroyers, patrol craft, and all the many vessels put into European and trans-Atlantic service. In addition to new men in their own crews, the special training squadron of older battleships trained more than 45,000 officers and men for service in other vessels.

When the bugle sounded, they all wanted to get into action. They had looked for the declaration of war as the signal to weigh anchor and set sail for Europe. As the destroyers and patrol craft went overseas and the cruisers plunged across the Atlantic escorting troop-ships and convoys, those who were left behind envied those who had received such assignments. But teaching recruits, tame and tiresome as it was, was their job, most necessary and useful. Until they had their heart's desire and were ordered abroad, they stuck to it with the vim and determination with which they afterwards entered upon the U-boat chase. That was the spirit that won.

Three thousand miles across the seas the men on the British Grand Fleet were likewise eating their hearts out because the enemy dreadnaughts, after the one dash at Jutland, were hugging the home ports, denying to Allied naval forces the chance for which all other days had been but preparation. All naval teaching for generations had instilled into American and British youth the doctrine that, whereas battles on land might continue for months, domination of the sea would be lost or won in a few moments when the giant dreadnaughts engaged in a titanic duel. German naval strategy, after the drawn battle at Jutland, defeated all naval experience and expectation. Hiding behind their strong defenses, never venturing forth in force, they imposed the strain and the unexciting watchful waiting which more than anything else irks men who long to put their mettle to the test by a decisive encounter.

The acme of happiness to the fleets at Yorktown and at Scapa Flow to which all looked, both before and after the American division joined the British Grand Fleet, was a battle royal where skill and courage and modern floating forts would meet the supreme test. It was not to be. The disappointment of both navies was scarcely lessened by the knowledge that they had gained a complete victory through successful methods which a different character of warfare brought into existence. They wished the glorious privilege of sinking the ships in an engagement rather than permitting the Germans later to scuttle them. Admiral Beatty voiced the regret of both navies in his farewell address to his American shipmates, when he said: "I know quite well that you, as well as all of our British comrades, were bitterly disappointed at not being able to give effect to that efficiency you have so well maintained."

The sense of disappointment at the drab ending was heightened by the belief entertained that there had been times when the bold and daring offensive would have compelled a great naval battle. In Germany, fed up for years on the claim of naval superiority and stuffed with fake stories of a great German victory at Jutland, there had been demand that their navy make proof of its worth by giving battle instead of rusting in home ports. Men of the navies that had produced Nelsons, and Farraguts and John Paul Joneses and Deweys grow restive under inaction. They knew that the existence and readiness of the two great fleets and of the French and Italian fleets held the German High Seas Fleet in behind shore protection, rendering impotent the force Von Tirpitz had assured Germany would sink enemy ships. But the dreary program of blockade carried on during four long years was not to their liking. It succeeded, but it was not the finish for which they had trained. They longed to the very end for the real fight, the daring drive, the bringing of their big guns into play, the final combat which could end only with annihilation of the enemy's fleet.

Whatever may be said of the wisdom of the ancient prudent doctrine of "a fleet in being," I shall always believe that, if, at the opportune time, such fighting sailors as Beatty and Carpenter, Mayo and Rodman and Wilson, could have joined in a combined assault, they would have found a way or made one, to sink the German fleet, in spite of Heligoland and all the frowning German guns.

CHAPTER II
"TO BE STRONG UPON THE SEAS"

PRESIDENT IN 1914 LAID DOWN POLICY WHICH GUIDED THE NAVY IN YEARS OF PREPARATION—ON VERGE OF WAR IN 1916—FLEET PREPARED TO MOBILIZE—"DEUTSCHLAND" AND U-53 WARNED US TO EXPECT SUBMARINES—CONGRESS AUTHORIZED BUILDING OF 157 WARSHIPS—MERCHANT SHIPS LISTED, MUNITIONS ACCUMULATED, COUNTRY'S INDUSTRIES SURVEYED.

"We shall take leave to be strong upon the seas," declared President Wilson in his annual message to Congress in December, 1914, and this was the guiding policy in the years of preparation that preceded the war. And the two years that followed were the busiest the Navy has ever known in time of peace.

The United States was on the very verge of war a year before it was declared. All preparations were made to mobilize the Fleet when President Wilson, after the sinking of the Sussex, sent his ultimatum to Germany declaring:

Unless the Imperial Government should now immediately declare and effect an abandonment of its present methods of submarine warfare against passenger and freight-carrying vessels, the Government of the United States can have no choice but to sever diplomatic relations with the German Empire altogether.

That note was despatched on April 18, 1916. Germany did not reply promptly and in a few days the following order was issued:

NAVY DEPARTMENT

Washington, April 27, 1916.

Confidential.

From: Chief of Naval Operations.

Subject: Mobilization Plan.

The following order had this day been approved by the Secretary of the Navy:

"1. In case of mobilization for war in the Atlantic the organization of the naval forces will be as indicated in the mobilization sheets published from time to time by the Department.

"2. Plans will be developed by all officers concerned for execution upon the receipt of the order to mobilize.

"3. The order to mobilize when received will be construed as an order to take all necessary action for the rapid assembly of ships at the rendezvous in all respects ready for war service.

"4. The rendezvous is designated as Chesapeake Bay."

Copies of mobilization sheets are forwarded herewith.

All our battleships except three, and 40 of our 47 destroyers were reported immediately available. Mobilization is the next step to actual hostilities and is only justifiable when conditions are extremely threatening. That was the case in the spring of 1916. In fact, what threatened then was what actually occurred a year later.

The German Government in its note of May 4th met all Wilson's demands, declaring it would do its utmost to confine the operations for the rest of the war to the fighting forces of the belligerent. "Guided by this idea," it notified the United States Government that the German naval forces had received the following orders:

In accordance with the general principles of visit and search and destruction of merchant vessels recognized by international law, such vessels, both within and without the area declared as naval war zone, shall not be sunk without warning and without saving human lives, unless such ships attempt to escape or offer resistance.

It was not until Feb. 1, 1917, that Germany repudiated this pledge and resumed ruthless U-boat warfare. But it did give us warning that it could send its undersea craft to American waters whenever it chose.

If there ever had been any fancied security from their submarines, it was removed that Sunday, July 9, 1916, when the Deutschland bobbed up in Chesapeake Bay, and a few hours later reached her dock in Baltimore. Coming from Bremen via Heligoland, it had made its way through the North Sea and around Scotland, crossed the ocean and entered Hampton Roads under the very noses of the British cruisers just outside. Two hundred and thirteen feet long, with a displacement, submerged, of 2,200 tons, it had a surface speed of 12 to 14 knots an hour, and could run under water at 7-1/2 knots. Though unarmed, and called a "mercantile submarine," by the placing of guns and torpedo tubes aboard, she could be quickly converted into a man-of-war. The Deutschland came again to America in November, going to New London, Conn., reaching Germany, on her return, December 10. This was her last trip as a merchantman, for she was soon afterwards converted into a warship, and was one of the submarines sent to sink shipping in American waters in 1918.

Even more startling was the visit of the U-53. This German submarine, almost as large as the Deutschland, suddenly appeared off Point Judith and calmly steamed into Newport, R. I., the afternoon of October 7th. Flying the German man-of-war ensign, she carried two guns conspicuously placed. The cruiser Birmingham, Rear Admiral Albert Gleaves commanding, was near by, and the U-53 asked to be assigned a berth. Kapitän Leutnant Hans Rose, her commander, in full uniform, called on the commandant of the Naval Station, stating that his object in entering the port was to "pay his respects," and that he intended to sail at 6 o'clock. He invited our officers to visit his ship, saying he would be glad to "show them around." The crew seemed anxious to impress the Americans with the boat and its mechanism.

While in port, the U-53 was careful not to violate neutrality regulations, but the day after leaving Newport she began a slaughter of vessels. On October 8th, she sank the British steamships Stephano, Strathdine and West Point, the Dutch steamer Blommersdijk, and the Norwegian Chr. Knudsen. The first two were attacked within sight of Nantucket Lightship, just outside the three-mile limit. The others sunk were farther away, but all were near our coast.

The first news we had of this raid was that the American steamer Kansan had been stopped early in the morning by a German submarine, which, after examining her papers, had allowed her to proceed. A short time later a radio message was received stating that the British steamer West Point was being gunned. After that, distress signals came thick and fast. Rear Admiral Gleaves immediately ordered our destroyers to the relief of the vessels attacked, and they rescued crews and passengers, bringing them safely to port.

Within seven or eight months those destroyers were across the Atlantic, fighting the undersea raiders in European waters. And they had their revenge in September, 1918, when an American destroyer and sub-chasers bombed the U-53 with such effect that according to reports, she abandoned the fight, glad to be able to get to her home base.

Thus Germany in 1916 gave us a taste of submarine warfare, showing what it could do and did do in American waters in 1918, and what sound strategy caused naval experts to expect it to undertake in the spring of 1917. The U-53 had been careful not to attack any American vessels, and had conducted its operations outside our territorial waters. But this piece of German bravado aroused the indignation of the entire country. It was a warning—and probably so intended—that the Germans could at any time send their U-boats across the seas to sink our vessels off our own shores.

Even then the country at large seemed to regard our entrance into war as improbable, and to the average man it did seem only a remote possibility; but our attaché in Berlin reported that Germany was building U-boats by scores, the parts being made at plants in various parts of the country, and assembled at coast shipyards. The Germans continued to talk peace, but our Navy continued to build ships, enlist men, and accumulate reserves of guns, ammunition, and war materials.

Congress on August 29, 1916, authorized the construction of 157 war vessels—ten battleships of the largest type and six huge battle cruisers, larger and swifter than any then in existence; ten scout cruisers, fifty destroyers, nine fleet submarines, fifty-eight coast submarines and one of the Neff type; three fuel ships, two destroyer tenders, two gunboats and two ammunition ships, a repair ship, a transport, a hospital ship and a submarine tender. Sixty-six vessels were appropriated for, to be begun in the current year. That bill carried total appropriations of $312,678,000, the largest amount ever granted for naval purposes in time of peace, and larger than previous appropriations when this country was actually engaged in war.

Usually, after vessels are authorized, months are required to prepare the plans and specifications. That was not the case this time. The Bureau of Construction and Repair, under the direction of Rear Admiral David W. Taylor, regarded in this country and abroad as one of the world's ablest naval constructors, had begun work on the plans long before. They were ready when the bill passed Congress. Bids were advertised for the next day, and as soon as the law allowed, contracts were let. Before the end of 1916, we had entered upon the biggest shipbuilding program ever undertaken by any navy at one time.

Providing for an enlisted strength of 74,700 regulars, Congress also authorized the President to increase the Navy to 87,000 in case of emergency. This, with the 6,000 apprentice seamen, the Hospital Corps, and allowance for the sick, prisoners and men on probation, would give us an emergency strength of some 95,000—including both officers and men, a force of over 100,000. Five thousand additional enlisted men and 255 more officers were authorized for the Marine Corps, which could be raised in emergency to 17,500. The increases alone were larger than the entire number of men employed by the Navy in the Spanish War. The Naval Reserve, instituted in 1915, was made a Naval Reserve Force unlimited in numbers.

The Naval Militia had grown to a force of nearly 10,000, and interest had been stimulated by a training cruise for civilians on eleven war vessels, known as the "Ocean Plattsburg." The Act of 1916 laid the basis for the enormous personnel we secured during the war—over half a million men in the Navy, and 75,000 in the Marine Corps. Immediately after its passage, a vigorous recruiting campaign was begun.

Large reserves of powder and shells had been accumulated, but orders were given for much more, and efforts were made to speed up projectiles under manufacture. "We had at the end of 1916," Admiral Strauss, then Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance, stated, "batteries of four guns each for 189 auxiliary ships. These batteries were housed at navy yards, and the full supply of powder, shell, primers, etc., were all prepared and ready for these ships at the nearest ammunition depots, so that in the event of war the guns could be secured on the ships and the magazines and shell-rooms supplied at once."

Equipment for ships to be converted, and spare parts of all kinds were accumulated and stored at points where they would be quickly available. All the bureaus concerned with construction, shipbuilding, conversion, and repair, engines and machinery, ordnance and supplies were increasing production, reporting, as did our vessels, constant improvement in "readiness for war."

This was the result of two years' constant work. Special duties were imposed from the beginning of the European conflict in 1914. Only a few days after hostilities began, the cruisers Tennessee and North Carolina sailed, carrying millions of dollars in gold to relieve the thousands of Americans stranded in Europe, unable to get home. Naval vessels were kept busy along our coasts, enforcing neutrality in our territorial waters. Naval censors were placed at wireless stations, preventing the sending of unneutral messages. Intelligence officers were active in thwarting the machinations of German spies and plotters. But all this was small in comparison with the efforts we were making to increase and improve the Navy in its every branch and prepare it for any emergency.

The sinking of the Lusitania, May 7, 1915, was followed by such naval activity as had never been seen before, except in the midst of hostilities.

Congress had created in the current naval bill a Chief of Naval Operations, charged with "the operation of the fleet and its readiness for war." For this important position, I had, after careful consideration, selected Rear Admiral William S. Benson, whose ability and experience admirably fitted him for this vital task. He assumed office on May 10, three days after the Lusitania went down. It was a critical period. The President on May 13 addressed to Germany his vigorous note giving notice that this Government would omit no word or act to protect its citizens against murder on the seas. Many Americans were urging that war be declared at once. The crisis lasted for weeks, and ended only when the German government gave its promise that non-belligerent vessels would not be sunk without warning.

Admiral Benson, bureau chiefs, commanders, and officials devoted every energy to preparing the fleet for war. Abolition of the cumbersome system of naval aides brought the bureau chiefs in closer touch with the Secretary. There was no longer any division of authority and responsibility, and we could get direct action. On this basis we built up a departmental organization so efficient that no change was found necessary during the entire war period, the bureaus merely expanding to meet the enormously increased demands, each new activity easily fitting into some part of the existing organization.

The General Board of the Navy, of which Admiral Dewey was the head until his death Jan. 16, 1917, had developed a comprehensive administrative plan, under which each bureau was required to report, periodically, on its readiness for war. This enabled us to keep informed of exact conditions and progress made. The Board also worked out a scheme for development of shore bases and stations.

Navy yards were expanded not only to repair and convert vessels, but to build warships of every type. These new ways and shops formed a substantial and valuable addition to the nation's shipbuilding facilities.

I created the Secretary's Advisory Council, consisting of the Assistant Secretary, the Chief of Naval Operations and the chiefs of the various bureaus. Meeting regularly once a week and oftener when necessary, this Council brought together the chief administrative officers of the Department, and discussed all matters of general interest to the service. Thus the heads of bureaus kept in close touch with each other; having the advantage of a General Staff without its many disadvantages.

Comprehensive plans for possible war against Germany—we then called it "war in the Atlantic"—had been made by the General Board, and were constantly corrected and brought up to date in accordance with war developments.

When the fleet was reviewed by President Wilson at New York, May 15, 1915, Admiral Dewey wrote:

The people of New York have just cause for pride in the fleet now assembled in their harbor. Not only is it composed of the finest and most efficient warships that we have ever had, but it is not excelled, except in size, by the fleet of any nation in the world. Our ships and guns are as good as any in the world; our officers are as good as any; and our enlisted men are superior in training, education, physical development and devotion to duty to those of any other navy. As President of the General Board for the past fifteen years, I can say with absolute confidence that the efficiency of the fleet has steadily progressed, and has never been so high as it is today.

For months we had been at work on a plan for reorganizing the fleet. Completed and put into effect in July, 1915, that plan proved so efficient that it was continued throughout the war. Four battleships, the Pennsylvania, Nevada, Oklahoma and Arizona, ten destroyers, seven submarines, and two tenders, the Melville and the Bushnell, were completed in 1915-16.

Battle and target practice were conducted with a constant improvement in gunnery. In August, 1916, there was held off the North Atlantic Coast the largest "war game" in the annals of the Navy. Eighty-three vessels, including twenty-eight battleships and thirteen submarines, engaged in this strategic maneuver, which lasted for four days, and simulated the conditions of a great naval battle.

Congress had, in 1913-14, authorized the construction of five dreadnaughts as compared with only two granted by the previous Congress, and we were building more destroyers and submarines than in previous years. Forty-one more ships were in commission, and there were 5,000 more men in the service than there had been in 1913. The fleet was incomparably stronger than it had ever been before, but we were heartily tired of the hand-to-mouth policy that had prevailed so long, a policy that made it impossible to plan far ahead and develop a consistent and well-balanced fleet. In common with its officers, I wanted the United States to possess a navy equal to any afloat, and to initiate a building program that should be continuous and not haphazard.

Consequently, in July, 1915, I requested Admiral Dewey to have the General Board submit its opinion of what should be done to give us a navy worthy of this country and able to cope with any probable enemy. In response the General Board set forth this policy, which has guided us ever since and is now nearing a triumphant reality:

The Navy of the United States should ultimately be equal to the most powerful maintained by any other nation of the world. It should be gradually increased to this point by such a rate of development, year by year, as may be permitted by the facilities of the country, but the limit above defined should be attained not later than 1925.

WAR CHIEFS OF THE NAVY, THE SECRETARY AND HIS ADVISORY COUNCIL

Seated—Secretary Daniels. Standing (left to right):—Maj. Gen. George Barnett, Commandant U. S. Marine Corps; Capt. W. C. Watts, Judge Advocate General; Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Assistant Secretary of the Navy; Rear Admiral Samuel McGowan, Paymaster General, Chief of the Bureau of Supplies and Accounts; Rear Admiral Robert S. Griffin, Engineer-in-Chief, Chief of the Bureau of Steam Engineering; Rear Admiral David W. Taylor, Chief Constructor, Chief of the Bureau of Construction and Repair; Admiral William S. Benson, Chief of Naval Operations; Rear Admiral Ralph Earle, Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance; Commander H. G. Sparrow, Naval Aide to the Secretary; Rear Admiral Charles W. Parks, Chief of the Bureau of Yards and Docks; Rear Admiral Leigh C. Palmer, Chief of the Bureau of Navigation; Rear Admiral William C. Braisted, Surgeon General, Chief of the Bureau of Medicine and Surgery.

A FRIENDLY BOUT

Spectators on the U. S. S. Bushnell are having as much fun as the boxers.

SCHOOL HOUR ABOARD A BATTLESHIP

It was in accordance with this policy, and at my direction, that the General Board developed the continuous building program, comprising 157 war vessels, later known as the "three-year program," which was authorized by Congress in the next naval appropriation act. Presented in my annual report for 1915, it was strongly urged by President Wilson in his message to Congress, and he sounded the keynote in his speech at St. Louis, February 3, 1916, when he declared: "There is no other Navy in the world that has to cover so great an area of defense as the American Navy, and it ought, in my judgment, to be incomparably the most adequate Navy in the world."

With all the Navy striving to build up and expand the service, I turned attention to other forces that might be utilized. War had become a science; inventions were playing a vastly greater part than ever before, and on July 7, 1915, I wrote to Mr. Thomas A. Edison, suggesting the formation of a board of eminent inventors and scientists, and asking if he would consent to become its head. The idea appealed to Mr. Edison, as it did to the various scientific and engineering societies, and in a few weeks the Naval Consulting Board became a reality. Composed of men of eminence and distinction, this was the first of those organizations of patriotic civilians which, when war came, rendered such signal service to the nation.

This board began in 1915 a survey of all the country's industries and resources which might be employed, in case of war, for the production of munitions and supplies, and the thousand and one things required by armies and navies.

The Navy made a survey of all merchant ships and privately owned craft which might be utilized as auxiliaries. The Board of Inspection and Survey was increased, each vessel listed for service to which it could be adapted, and plans made for all the changes needed to convert it to war purposes. This was worked out to the last detail, even to the yards to which the vessels would be sent, and the accumulation of machinery and materials for their conversion. A standardized schedule was developed of all ammunition, materials, equipment and supplies needed by vessels in case of war.

Aviation received earnest attention. Seaplanes and flying boats were secured, and a school and station established at Pensacola, Fla., for the training of aviators. The cruisers North Carolina, West Virginia, and Washington were fitted with a launching device, from which aeroplanes could fly from ships. Operating with the fleet, our aeroplanes began developing the tactics of aircraft at sea.

During the Sussex crisis, arrangements were made for the mobilization of the communications of the entire United States radio, telegraph and telephone. This important experiment was carried out from May 6 to 8, 1916, and was a complete success, proving that in a day we could link all methods of communication and put in touch all our yards and stations and our ships at sea. Congress had previously authorized the erection of a chain of high power radio stations to span the Pacific—at San Diego, California; Pearl Harbor, Hawaii; and at Cavite, in the Philippines—and these were under construction.

The Naval Communication Service was created and under its direction all our communications, wire and wireless, were prepared for war. This entire service was mobilized the day the United States severed relations with Germany.

Admiral Dewey said, in the autumn of 1916: "The last three years have been wonderful years. I have been in the Navy since 1854, and both in material and personnel, we are more efficient today than ever before." Admiral Charles J. Badger, who, upon the death of Dewey in January, 1917, became head of the General Board, stated: "I do not mean to say that we had attained to perfection in the Navy—we never shall; that no errors of judgment or mistakes were made—they will always occur; but I assert that the Navy when it entered the war was as a whole, well prepared and administered."

CHAPTER III
THE BREAK WITH GERMANY

SURPRISE AND TERROR PLANNED IN STARTING U-BOAT WAR—BERNSTORFF WITHHELD NOTE UNTIL JUST BEFORE SUBMARINES STRUCK—AMERICA'S ENTRANCE COULD NOT AFFECT "TREND OF THE WAR," HOLTZENDORFF INSISTED—FLEET PUT ON WAR BASIS—PLANS MADE TO COOPERATE WITH ALLIES—"GET AND KEEP THE BEST MEN," PRESIDENT TOLD SECRETARIES OF WAR AND NAVY.

Germany struck practically without warning in inaugurating ruthless U-boat warfare. Surprise of Allies and neutrals, giving no time for negotiations, was one thing upon which its Admiralty insisted. Terrorizing America was a part of the plan, and if the United States entered the war, the Teuton naval authorities contended that it would exert no marked influence, and could furnish little assistance in troops or vessels.

Admiral von Holtzendorff, head of the German Admiralty, set forth all this in his memorandum detailing the arrangements for the "U-boat war." That document, one of the German official papers made public after the war, is marked "Strictly secret—B-35840-I," and is dated, "Berlin, Dec. 22, 1916."

"The beginning and the declaration of the unrestricted U-boat war," said Holtzendorff, "must follow so quickly one upon the other that there is no time for negotiations, especially between England and the neutrals. The wholesome terror will exercise in this case upon enemy and neutral alike."

The submarines were to begin the general attack not later than February 1, 1917. England was to be starved out in five months, and the Allies forced to surrender by August 1st. This is all stated in that memorandum, and those exact dates are given.

The probable entrance of the United States as a belligerent was discussed, and Holtzendorff took pains to set forth what little influence this country's participation could have upon the "trend of the war," saying:

As regards tonnage this influence would be negligible. It is not to be expected that more than a small fraction of the tonnage of the Central Powers lying in America and many other neutral harbors could then be enlisted for the traffic to England. For the far greatest part of this shipping can be damaged in such a way that it cannot sail in the decisive time of the first months. Preparations to this effect have been made. There would also be no crews to be found for them.

Just as little decisive effect can be ascribed to any considerable extent to American troops, which, in the first place, cannot be brought over through lack of tonnage.

Bernstorff, the German Ambassador at Washington, carried out his part of the plans to the letter. It was not until a few hours before the submarines were to strike, late in the afternoon of Jan. 31, 1917, that he presented the note of the German Government to the Secretary of State. He had that note in his possession twelve days before he presented it. He admits that it reached the German Embassy in Washington on January 19, the same day that Zimmermann, the German Foreign Minister, sent to Mexico his crafty but absurd proposal that Mexico form an alliance with Japan, and make war with the United States to recover the "lost territory" of New Mexico, Arizona, and Texas. That proposal also passed through the Washington embassy, in the Berlin diplomatic code, and was read by the Ambassador.

Before he presented the note declaring submarine warfare, Bernstorff had given the order that "the engines of all German ships lying in American harbors were to be destroyed." "I had already given instructions to this effect at the time of the Sussex crisis, and these instructions had now been repeated from Berlin," he says in his book. "As a matter of fact it was dangerous to allow of any delay, for on the evening of January 31, our ships were already seized by the American police. As far as I know, however, all of them without exception were made unfit for use before this occurred."

The day ruthless U-boat warfare began, new mobilization plans were prepared and sent out to the entire Navy. Formal action had not then been taken by our Government. Its course was still under consideration and the Cabinet was to meet the next day. But the moment I read the German note, I regarded a break as inevitable, and active hostilities almost certain to follow.

As the Cabinet assembled on Friday, February 2d, all of us realized the significance of the occasion. Parley and negotiation were ended. The time had come for decisive action. That was the conviction, I believe, of every man who rose to greet the President when he entered the room. Usually genial and smiling at the gatherings of his official family, he was now grave and serious. The destiny of a hundred million people lay in his hands, perhaps the destiny of the world.

The Cabinet members had, of course, read the text of the German note, whose meaning was plain enough, camouflaged as it was in diplomatic terms and pretended concessions. All had studied it, and were familiar with its provisions. But the President read it to us again. He read it in measured tones, giving weight to every significant syllable.

His mind was already made up, I felt certain. But before giving voice to his own decision, he called upon his official advisers to state their views. They spoke freely and frankly, each stating just what he thought the situation demanded. Expressions varied, of course, and each man approached the problem in his own way. There were differences of opinion as to details, but none as to the main point. On that, all were agreed. They felt that relations with Germany must be severed.

This was the President's position. He had never wavered from the firm stand he had taken a year before that, if unrestricted submarine warfare was continued, or resumed, the United States could have no further relations with Germany. It was no surprise to him that his colleagues, to a man, shared his views that the Cabinet was a unit for the dismissal of Bernstorff, and the sharpest possible warning to the German Government.

Although the session lasted several hours, this decision was soon reached. It had required no debate. The German note itself was a compelling argument.

Most of the time was devoted to discussing what steps each department should take, particularly State, War and Navy. It was recognized thoroughly that the severance of relations would create a difficult situation, one likely in a few weeks at most to lead to open warfare. It was realized that Germany might strike without waiting for formal declaration from the United States. The sinking of American vessels without warning would be, in itself, an overt act, an act of war. We had to prepare for any eventuality, to map out a program for immediate action.

The following telegram was sent to the entire Navy that night:

Six Alnav. In view of the present international situation, take every precaution to protect Government plants and vessels.

All who received that message knew what it meant, that they were to guard against surprise, and be ready for anything that might arise.

The next afternoon at two o'clock, the President, addressing a joint session of the two houses of Congress, pointed out that Germany had "suddenly and without prior intimation of any kind," deliberately withdrawn the solemn assurances given in its note of May 4, 1916, and announced that all diplomatic relations with Germany had been severed.

At the very hour the President began his address, and Bernstorff was handed his passports, Admiral Mayo, in Cuban waters, issued the first campaign order, putting into effect the plan for the defense of the fleet in Guantanamo Bay. As soon as I returned from the Capitol, this order was sent out:

One Alatl. Radicode. Mobilize Naval Communications.

Secnav.

That placed all our communications—radio, telegraphs, telephones, and signals—on a war basis. This message was just going out by wireless, when I was called to the White House, where I found the Secretary of War, who had likewise been summoned.

The President was concerned about the safety of Government property. There was enough cause for this anxiety, for there were thousands of aliens who could not be interned legally unless or until war was declared. Among them were hostile Germans who would resort to almost any violence to vent their resentment or to cripple this Government in its manifold preparations for war.

Navy yards and army posts were closed, and orders sent to every naval and military plant in the United States, Porto Rico, the Virgin Islands, Hawaii, Alaska, Guam and the Philippines, to exclude all visitors and strengthen the guards. The guards in the Panama Canal Zone were doubled, and special precautions were taken to protect the canal.

To prevent information from reaching Germans, we stopped publishing the movements of naval vessels and the daily orders to naval officers. Since the outbreak of the war in Europe we had maintained along the coast a number of naval vessels to enforce neutrality regulations. Now this force was increased, and a virtual coast patrol established.

That night I sent out the order, "Alnav availability," which directed all vessels to report their actual readiness for war.

The President kept in close touch with all our preparations. Not satisfied with general reports, he wanted to know just what was being done. Monday afternoon, while I was hard at work with officers on plans and orders, Mr. Wilson suddenly appeared in my office. Glad as I was to see him, his visit was a surprise. Documents concerning a number of the matters we were working upon were on my desk, and in a few moments I reviewed in detail the plans, told him what we had done and were doing, and asked his directions as to certain operations.

Then he suggested that we go to the War Department, to talk matters over with the Secretary of War. Mr. Baker was in his office and the three of us held a long conference, discussing the situation in all its phases. Some things the President said to us are indelibly impressed on my memory.

The breach in diplomatic relations, he pointed out, did not necessarily mean war, but it brought us so close to the possibility that we must put our house in order, and be ready for any emergency.

Men concerned him quite as much as measures, and he inquired particularly about the officers in important positions and commands. If there were any who did not seem equal to the tremendous tasks they would be called upon to perform, he wanted them replaced. If abler men were available, he wished us to secure them.

"Each of you must surround yourself with the ablest men you have," he said. Turning to me, he asked whether I felt that my immediate advisers, those in the Navy Department and in command afloat, were the men to retain in those positions.

"They are the best men in the Navy," I replied.

He asked the same question of the Secretary of War. Mr. Baker told him that the officers in responsible positions in the War Department and the Army knew their jobs and were going ahead earnestly with them. Some were necessarily slated for early retirement, but to anticipate this, he thought, would be unwise, as it might occasion needless alarm and disturb morale.

The President listened intently to us. When we finished, he again impressed upon us that only the ablest, most alert and energetic officers should be put in places of responsibility.

"Get and keep the best," he said as our conference ended.

Mr. Wilson had no sympathy with the fear of hurting some man's "feelings," which, he said, is the rock upon which efficient public service often goes to pieces. The big job called for the big man, and no personal consideration had any weight with him in getting the thing done, and done in the best way. "Get and keep the best," without regard to friendship, past performance, prestige, social or political pull, guided the President in his entire conduct of the war. It was that policy which enabled American power to be thrown into the scales so quickly and decisively.

It is gratifying to recall that under the rigid test of war, every responsible officer in the Navy Department measured up to his full duty. Not one failed to meet the requirements of his position. No change whatever was required. Franklin D. Roosevelt was Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Admiral William S. Benson was Chief of Naval Operations, Rear Admiral Charles J. Badger head of the General Board. The bureau chiefs were: Rear Admirals Robert S. Griffin, Engineering; David W. Taylor, Construction and Repair; Ralph Earle, Ordnance; Leigh C. Palmer, Navigation; Samuel McGowan, Supplies and Accounts; William C. Braisted, Medicine and Surgery; F. R. Harris, Yards and Docks. Captain W. C. Watts was Judge Advocate General, and Major General George Barnett, Commandant of the Marine Corps. When Admiral Harris resigned in December, 1917, to become head of the U. S. Emergency Fleet Corporation, he was succeeded as Chief of the Bureau of Yards and Docks by Rear Admiral Charles W. Parks. Captain Watts, requesting sea duty in March, 1918, was succeeded by Rear Admiral George R. Clark as Judge Advocate General. Thus, practically all those who were in office when war began served to its end. And no men ever did better service. Able and energetic, they worked together with a harmony and efficiency never excelled.

U-boat warfare being aimed directly at shipping, our own as well as that of other nations, the protection of American merchantmen was of prime importance. As the President was announcing the severance of relations with Germany, February 3d, the steamer Housatonic was sunk in European waters, and on February 12th, the schooner Lyman M. Law was sent down by the Germans.

Though he considered that under the general powers of the Executive he had the authority to arm merchant vessels for protection, the President desired, before taking such an important step, which must almost inevitably result in gunfire engagements with U-boats, to ask the support of Congress. Before that time, at a cabinet meeting at which this matter was discussed, the President turned to me and asked:

"Daniels, has the Navy the guns and gunners for this job?"

"We can arm them as fast as the ships are ready," I replied.

On February 26th, in an address to the two houses, President Wilson requested that Congress authorize him to "supply our merchant ships with defensive arms, should that become necessary, and with the means of using them, and to employ any other instrumentalities or methods that may be necessary and adequate to protect our ships and our people in their legitimate and peaceful pursuits on the seas." A bill to this effect, introduced at once, promptly passed the House by a large majority, but failed in the Senate by reason of a filibuster conducted by a handful of Senators who by continual debate prevented the bill from coming to a vote before the end of that Congress on March 4th.

It was this filibuster that called forth the President's denunciation of the "little group of willful men" who had, with reckless disregard of the country's needs, prevented important legislation, and his suggestion that the rules of the Senate be changed so as to make impossible any such occurrence in the future. Before adjournment a large majority of the senators signed a document stating that they favored the bill to arm American merchantmen, and would have voted for it, had they been given the opportunity.

Confident that he had the power under the Constitution, and a large majority of Congress having expressed its willingness to grant him specific authority, the President on March 12 directed me to furnish guns and naval gunners to American ships. Guns and men were ready, and the work of arming merchantmen began immediately. In two days guns were installed on the Manchuria, St. Louis and Aztec, and four days later the New York and St. Paul were equipped. The Manchuria sailed for England March 15, and thereafter a constant succession of merchant ships carrying armed guards left our ports for Europe.

The day after Bernstorff was dismissed the General Board had submitted the following specific steps to be taken in case of conflict with Germany:

G. B. No. 425. Confidential. Serial No. 666.

February 4, 1917.

From: Senior member present.

To: Secretary of the Navy.

Subject: Steps to be taken to meet a possible condition of war with the Central European Powers.

On account of existing conditions, the General Board recommends that the following steps be taken to meet a possible condition of war with the Central European Powers:

1. Complete complements and allowances of all kinds, first of the A and B fleet, then of the C fleet, and naval districts.

2. Mobilize the A fleet in the Lower Chesapeake, and increase it immediately to the B fleet. (See Black Plan.)

3. Dock and repair all ships in reserve and ordinary that will be used.

4. Arrange for the supply of fuel to the fleet and stock all fuel depots to capacity.

5. Establish additional recruiting stations and increase personnel of the Navy and Marine Corps to the total number required to supply complements for all the ships built, building, and authorized, and to maintain shore establishments and naval defense districts, including aviation service, with 10 per cent additional for casualties as follows: Enlisted force—Navy, 150,000; Marines, 30,000; officers in the proportion prescribed by law.

6. Mobilize the naval districts, including the Coast Guard and Lighthouse services, and put patrol vessels, mine sweepers, etc., of the Atlantic coast districts, on their stations; no commercial vessels to be mobilized in the Pacific coast districts at present.

7. Prepare to the utmost detail for the employment of mines along our coast as may be necessary.

8. Prepare nets and other obstruction for submarines, ready for immediate use, at the Chesapeake Capes, Delaware Capes, entrance to New York Bay, eastern entrance to Long Island Sound, Narragansett Bay, Panama Canal, and Guantanamo. Other places as their need becomes apparent. The General Board considers it of the utmost importance that net protection shall be immediately provided for the fleet during its mobilization in Chesapeake Bay.

9. Establish immediately the guards at all navy yards, magazines, radio stations, powder factories, munition plants, bases, shipbuilding yards, and naval shore utilities in accordance with the mobilization plans.

10. Reduce the force of Marines in Haiti and Santo Domingo to the smallest number that can maintain order there, transferring these men to the United States to perform necessary guard duty at navy yards, magazines, radio stations, shipbuilding plants, and to form cadres for the organization of new regiments as recruits are obtained. Organize the advanced base force and complete its equipment.

11. Leave in the Caribbean a sufficient number of light cruisers to keep a lookout for submarines in those waters and for the protection of our interests there. Protect the Canal and Guantanamo as far as possible, by the use of mines and where possible by monitors, submarines and nets.

12. For the present use the greater part of the destroyer flotillas as patrol for submarines in the vicinity of the principal ports or entrances leading to them.

13. Base the submarines at Canal, Guantanamo, and points along the coast in accordance with the Black Plan.

14. Rush to completion all naval vessels building or authorized; also build up the Aviation Service as rapidly as possible.

15. Guard all bays and harbors on the coast of Maine to prevent their use as bases of supply. Patrol waters of Haiti, Santo Domingo, Porto Rico, and Danish West Indies, the Cuban Coast Guard Service to assist in patrolling all bays and gulfs of the coast of Cuba.

16. Prepare to close entrances to all ports at night and discontinue or change such aids to navigation as may be necessary.

17. Organize a comprehensive system of intelligence service covering the whole theater of war in accordance with the plans of the Office of Naval Intelligence.

18. Take possession of all interned vessels of war of Central Powers; also take control of all commercial vessels of Central Powers now in United States waters.

19. Place under surveillance all citizens of the Central Powers in the Navy or in Government employ in naval establishments, and remove them from positions in which they may do possible harm.

20. Arm our merchant ships for purposes of defense.

21. In accordance with Black Plan, carry out the following:

(a) Issue proclamation prescribing defensive sea areas and put rules in regard to them in force.

(b) Issue proclamation prescribing press regulations and establishing censorship of cable and radio, including naval control of all commercial and private radio stations.

(c) Issue President's order in regard to visit and search, capture, etc.

22. And as most important, arrange, as soon as possible, plans of coöperation with the naval forces of the Allies for the joint protection of trans-Atlantic commerce and for offensive naval operations against the common enemy.

Chas. J. Badger.

General war plans, as I have stated, had been developed years before under the direction of Admiral Dewey. Among these was the "Black Plan" designated for "war in the Atlantic," really for war with Germany. Revised from time to time as the progress of the European conflict suggested changes, this was constantly kept up to date, and covered thoroughly general policies and operations. The recommendations of February 4th and various others submitted later were for specific things to be done in consonance with the general scheme.

A week after the break with Germany, I sent the following to the General Board:

February 10, 1917.

To: The General Board.

Subject: Solution of Problem.

1. The Department desires the General Board to consider the following problem and submit its solution as soon as practicable:

Problem

General situation—Conditions as at present except that war with Germany is declared.

Special situation—The Allies do not desire our battleship force at present.

Required—Naval estimate of the situation: first, as to the grand strategy demanded by the situation; second, as to the disposition of the battleship force; third, as to the method of assisting in maintaining communications with Europe, including scheme for coöperation with Allies; fourth, as to method of driving submarines from the sea.

Assume—Mobilization of all naval vessels and possibility of mobilizing merchant vessels as required.

Josephus Daniels.

Anti-submarine warfare, coöperation with the Allies, was the keynote of all our plans, as of this "problem," the solution of which the General Board submitted on February 17. We were then, as always, planning "for the joint protection of trans-Atlantic commerce," as the Board expressed it, "and for offensive naval operations against the common enemy."

CHAPTER IV
THE DAY OF DECISION

MOST IMPORTANT CABINET MEETING OF WILSON ADMINISTRATION HELD MARCH 20, 1917, WHEN IT WAS DECIDED TO CALL CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION TO DECLARE WAR—"I WANT TO DO RIGHT, WHETHER IT IS POPULAR OR NOT," SAID THE PRESIDENT—FLEET ORDERED NORTH—NAVY AND MARINE CORPS INCREASED TO EMERGENCY STRENGTH.

Tuesday, March 20, 1917, is not fixed in the war chronologies, so far as I can find. But it should be, for that was the Day of Decision. That was the occasion of the most important Cabinet meeting of the Wilson administration, in fact without doubt the most important of our generation.

Eleven days earlier the President had called Congress to meet in special session April 16th, "to receive such communication as may be made by the Executive." But events were moving rapidly. Four American vessels had been sunk without warning—the Algonquin, City of Memphis, Illinois, and Vigilancia—with the loss of American lives. German U-boats were destroying shipping by the hundred thousand tons. We had been arming merchant vessels, but it was evident that this "armed neutrality" in itself was insufficient, valuable as it was.

The "overt act" had occurred. The Germans were sinking our ships, killing our citizens on the high seas. There were matters of vital importance to be discussed when the Cabinet met. Congress had already been summoned to meet within a month. But every day counted.

Should the special session be called at an earlier date? What message should be sent to Congress in view of the situation? These were the questions propounded by the President, who was grave, feeling the deep sense of responsibility. He wished every member of the Cabinet to state his conviction of the national duty, he told us, and each spoke from his standpoint.

I have often wished that it might have been possible to preserve a record of Cabinet meetings, particularly in the months preceding and during the war. If the American people could have seen the President and heard him as he spoke to us on March 20th, they would have felt a confidence and admiration which nothing else could have imparted. I do not feel at liberty to give from memory what he said, or the statements of the ten members of the Cabinet. His severest critics have praised President Wilson's power to express national sentiment and set forth problems and solutions in living sentences in his public addresses. That power was even more markedly displayed in the bosom of his official family.

That day he began by sketching the steps this country had taken to protect American lives. He was disinclined to the final break. As he so often did in laying weighty matters before the cabinet, Mr. Wilson clearly stated the events culminating in repeated sinking of American ships by German submarines, and then, with a sort of seeming detachment, invited the views of the Cabinet.

It was a supreme moment. Some of us, fully in harmony with the President's patient and long successful efforts to protect American rights by peaceful means, had at last, like himself, lost hope of world and national safety without resort to war. Others, approving of steps taken, had earlier wished entrance into the struggle. It is interesting, even when the matter is not one greater than life and death, as was this determination, to observe how ten men with the same objective will differ in the presentation of their views or the reasons which prompt their conclusions. No two of the Cabinet on that day gave expression to precisely the same reasons, or rather, I should say, aside from the impelling reason, each had been influenced by some incident or argument he presented. But all were convinced that the character of the warfare being waged by the Central Powers could no longer be tolerated and that no course was open but for America to throw the weight of its great power into the scales against Germany.

After all had advised that Congress be called in session as early as practicable, one member read a number of telegrams conveying the impression that popular opinion was strongly in favor of our early entrance into the war.

"We are not governed by public opinion in our conclusion," said the President. "I want to do right whether it is popular or not."

The next morning the proclamation was issued summoning Congress to meet April 2, "to receive a communication by the Executive on grave questions of national policy which should be taken under consideration."

War was only a matter of days. Under the conditions, the place for the fleet was in home waters. When I returned to the Department after the Cabinet meeting, orders were sent to Admiral Mayo to bring the fleet north at once. Some smaller vessels were left in the Caribbean to protect tankers coming from Mexico and Texas. Though the day previous I had asked the General Board to consider carefully whether everything possible was being done for the protection of our ships entering the proscribed area, that afternoon, accompanied by Admiral Benson, I attended a meeting of the Board, informing its members that the President wished them to outline every measure that the Navy could employ for protection of American shipping entering European ports, beyond the provision of armed guards which we had already undertaken. I told the Board that we desired the fullest and most ample protection, regardless of effort or expense.

Replying immediately, the Board recommended:

Escort vessels to deep water from our ports, and similarly from deep water to our ports.

Arrange with British and French Governments for the convoy of our ships through the barred zones.

Merchant ships to proceed on high seas from points of leaving and receiving escorts, depending upon their guns for protection and upon changes of course to follow alternate routes.

Arrange with British and French Governments a code of signals to be used in directing merchant ships as to routes to be followed and points of meeting escorts.

Establish a patrol of the Atlantic coast.

Recruit up to the limit allowed by law for emergencies in order to provide crews for patrols and auxiliaries, and fill battleship complements which have been depleted to supply gun crews to merchant ships.

© Harris & Ewing

PRESIDENT WILSON AND THE WAR CABINET

Around the table, from left to right: the President, Secretary of the Treasury McAdoo, Attorney General Gregory, Secretary of the Navy Daniels, Secretary of Agriculture Houston, Secretary of Labor Wilson, Secretary of Commerce Redfield, Secretary of the Interior Lane, Postmaster General Burleson, Secretary of War Baker, Secretary of State Lansing (in light suit).

AMERICAN DREADNOUGHTS, THE EMBODIMENT OF SEA POWER

At the next meeting of the Cabinet, on Friday, I presented the authority granted by Congress to increase the enlisted strength of the Navy to 87,000, and the President directed me to fill up the Navy and Marine Corps to the full number authorized in case of national emergency.

On Saturday afternoon the President called at the Navy Department. Mrs. Wilson came with him. The rapid approach of war weighed upon him, and he wished to keep in close touch with all military preparations. It was then that I brought up the matter of sending to London a naval officer of high rank, which resulted, a few days later, in the sending of Admiral Sims.

I also informed him of the result of the important conference we had held that morning with shipbuilders to secure rapid construction of additional destroyers. Before that time we had always insisted upon and been able to secure "fixed price" contracts, under which it could be known precisely what a vessel would cost, the builders being under bond to deliver it to us at the price agreed upon. But this was no longer possible. With the rising cost of labor and materials, the builders were unwilling to name specific figures. Reluctantly, I agreed to a contract based on actual cost of construction with ten per cent profit. Destroyers were sorely needed, we wanted all the shipyards could build, and expedition was worth all it might cost. As a matter of fact, no other construction during the war was accomplished with so little increased cost.

That night the President signed the order directing that the authorized enlisted strength of the Navy be increased to 87,000 men, and the next day I sent a telegram to the newspapers of the country, more than a thousand of them, asking them to print the order on the first page and also make an editorial appeal for recruits, saying:

New ships and ships in reserve are being fully commissioned as rapidly as possible, and the need is imperative for a larger enlistment to man them. There has been a net increase of over 6,500 in enlistment since Congress recently authorized an increase, but many more are needed and needed now.

This appeared in nearly every paper in the United States, and most of them accompanied it with an editorial. It was an example of the fine spirit of coöperation and patriotism shown by the American press during the entire war. Every recruiting station was telegraphed to increase the force and to engage doctors to examine applicants, so there would be no delay. Within a few hours after the President signed the order to increase the Navy, the recruiting campaign was under way in every part of the Union.

Thursday afternoon at 4:30 o'clock, as I was holding the daily interview with the press, President Wilson, unannounced, came into the Navy Department. It was several minutes before I knew he was there. There had been a rapid fire of interrogations and answers between the Secretary and the correspondents when an officer came to my desk and said, "The President is here." He was sitting quietly at the other end of the big room, listening to the cross-examination which a cabinet officer undergoes at the hands of press representatives twice every day. And they always ask "searching questions." As soon as the newspaper men knew the President was in the room, they lost all interest in me and I asked to be excused from further questioning.

"Do you have to undergo that ordeal every day?" Mr. Wilson asked.

"Yes, twice every day," was my reply; "but it is not usually an ordeal. Being a newspaper man myself, I recall that most of my life has been spent in doing to other public officers what those reporters are doing to me—and, besides, I rather like it."

What to do with the interned German ships was still a puzzling and undecided question, and that was one of the matters that Mr. Wilson had come to discuss.

"We must keep in close touch," he said, as he opened the conversation. He spoke of the submarine situation and the interned ships, and then showed me a letter from a man of importance to the effect that an Austrian had arrived in the United States on a submarine, had called upon the Austrian Consul at New York, and given him important papers which had been brought from Europe in the undersea boat. He understood that two submarines had come over from Germany, the writer said.

While this seemed improbable, a telegram was sent in code to all naval commanders and stations to be on the lookout. That night a message was received from the Commandant of the New York district that two submarines had been sighted off Montauk Point. Destroyers and motor boats were sent there to search the vicinity.

This proved to be a "false alarm," as did so many reports which were sent forth with every particularity in that early period. But we had to investigate all that seemed possible, for we could not afford to take any chances of surprise attacks.

CHAPTER V
SENDING SIMS TO EUROPE

COÖPERATION WITH ALLIES THE KEYNOTE OF OUR POLICY—ADMIRAL WILSON FIRST CHOSEN—SIMS' MISSION AND INSTRUCTIONS—SAILED AS "S. W. DAVIDSON," PRIVATE CITIZEN—BRITISH HAD NO PLANS THAT PROMISED SUCCESS, LORD JELLICOE TOLD HIM—CARSON PRAISED AMERICA'S "SPEEDY ACTION."

The most important thing, perhaps, that I discussed with the President when he visited the Navy Department March 24th was sending to London an officer of high rank who would put us in more intimate touch with the British Admiralty.

The text of that discussion was the following cablegram just received from the American Ambassador:

London, March 23, 1917, 7 p. m.

Secretary of State,

Washington.

Mr. Balfour has shown me the informal suggestion conveyed by the Navy Department through Gaunt [British naval attaché on duty in Washington] regarding closer relations and his reply. The British Government will heartily fall in with any plan we propose as soon as coöperation can be formally established. It was intimated to me that a submarine base on the coast of Ireland would then be assented to.

The whole subject of active coöperation and the best methods to bring it about have been informally discussed by me with Mr. Balfour, Mr. Bonar Law, the Prime Minister, Admiral Jellicoe, and others at their invitation, and they will most gladly assent to any proposals that we are likely to make. They withhold proposals of their own until the way has formally been opened by us lest they should seem to push themselves upon us, which they, of course, do not wish to do.

I know personally and informally that they hope for the establishment of full and frank naval interchange of information and coöperation. Knowing their spirit and their methods, I can not too strongly recommend that our government send here immediately an admiral of our own navy who will bring our navy's plans and inquiries. The coming of such an officer of high rank would be regarded as a compliment and he would have all doors opened to him and a sort of special staff appointed to give him the results and methods of the whole British naval work since the war began. Every important ally has an officer of such high rank here. In a private conversation with me today at luncheon Mr. Balfour expressed his enthusiastic hope that such a plan would be immediately carried out. Many things of the greatest value would be verbally made known to such an officer which would never be given in a routine way nor reduced to writing.

Admiral Jellicoe has privately expressed the hope to me that our navy may see its way to patrol our coast and possibly relieve the British cruisers now on our side of the Atlantic. He hopes too that in case more German raiders go out we may help capture them in waters where they prey on shipping from Mexico or South America.

If our Navy Department will send an admiral it would be advantageous for me to be informed as soon as possible. The confidential information that he will come by would be of immediate help. Such an officer could further definite plans for full coöperation.

Page.

We had presented the proposition informally through the British naval attaché, as the Ambassador pointed out. Captain McDougall, our naval attaché in London, was given access to all records which were not confidential, and his intimate association with the officers of the Admiralty enabled him to keep the Navy Department in constant touch with the situation and to give us data bearing on many phases of naval effort. But there were, of course, many things kept secret, unrevealed to any neutral. Our break with Germany brought about new conditions, and made possible a more intimate exchange of views between the American and British navies. Ruthless U-boat warfare begun only a few weeks before, the Germans sinking shipping by the million tons, and the British naturally concealing their losses and their plans, made it important for us to secure the fullest information as to the exact situation, and what steps were being taken to meet it. And in case war was declared, to have in London an admiral to aid the Department in putting into immediate effect the coöperation with the Allies which we were planning.

That Saturday afternoon I discussed Ambassador Page's cablegram and the whole matter with the President, and he approved the plan. Then the question arose as to what officer should be selected for this important mission. The choice was Admiral Henry B. Wilson, later commander-in-chief of the Atlantic Fleet, then commanding the battleship Pennsylvania. But we were creating a strong patrol force and Admiral Wilson was regarded as the best man to organize and command it.

Admiral Jellicoe was, as Ambassador Page said, particularly anxious that our Navy might "see its way to patrol our coast and possibly relieve the British cruisers now on our side of the Atlantic," and also, in case more German raiders got out, as was feared, to "help capture them in waters where they prey on shipping from Mexico or South America." This was in line with the policy we had already adopted. Formally organized on March 28, Admiral Wilson was put in command of this force, which accomplished just what Admiral Jellicoe then suggested, and what was one of the first requests made, after war was declared, by Admirals Browning and Grasset.

The Germans, naval officers pointed out, might well conclude as soon as we declared war to send submarines across the Atlantic to attack shipping and cut down the flow of munitions and supplies to Europe. One or two operating in the Gulf might interrupt the shipment of oil from Mexican fields, the largest source of supply for the British Fleet. A strong patrol force would not only protect all shipping on this side of the ocean, but, well organized and equipped, would be ready when called upon, to operate in European waters, as it did later on. So, it was determined to assign Wilson to that duty and Admiral William S. Sims was then chosen for the London mission.

On Monday, March 26, I telegraphed him to come to Washington. He arrived on the 28th and came to the Navy Department in the afternoon. Referring to Mr. Page's telegram, I told him the President had decided to send an admiral to England, and he had been selected. Informing him, in confidence, of our belief that the time was near at hand when the United States would enter the war, I told him that, in that event, we must prepare for the fullest coöperation with the British Navy. But his immediate duty, I pointed out, was to secure all possible information as to what the British were doing, and what plans they had for more effective warfare against the submarines.

In the course of the conversation, I said: "You have been selected for this mission not because of your Guildhall speech, but in spite of it." In that speech Sims had said, "If the time ever comes when the British Empire is seriously menaced by an external enemy, it is my opinion that you may count upon every man, every dollar, every drop of blood of your kindred across the sea." Impressing upon him the fact that the United States was still neutral, and that until Congress should declare war his mission must be a secret and confidential one, I informed him that it had been decided not to issue written orders detaching him from his duties at Newport, but for him to go quietly as a civilian passenger, and report to Ambassador Page personally before any public announcement was made.

Among the matters discussed was the extent of the sinkings by submarines. Ambassador Page had written me confidentially that the situation was more serious than the British admitted. I told Admiral Sims that the President believed the British had not taken the necessary vigorous offensive to prevent destruction of shipping by the U-boats and that he strongly believed two things ought to be done:

First, that every effort should be made to prevent the submarines getting into the Atlantic—that they ought to be shut up in their own coasts, or some method should be found to prevent their ingress and egress.

Second, that all ships ought to be convoyed. The President had been of this opinion for a long time, and had insisted that it was essential to give protection to shipping. The General Board had strongly recommended convoy, and I favored it. But, as I told Admiral Sims, I had taken this matter up with naval officers in the Department, and there was division of opinion, most of them seeming to agree with the British Admiralty, which apparently opposed the convoy system. It had not been adopted abroad.

Admiral Sims seemed pleased with his mission and instructions. And the only official instructions he received were those I gave him. But, someone may ask about the sensational statement in his letter that he was given the explicit admonition, "Don't let the British pull the wool over your eyes. It is none of our business pulling their chestnuts out of the fire. We would as soon fight the British as the Germans."

I never heard of that until I read it in Sims' letter of January 7, 1920. Later, testifying before the Senate investigating Committee he stated that the remark was made by Benson, who afterwards in Paris made a similar statement. "I will admit that I had completely forgotten the incident," said Sims in regard to the latter. "It was recalled to me by a member of my staff who was present, and who heard it. I think that the reason I did not remember that distinctly was because I regarded it as a personal idiosyncrasy of the Admiral. I had known the general opinion that he was intensely anti-British, but it did not affect me particularly."

"I have always had the best possible personal relations with Admiral Benson," he continued. "I regard him as an upstanding and honest man who has exceedingly strong convictions and who is very firm in adherence to those convictions. I believe everything he has done during the war has been done conscientiously, and to get along with the war."

Benson said he could not recall just what was said; that he strongly approved Sims' selection, but probably used "very forcible language" in impressing upon him the seriousness of the situation and the importance of being very careful that "his feelings toward the British did not lead him into any indiscretion." He denied strongly that his words could be interpreted to mean anything else.

In view of these statements and the known fact that Admiral Benson and everybody else in our navy earnestly coöperated with the British, and that Benson had a large part in arranging this coöperation before Sims reached London, I think there is no occasion for any further allusion to the remark.