UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS STUDIES
IN
LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

Vol. III May–November, 1917 Nos. 2–4

Board of Editors
George T. Flom
William A. Oldfather
Stuart P. Sherman

Published by the University of Illinois
Under the Auspices of the Graduate School
Urbana, Illinois

Copyright, 1917

By the University of Illinois.

TAGALOG TEXTS WITH GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS

PART I: TEXTS AND TRANSLATION

PART II: GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS

PART III: LIST OF FORMATIONS AND GLOSSARY

BY
LEONARD BLOOMFIELD

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
1917

Table of Contents

PREFACE

This essay is purely linguistic in character and purpose.

In taking phonetic notes on Tagalog I noticed that the pronunciation of the speaker to whom I was listening, Mr. Alfredo Viola Santiago (at present a student of architectural engineering in the University of Illinois) presented certain features of accentuation not mentioned in the descriptions familiar to me. With the intention of briefly describing these features, I took down more extensive notes and asked Mr. Santiago to tell me in Tagalog the stories of “The Sun” and “The Northwind and the Sun,” used as models by the International Phonetic Association.

The data so obtained showed that the features of accentuation I had observed were in part distinctive (expressive of word-meaning), and, further, that certain other features, which were but imperfectly described in the treatises I knew (so especially the use of the “ligatures”), appeared in Mr. Santiago’s speech in a regular and intelligible manner. A more extensive study was thus indicated.

The results of this study were subject to two obvious limitations. The utterances I had transcribed were either translations or isolated sentences, and I could not determine to what extent the features of Mr. Santiago’s speech which I had observed were general in Tagalog.

The former of these limitations was fully overcome when I asked Mr. Santiago to tell me connected stories. In addition to fortunate endowments of a more general kind Mr. Santiago possesses, as I found, that vivacity of intellect and freedom from irrelevant prepossessions which we seek and so rarely find in people whose language we try to study. This latter quality may be due in part to the fact that, as Mr. Santiago’s education has been carried on entirely in Spanish and English, his speech-feeling for his mother-tongue has not been deflected by the linguistic, or rather pseudo-linguistic training of the schools, so familiar to us. However this may be, I cannot be grateful enough to Mr. Santiago (and I hope that the reader will join me in this feeling) for the intelligence, freshness, and imagination with which he has given us connected narratives in his native language,—stories he heard in childhood and experiences of his own and of his friends. It is to be hoped that some of these will be of interest to students of folk-lore (as, for instance, Nos. [9], [10], [11], the old Hindu fable in No. [4], and the Midas story, much changed, in No. [5]); the texts are here given, however, only for their linguistic interest.

The second limitation could not be overcome. As there exists at present no adequate description of the dialectal differentiation of Tagalog, nor even an adequate description of any one form of the language, I can make no definite statement as to the relation of Mr. Santiago’s speech to other forms of Tagalog.

What is here presented is, then, a specimen of the speech of an educated speaker from Mr. Santiago’s home town, San Miguel na Matamés, Bulacán Province, Luzón. It would have been possible to include in the description the speech of at least one other educated Tagalog from a different region (uneducated speakers are unfortunately not within my reach), as well as such data as might be gathered from printed Tagalog books: I have refrained from this extension because, at the present state of our knowledge, a single clearly defined set of data is preferable to a necessarily incomplete attempt at describing the whole language in its local and literary variations. Comparison of literary Tagalog (chiefly the translation of José Rizal’s “[Noli me Tangere]” by Patricio Mariano, Manila, Morales, 1913[1]) shows that Mr. Santiago’s speech is not far removed from it. In most cases where my results deviate from the statements of the Spanish grammars, the evidence of printed books (and not infrequently the internal evidence of the grammars themselves) shows that the divergence is due not to dialectal differences but to the fact that the grammars are the product of linguistically untrained observers, who heard in terms of Spanish articulations and classified in those of Latin grammar.

This study presents, then, the first Tagalog texts in phonetic transcription and the first scientific analysis of the structure of the language[2]. Although the nature of the problem forbade the use of any material other than that obtained from Mr. Santiago, I have examined all the treatises on Tagalog accessible to me. No experience could show more clearly than the reading of these books the necessity of linguistic and especially phonetic training for anyone who wishes to describe a language. Not one of the works in the following list[3] contains an intelligible description of the pronunciation of Tagalog. The only general work of scientific value is the excellent second volume of P. Serrano Laktaw’s dictionary. Much as one may admire the pioneer courage of Totanes and the originality of Minguella, these venerable men were as little able to describe a language as one untrained in botany is to describe a plant. Among the authors of monographs are several good names and one or two of the greatest in our science: nearly all of these authors mention the difficulty under which they labored for want of an adequate description of the language.

[1] An English translation by Charles Derbyshire was published in 1912 by the Philippine Education Company in Manila and the World Book Company in New York, under the title “[The Social Cancer]”. [↑]

[2] The entire syntax and much of the morphology, especially whatever relates to the accent-shifts in word-formation, will be found to be new. I have of course refrained from any and all historical surmises beyond the indication of unassimilated loan-words. The system of transcription used is, with a few deviations, that of the International Phonetic Association. [↑]

[3] They were accessible to me chiefly through the courtesy of the Newberry Library in Chicago. [↑]

LIST OF BOOKS AND ARTICLES CONSULTED

Alter, F. C., Über die tagalische Sprache. Wien 1803.

Blake, F. R., Contributions to comparative Philippine Grammar. (Journal of the American Oriental Society, vols. 27, 28, 29, 30).

Brandstetter, R., Tagalen und Madagassen, Luzern 1902. (= his Malayo-polynesiche Forschungen, ser. 2, no. 2).

Conant, C. E., The names of the Philippine languages. (Anthropos, vol. 4).

The pepet law in the Philippine languages. (Anthropos, vol. 7).

de Coria, J., Nueva gramática tagalog. Madrid 1872.

Cue-Malay, G., Frases usuales para la conversacion en español tagalo é ingles. Manila 1898.

Doherty, D. J., The Tagalog language. (Educational Review, vol. 24).

Durán, C. G., Manual de conversaciones en castellano tagalo é inglés. Manila 1900.

Fernandez, D. E., Nuevo vocabulario ó manual de conversaciones en español, tagalo y pampango. Binondo 1901.

Francisco [Blancas] de San Josef, Arte y Reglas de la lengua Tagala. Manila 1832.

Garcia, F., at Herrera, V., Manga onang turo sa uikang inglés. Maynila 1902.

Gaspar de San Agustin, Compendio de la Lengua Tagala. Manila 1879.

Hévia Campomanes, J., Lecciones de gramática Hispano-Tagala. Manila 1872. 3d ed. 1883. 4th ed. 1888.

von Humboldt, W., Die Kawi-Sprache, vol. 2, pp. 315 ff., 347 ff. (= Berlin Academy Transactions, 1832, vol. 3).

Kern, J. H. C., Over zoogenaamde verbindingsklanken in het Tagala. (Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, ser. 3, vol. 11).

Sanskritsche woorden in het Tagala. (ib., ser. 4, vol. 4).

Kirk, May, The Baldwin primer. Tagalog edition. New York [1899 and 1902 copyright].

Lendoyro, C., The Tagalog language. Manila 1902.

MacKinlay, W. E. W., A handbook and grammar of the Tagalog language. Washington 1905.

Marre, A., Grammaire tagalog (Bijdragen, ser. 6, vol. 9).

Merrill, E. D., A dictionary of the plant names of the Philippine Islands. Manila 1903. (Publications of the Bureau of Government Laboratories, Department of the Interior, Philippine Islands, no. 8).

Miles, J., Método teórico-práctico y compendiado para aprender el lenguaje Tagálog. Barcelona 1887.

Minguella, T., Ensayo de gramática Hispano-Tagala. Manila 1878.

Método práctico para que los niños y niñas de las provincias tagalas aprendan á hablar Castellano. Manila 1886.

Neilson, P. D., English-Tagalog Dictionary. Manila 1903.

Tagalog-English Dictionary. Manila 1903.

Nigg, C., Tagalog English and English Tagalog Dictionary. Manila 1904.

de Noceda, J., y de Sanlucar, P., Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala. Manila 1860.

Paglinawan, M., Balarilang Tagalog [on cover: Gramatikang Tagalog] Maynila 1910.

Pardo de Tavera, T. H., Consideraciones sobre el origen del nombre de los números en Tagalog (La España oriental 1889).

El Sánscrito en la lengua Tagalog. Paris 1887.

Rizal, José, Die Transcription des Tagalog. (Translated by F. Blumentritt, Bijdragen, vol. 42).

de los Santos, Domingo, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala. Manila 1835 (reimpreso).

Serrano, R., Diccionario de terminos comunes Tagalo-Castellano. Ed. 3. Binondo 1869.

Nuevo diccionario manual Español-Tagalo. Manila 1872.

Serrano Laktaw, P., Diccionario Hispano-Tagalog. Primera parte. Manila 1889.

Diccionario Tagalog-Hispano. Segunda parte. Manila 1914.

de Totanes, S., Arte de la lengua Tagala. Manila 1745. Sampaloc 1796. Manila 1850. Binondo 1865 (reimpreso).

Wolfensohn, L. B., The infixes la, li, lo in Tagalog. (Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 27).

I. TEXTS IN PHONETIC TRANSCRIPTION

II. GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS.

Note.—The following grammatical analysis of Mr. Santiago’s speech can, of course, lay no claim to completeness: he surely uses some constructions and very many forms which I have not heard or have failed to note. Such fulness as will be found is due to Mr. Santiago’s intelligence and patience under questioning and in conversation. A very few of the examples represent his form of sentences in MacKinlay’s Handbook. The full representation of derivatives of the root pútol cut is due to Mr. Santiago’s kindness in listing these forms, wherever they seemed possible to his speech-feeling, in accordance with my list of morphologic elements, and in then forming sentences to illustrate them.

In the use of accent-marks and of the symbol y I have deviated from the practice of the International Phonetic Association. Where roots did not occur as independent words, I have prefixed a hyphen and given a theoretical meaning. In the explanation of constructions I have allowed myself the use of distorted English; although this time-honored device does not really reproduce the foreign expression (substituting, as it does, impossible constructions for natural ones), it does enable the reader to follow the general trend of the foreign idiom.

A. PHONETICS.

1. Distinctive sounds.

1. The distinctive sounds are the following:

2. a is a low unrounded vowel, as in Standard English far, but more tense and with the corners of the mouth (lips) slightly 15drawn back: hàlamanàn garden.

3. i and u, in what may be regarded as the normal form, are about as high as the Standard (American) English vowels in pit and put, but more tense; moreover, the lips are well drawn back for i and well rounded for u: ínit heat, lutúin be cooked.

204. In the final syllable of a phrase (or of a word spoken alone) the tongue position of i and u is as a rule lowered, often all the way to mid position; the tenseness and lip position are, however, kept, so that the resulting sound often resembles French è and lower o.

255. u is nearly always so lowered: bágo new, buhòk hair. It is not lowered in pùʾ ten.

6. i is not lowered before dentals: káhit though, ákin my, pígil compulsion. It is usually kept high also before velars: sahìg flooring, siŋsìŋ ring. Some words ending in velars more or less 30regularly have the lowering: pútik, pútek mud; so especially some proper names: Intsèk Chinese, Lóleŋ Lola.

Even in other cases the higher variants of i are commoner than the lower; hindìʾ not, kamì we, gabì night, mulìʾ again are commoner than these words with e; a very few words, such as ulèʾ again have oftener e than i; others, such as itèm black are fairly regular in their variation.

7. Within a closely unified phrase the lowering is as a rule omitted: ulí sya again he (ulèʾ), Hintú na! Stop! (hintòʾ). In 5this regard the habits are variable; the form chosen depends mostly on the speaker’s momentary attitude toward the closeness of joining of the words.

A dissimilative factor also seems to be involved: a following i or u favors the lowering:

10Natùtúlug aŋ áso. The dog is sleeping.

Natùtúlog si Hwàn. Juan is sleeping.

8. o occurs in a number of words as the vowel in the last two syllables: in all of them the intervening consonant is the glottal stop: óʾo yes, doʾòn there; boʾòʾ whole has occasionally buʾòʾ. 15The raised variant is not used within the phrase: Óʾo pòʾ. Yes, sir. Yes, ma’am. doʾòn sya there he.

e occurs in the same way in leʾèg neck, beside liʾìg.

9. In word-formation, when, by the addition of suffixes, the i or u is no longer final, it is not lowered: lútoʾ cook, lutúin be 20cooked; itèm black, itimàn be made black. Occasionally, however, the lowered vowel is retained: táo human being, ka-taó-han mankind, beside kataúhan, tao-taó-han manikin, pupil of the eye, beside tautaúhan.

The words with oʾo (§ [8]) keep the lowered vowel when uncontracted: 25pina-roʾon-àn was gone to (doʾòn there); these words are also reduplicated with o: kinà-dò-roʾon-àn is been in.

10. e and o occur also in unassimilated loan-words: bèsbol baseball, Silà y nag-bè-bèsbol, They are playing baseball, estudiyànte, istudiyànte student, polìs, pulìs policeman, sipéro football 30player, baŋkéro canoer (both with Spanish suffix -éro added to Tagalog words: sípaʾ football, baŋkàʾ canoe).

For e see also § [29].

11. As the variation between i and e and between o and u is thus never distinctive, there is no need of indicating it in transcription; 35I have, however, used the characters e and o wherever I heard markedly lowered variants.

12. i and u occur also as non-syllabics; I use, respectively, the characters y and w: yaòn that, gáya like, wíkaʾ speech, word, táwag call. In final position they are always lowered: thus in 40patày dead person, ikàw thou, y represents non-syllabic e, w non-syllabic o.

13. In word-formation before suffixes vowels are in certain cases lost, see Morphology: kánin be eaten, -káin eat with suffix -in.

14. The laryngeal (glottal) stop occurs as a distinctive sound only after a vowel at the end of words: bátaʾ child, boy, girl, hindìʾ not, hintòʾ stop.

As a non-distinctive sound it is used as a vowel-separator 5wherever syllabic vowels follow each other without an intervening distinctive non-syllabic. In this use I shall not indicate it in transcription, as it may be taken for granted wherever vowels are written together. Such words as those in § [8] will therefore from now on be transcribed without the sign for glottal stop: 10doòn, óo, boòʾ. So táo (§ [9]) means táʾo, etc. Cf. below.

15. The distinctive final glottal stop is usually lost before a following word in the phrase: hindí sya not he, Hintú na! Stop!

It is always lost before the words ŋ, t, and y: aŋ báta ŋ mabaìt the good child.

1516. p, t, k are unvoiced fortis stops; they differ from the corresponding English sounds primarily in that they are only slightly aspirated. In sentence-final the implosion only is made.

t (in contrast with the English sound) is postdental, often near to interdental.

20k is always articulated in back velar position (as in English coo), no matter what sound follows. The closure of k is occasionally imperfect, so that a rather open velar spirant (resembling Slavic x) is heard: malaxàs for malakàs strong; this variation has not been noted in transcription.

25In word-formation p, t, k alternate, respectively, with m, n, ŋ; see Morphology.

17. b, d, g correspond in position to p, t, k. They are fully voiced lenis stops; in sentence-final often implosive only, and then weakly voiced.

30The closure of b is occasionally imperfect, so that a bilabial spirant is produced: túVig for túbig water; this variation has been ignored in transcription.

In word-formation b alternates with m; see Morphology.

Final d in word-formation is always replaced by r before the 35vowel of a suffix: lákad walk, lakar-àn walking-party.

Initial d becomes r in the sentence frequently after the final vowel of a preceding word and occasionally even after a final non-syllabic, in the words daàn hundred (not in daàn road), damò, dàw, dìn, díne, díto, diyàn, doòn; e. g. ako rìn I too.

40In word-formation some words frequently change d to r after the vowel of a prefix or a reduplication, and others do not: pa-raàn means (daàn road, way), but i-pa-dalà be sent (dalà bring, carry). The words (or roots) that have changeable d- are those mentioned in the preceding paragraph and daàn, -dáka, damdàm, dámi, dámot, daŋàl, dapàʾ, dápat, dáti, -dátig, -datìŋ, dikìt, -dinìg, -díwaŋ, -dúkit, -dumè, dúnoŋ, dúsa.

518. s is the normal unvoiced sibilant, spoken in postdental position. Before y and iy it is somewhat palatalized (more, for instance, than Russian palatalized s),—a variation that is not distinctive and need not be noted in transcription: siyà, syà he, she, pronounced with palatalized s.

10s alternates in word-formation with n; see Morphology.

In the affricate combination ts, which is felt and treated as a single sound, the s is always palatalized: Intsèk Chinese.

19. h is the unvoiced glottal spirant; as in English, it occurs only in syllable-initial: hindìʾ not, báhay house, mukhàʾ face.

15In word-formation h is often spoken before the initial vowel of a suffix that is added to a final vowel: -bása read, basa-hàn reading room. See Morphology.

20. The nasals m, n, ŋ correspond in position to the stops. In word-formation they alternate, respectively, with p, t, k; m 20also with b, and n also with s; ŋ is often prefixed to an initial vowel; see Morphology.

Both in word-formation and in the phrase the nasals are occasionally assimilated in position to a following consonant: sà m pùʾ ten (m for ŋ), Saàŋ ka páparon? Where are you going? (for 25saàn).

In the sentence, final n is lost before the words ŋ, t, and y: aŋ áki ŋ amà my father (for ákin my).

21. r is the voiced tongue-tip trill, postdental. It occurs between vowels within simple, underived words: áraw sun, day,—no 30doubt as a substitute for d, which never occurs in this position; everywhere else r is merely a variant of d (§ [17]).

22. l is postdental; the timbre is much as in Standard French or German, the mid-tongue not lowered.

23. f and v (both labiodental) occur in unassimilated foreign 35words; they are occasionally replaced (especially in derivatives) by p and b. Filipínas the Philippines, infiyèrno, impiyèrno Hell, fiyèsta, piyèsta fiesta, but always ka-piyestá-han day of a festival, sivìl, sibìl civil, provìnsiya province, bintánaʾ window, báso drinking-glass.

40r occurs freely in all positions in foreign words (cf. § [21]): trèn train, trabáho work, krùs cross, relòs watch, sombréro hat, beside Tagalized sambalílo.

The occurrence of ts (§ [18]) is probably limited to foreign words.

24. When in word-formation a vowel is lost before a suffix (§ [13]), the non-syllabics thereby brought together are subject to 5various changes: sigl-àn be filled, silìd with suffix -an. See Morphology.

2. Syllabication.

a. In the word.

25. If a single non-syllabic follows a stressed vowel, the latter 10is spoken with open syllable accent, and the non-syllabic begins the following syllable: bá-hay house, sù-sú-lat will write.

If a single non-syllabic follows an unstressed vowel, the latter has close syllable accent,—that is, no stress-division is made between the syllables (just as in English): itò this, kasakimàn selfishness, 15sumú-lat wrote.

If two non-syllabics intervene between two syllabics, the syllable-division is made between the non-syllabics: luk-sò jump, muk-hàʾ face, In-tsèk Chinese. Stressed ay seems, however, to have open syllable accent: káy-lan when?

20Syllabics never follow each other without an intervening non-syllabic. If no other non-syllabic intervenes, a non-distinctive glottal stop is spoken. I have not written the glottal stop in this position, as it may always be taken for granted (§ [14]). Hence daàn road is pronounced daʾàn, siìk young pig siʾìk, doòn there 25doʾòn, táo human being táʾo.

Nor do more than two non-syllabics ever follow each other in a native word. The following are examples of unusual combinations in foreign words: An-drès, Pé-dro, beside Tagalized Píro, ká-tre bedstead, sèr-mon, trabá-ho work, but in reduplication mag-tà-trabá-ho 30will work, krùs cross, but in reduplication nag-kú-kurùs crosses himself, cf. baráso arm, lóbo balloon (Sp. globo).

26. In frequently used words, especially in more rapid speech, the intervocalic glottal stop is often lost.

If like vowels thus meet, they coalesce into a single vowel of 35no more than normal length: pumaròn went there beside pumaroòn. When oo is thus contracted, the resulting o may be raised to u (cf. § [9]): pinarunàn was gone to, beside pinaronàn and pinaroonàn.

If unlike vowels meet, the non-syllabic corresponding to the 40higher vowel (i. e. y with i, e and w with u, o) takes the place of the glottal stop. So táwo beside táo. The combinations so resulting are treated in every way like those discussed in the next §.

27. If the non-syllabic intervening between two vowels is y or w, the combination involves no peculiarity, provided that neither 5of the vowels is homogeneous with the non-syllabic: bá-yan town, pag-dirí-waŋ celebration, gayòn thus.

If, however, one of the vowels is homogeneous with the non-syllabic (i. e. i, e with y and u, o with w) and is not stressed, it is spoken shorter than a normal unstressed vowel: in such words 10as iyòn that, buwàn moon, month the i, u are spoken shorter than in other positions. So also in táwo (see preceding §) the o.

After consonants these short vowels are often entirely omitted: bwàn beside buwàn, syà he, she beside siyà. The syllable-division remains, however, as in the longer form: kápwàʾ fellow- beside 15kápuwàʾ is pronounced ká-pwàʾ (not kap-waʾ).

Even in other positions these reduced vowels are often omitted, especially in frequently used combinations: Ano yòn? What’s that? beside Ano iyòn?, occasionally táw for táwo, táo.

28. Conversely, one hears now and then a superfluous short 20i, e with a y, and an u, o with a w: iyaòn for yaòn that, máye for máy having, uwalàʾ for walàʾ without.

29. The combinations ay and ai are occasionally replaced by a long open e: kélan beside káylan when?, mé báhay beside máy báhay wife, housewife, me áreʾ beside may áreʾ master, owner, 25téŋa beside taíŋa car.

b. In word-formation.

30. When in word-formation affixes or reduplicative syllables are added to a root, the syllabication is as in a simple word: sulá-tan be written to (súlat writing with suffix -an), sumú-lat 30wrote (same, with infix -um-), umuwèʾ, umwèʾ (§ [27]) went home (-uwèʾ go home, with prefixed -um-).

When vowels meet, they are as a rule separated by the non-distinctive intervocalic glottal stop: maà-á-reʾ will be possible (áreʾ property reduplicated and with prefix ma-).

3531. The intervocalic glottal stop is rarely reduced, except in certain much-used combinations, the commonest being those with the prefix i- and with the prefix ka- and the suffix -an in certain uses (see Morphology): iniútos was commanded (útos command with prefixes in- and i-), usually iniyútos; laruàn, toy (laròʾ play, 40game with suffix -an), usually laruwàn, larwàn, but (with a different use of the suffix -an) làrúan playground; kayibígan, kaybígan friend (íbig love, desire, with prefix ka- and suffix -an), but kaìbígan sweetheart and kaibigàn affection. For -íwan abandon with prefix i- only the contracted form íwan be abandoned is spoken. Cf. further ikaápat, ikápat fourth (ápat four with prefixes 5i- and ka-).

32. Conversely, an original y or w is sometimes under emphasis replaced by glottal stop; thus, for patayìn be killed (patày dead person, kill with suffix -in), occasionally pataìn.

33. When a word is doubled, when two words are united in 10a compound word, and after the prefixes that end in g, the syllable-division is however made as though separate words were meeting in a sentence,—that is, according to the rules in the following paragraphs.

c. In the phrase.

1534. When words come together in the phrase, the word-division is maintained (as in English) as a syllable-division.

In the case of initial consonants the division is thus like that within a word: Sumúlat ka. Write (thou), Sumúlat siyà, Sumúlat syà. He wrote, Sumáma ka. Go along, Sumáma siyà, Sumáma 20syà. He went along.

Before a vowel-initial the word-division is maintained as a syllable-division by the use of a non-distinctive glottal stop (as in German): Sumúlat akò. I wrote, i. e. sumú-lat-ʾakò; Sumáma akò. I went along, i. e. sumá-ma-ʾakò.

25Doubled words, compound words, and forms with prefixes ending in g (namely, mag-, nag-, pag-, tag-) are similarly treated (§ [33]): agàd-agàd immediately (agàd at once doubled), i. e. agàd-ʾagàd; báhay-aklátan library-building (compound of báhay house and aklátan place for books), i. e. bá-hay-ʾak-lá-tan; pagsúlat an 30act of writing (súlat writing with prefix pag-), i. e. pag-sú-lat; nagáral studied (áral teaching with prefix nag-), i. e. nag-ʾá-ral.

Occasionally, in emphatic speech, the same division is made within other formations: umakiyàt, umakyàt climbed (-akiyàt climb with prefixed -um-), occasionally, but rarely, um-ʾakiyàt, 35usually umakiyàt, umakyàt (by § [30]).

35. Reduction of the glottal stop and contraction of vowels occur only in a few much-used combinations of words: si Andrès (si is the article of proper names), also siy Andrès, sy Andrès; Ano iyàn? What’s that?, also Ano yàn? and even An yàn?; na 40itò this (na is a particle expressing attribution), also na yitò, na ytò.

36. Occasionally such reductions go even farther, as in anò in the preceding paragraph, and occur where the glottal stop is not involved: as, sà for isà one in sà m pùʾ ten, for isà ŋ pùʾ.

37. The words at, ay, and na have also a shorter form, t, y, 5and ŋ, respectively, which occurs only (but not always) after a final vowel, glottal stop, or n. When these forms are used, the final glottal stop or n is lost (§§ [15], [20]) and the t, y, or ŋ is treated in every way exactly as though it were part of the preceding word: butò at balàt, butò t balàt bone and skin, i. e. butòt-balàt; Iyòn 10ay mabúti, Iyò y mabúti. That’s good, i. e. iyòy-mabú-ti; aŋ bátaʾ na mabaìt (clumsy, as in the speech of a child just learning to speak, for:) aŋ báta ŋ mabaìt the good child, i. e. aŋ-bá-taŋ-mabaʾìt.

3. Accentuation.

15a. Word-accent.

38. In a word of more than one syllable at least one syllable is normally spoken with a greater degree of stress than the others.

The unstressed syllables have short vowels (about as long as the vowel in English pit or put) and close syllable-stress (§ [25]).

2039. A non-final syllable ending in a non-syllabic (i. e. a closed non-final syllable) never has the stress; such words as luk-sò jump, muk-hàʾ face, ak-làt book are therefore always oxytone. The only exceptions are syllables ending in ay; this combination seems to be felt as a unit capable of open syllable-stress: káy-lan, 25ké-lan when; further, the words mín-san once, pín-san cousin, and nàn-don, by-form of ná-roòn is there; and, finally, unassimilated foreign words: bès-bol, sèr-mon, kwàr-ta, kwàl-ta money (Spanish cuarto), but also Tagalized kwaltà.

Words like ká-pwàʾ (beside ká-puwàʾ) are not exceptions, for 30the first syllable is not closed (§ [27]).

40. The stressed syllables fall into two grammatical classes which are only in part phonetically distinct; we may call them primary and secondary word-accent.

41. The primary word-accent on a final syllable or (in the 35cases mentioned in § [39]) on a closed non-final syllable, consists merely in greater stress than that of an unaccented syllable, accompanied by a pitch-rise of about half a note.[1] I use the grave accent-sign: gabì night, hindìʾ not, kamày hand, buhòk hair, nàndon is there, sèrmon sermon.

42. On a non-final open syllable the primary word-accent involves an increase of stress (less than in English), a pitch-rise 5of two notes, lengthening of the vowel to about one and one-half times the duration of an unstressed vowel, and open syllable-stress (§ [25]). I use the acute accent-mark: báhay house, báyan town.

So also, irregularly, syllables in ay: káylan, kélan when?, and even finally: káy, ké than, máy, mé having; also mínsan, pínsan.

10If an unaccented syllable precedes, the pitch-rise really begins on the latter: in sumúlat wrote, for instance, the first syllable is spoken above the usual pitch, and the two-note pitch-rise is merely completed in the accented syllable.

43. The secondary word-accent on a final syllable has weaker 15stress than the primary accent in the same place, and ordinarily lacks the pitch-rise. Grammatically, it is recognizable by the presence of the primary accent on another syllable; I use the grave accent-mark: áakiyàt, áakyàt will climb, nárinìg was heard.

44. On a non-final open syllable the secondary accent differs 20from the primary accent in similar position in two respects: its pitch-rise is less marked, varying from three-quarters to one and three-quarters notes, and its vowel-lengthening is greater, reaching twice the length of an unstressed vowel. I use the grave accent-mark: sùsúlat will write.

25When the primary accent is on the last syllable and therefore weak (§ [41]), the secondary accent often approaches a non-final primary accent in character: the first syllable of a word like nàbuksàn came open is often phonetically the same as that of a word like nárinìg was heard.

30If an unaccented syllable precedes the secondary accent, the pitch-rise really begins in the former: in such a word as sumùsúlat is writing the first syllable is spoken with higher than normal pitch, in the second syllable the pitch is brought up to a note and three-fourths above normal, and in the third the two-note rise is 35completed.

Of two secondary accents following each other the preceding is the more marked: nàràramdamàn is felt (nà- has more marked accent than rà-). This helps to make the primary accent distinct, for it is stronger than a preceding secondary accent: sùsúlat will 40write (the second su- is stronger, not weaker, than the first); nàlàláman is known (if the third syllable had a secondary accent, it would be less marked than the first and second, but its pitch and stress are actually higher).

b. Sentence-accent.

45. Certain words are atonic, i. e. are always spoken unstressed 5in the phrase: e. g. aŋ áso the or a dog, sa ákin to me.

The atonic words are: aŋ, at, ay, kay to (not káy, ké than), kuŋ, na attributive (not nà already), naŋ, ni of (not nì nor), o or (not ò oh), pag, sa, si.

The short variants of at, ay, and na, namely t, y, and ŋ 10(§ [37]), having no vowel, cannot be stressed; they are treated in every way as though they formed part of the preceding word.

46. In closely united phrases the last word keeps its accent, while the preceding ones often weaken theirs. Especially a final syllable often loses its accent before another word in the phrase:

15dáhil díto on account of this, often: dahil díto,

aŋ maŋà báhay the houses, often: aŋ maŋa báhay,

aŋ kanyà ŋ báhay his or her house, aŋ kanya ŋ báhay,

aŋ malakì ŋ báhay the large house, aŋ malaki ŋ báhay.

47. Opposed to the preceding rule is the treatment of certain 20words which we may call enclitics. These very frequently, to be sure, receive the normal treatment: that is, they are stressed and the preceding word either keeps its stress or, if oxytone, often loses it; but frequently, instead, the enclitic loses its accent:

Umakyàt siyà, Umakyat syà. He climbed, but also Umakyàt 25sya.

Áakyàt siyà, Áakyat syà. He will climb, but also Áakyàt sya.

Gánu ka na bà kakínis? How clever are you now? (kà, nà, bà are all enclitic).

Enclitics have the further (and more easily recognized) peculiarity 30that they follow the first orthotonic (i. e. neither atonic nor pretonic, § [48]) word of the expression to which they belong (either as modifiers or as subject):

aŋ mahahába nya ŋ paà his (niyà, enclitic) long legs.

When several enclitics come together the last one is often 35stressed. Monosyllabic enclitics precede disyllabic:

Nahánap na nyà aŋ sombréro. He has already looked for the hat. (nà and niyà are enclitics; the latter is treated as disyllabic even when in the contracted form nyà).

The enclitics are:

40(1) always: the monosyllabic forms of the personal pronouns, namely kà, kò, mò, and the words (particles) bà, bagà, dàw, dìn, màn, múna, nà, namàn, nawàʾ, ŋàʾ, pà, palà, pòʾ, sána, tulòy.

(2) frequently or in certain senses: the disyllabic forms of the personal pronouns (including siyà, syà and niyà, nyà) except ikàw (which is never enclitic), the demonstrative pronouns, and the words díne, díto, diyàn, doòn, kayàʾ, lámaŋ, ulèʾ; occasionally 5short phrases (§ [88]).

For details about these words see Syntax.

48. Opposed to the rule in § [46] are also certain words (particles) which we may call pretonics. Their treatment is often regular: that is, the pretonic as well as the following word keeps 10its accent, or the pretonic loses its accent before a following word; but sometimes the pretonic keeps its accent and the following word, if oxytone, is unaccented:

máy sakìt, may sakìt having sickness, i. e. sick, but also máy sakit. Only máy and nása actually appear with this accentuation.

15The other pretonics are so classed because they share with these two words the peculiarity that an enclitic belonging to the phrase follows not the pretonic word, but the first orthotonic word:

Máy katawàn sya ŋ pára ŋ táo. He has a body like a human 20being. (siyà he, enclitic follows not máy, which is pretonic, but katawàn body, the first orthotonic word of the predicate).

The pretonics are the particles báwat, káhit, kapàg, kinà, maŋà, máy, nagìŋ (together with its other forms, § [250]), nása (together with its other forms, § [212]), nì nor (not ni of), ninà, 25pagkà, sinà, tagà (tigà). See Syntax.

49. A final syllable ending in glottal stop (§ [14]) often receives a higher degree of stress than a corresponding syllable with a different final.

If the syllable ending in glottal stop has not the word-accent, 30it often receives an accent resembling the secondary accent on a non-final syllable; this is especially common if the glottal stop is lost before another word in the phrase: páreʾ, párèʾ priest, Párì Hwàn Father Juan.

If the syllable has a word-accent and the glottal stop is lost 35in the phrase, its accent is often spoken like a primary word-accent on an open syllable: Walá sya. He has none (walàʾ), Naglálarú sya. He is playing (naglálaròʾ).

If, however, the glottal stop is lost before t, y, or ŋ, this heightening of accent does not take place, since the syllable is then 40treated as ending in t, y, or ŋ: Syà y walà ŋ aklàt (i. e. walàŋ-ʾak-làt), Sya y wala ŋ aklàt. He has no book or no books.

50. In a succession of otherwise unstressed syllables a rhythmical movement is usually produced by means of grammatically insignificant stresses weaker than a secondary word-accent; the distribution, and, indeed, the occurrence of these is so variable that I have not tried to indicate them in transcription, especially 5as they are never distinctive. Thus, in the phrases in § [46] an accent of this kind may fall on the next-to-last syllables of the words that lose their normal word-accent: aŋ màŋa báhay, aŋ kànya ŋ amà his father, aŋ malàki ŋ báhay.

51. The successive accents in a sentence bear a well-marked 10relation to each other: the early and especially the middle ones have higher absolute pitch than the last; an accent on the last syllable of a sentence often entirely loses its pitch-rise. As a consequence of this rather fixed melody, the differences of pitch-movement between statements, questions, commands, and exclamations 15of various kinds are not so marked as in English; the higher stress of emotionally dominant (emphatic) words, also, is less marked than in English.

In exclamation or under emphasis the accent of a final syllable may be like that of a medial syllable, and may, in addition 20take on a falling accent after the rise: Hwán! (with rising-falling stress and pitch) Juan!, for normal Huwàn, Hwàn. Other disturbances of accent also occur in exclamation.

B. SYNTAX.

1. Sentence and word.

a. Syntactic relations.

52. The sentence consists of one or more words: Aráy! 5Ouch! Umúulàn. It’s raining. Ina kò! Mother of mine! (as exclamation). Sya y sumùsúlat. He or she is or was writing.

53. The relations between the words in a sentence are the usual ones: (1) Attribution: Ina kò! Mother (of) mine! (2) Predication: Sumùsúlat syà. Literally: Is-writing he. (3) The 10serial relation: butò t balàt bone and skin.

54. Some of the particles (§ [55]) seem, however, to stand in none of these relations, but rather to express these relations themselves. Thus the particle t and in the preceding example is expressive of the serial relation. So further: malakì ŋ báhay 15large house; the particle ŋ expresses the attributive relation; Sya y sumùsúlat. The particle y expresses the predicative relation.

It is to be remarked, further, that the sphere of attribution includes some cases in which the attribute markedly alters the sense: sakìt sickness: máy sakìt (máy is an attribute) having 20sickness, sick.[2]

b. Parts of speech.

55. Tagalog distinguishes two parts of speech: full words and particles.

The particles either express the syntactic relations between 25full words (as illustrated in § [54]) or act as attributes of full words (so máy in the example in § [54]): Hindí sya sumùsúlat. He is not writing. The particle hindìʾ not is an attribute of sumùsúlat.

In contrast with the particles, full words act not only as attributes, but also as subject or predicate, and any full word may, 30in principle, be used in any of these three functions:

(1) Subject: Aŋ sumùsúlat ay si Pédro. The person writing is Pedro. Aŋ pulà naŋ panyò ay matiŋkàd. The red of the handkerchief is intense.

(2) Predicate: Sya y sumùsúlat. He is writing. Pulà aŋ panyo ŋ itò. This handkerchief is red.

5(3) Attribute: aŋ báta ŋ sumùsúlat the writing child, the child who is writing; aŋ pulà ŋ panyò the red handkerchief.

56. Independent of this classification into parts of speech are certain less important groupings of words and certain phrase types, some of which will appear in the course of the analysis. 10Others, however, demand mention at the outset.

c. Static and transient words.

57. Transient words express an element of experience viewed as impermanent, i. e. belonging to some limited portion of time, so sumùsúlat above, as opposed, e. g., to siyà, pulà, panyò, bátaʾ, 15Pédro. Words which are not transient may be called static. Only a few particles are transient; among the full words the transient group is large and important.

d. Personal names.

58. Except in exclamations and in address, names of persons 20(or animals) are distinguished from other words by being always (but see § [78]) preceded by the atonic particle si: Hwàn! Juan! si Hwàn Juan, si Salamìn Glass, Mirror (as name of a dog).

59. Many terms of relationship and titles may be used in place of the name of an individual and then belong to the personal 25name class: aŋ amà the father, aŋ áki ŋ amà my father, but: si Amà Father. Thus are used, further: si Inà Mother, si Tátay Papa, si Nánay Mama, si Kúya or si Kúyaŋ Oldest brother, si Atè Oldest sister, si Iŋkòŋ Grandfather, si Indàʾ or si Impò Grandmother, si Áli or si Tiyà Aunt, si Mámaʾ Uncle; si Bathálaʾ God, but: aŋ 30Dyòs.

So also phrases in which these and other titles as attributes precede a name, see § [256].

60. The particle sinà or silà, pretonic, in place of si forms an expression denoting the person named together with his family 35or group of adherents: sina Hwàn or sila Hwàn Juan and his family or Juan and his crowd. With a series of names sinà implies that those named form a group: si Hwàn, si Andrès, at si Mariyáno Juan, Andrés, and Mariano; sina Hwàn, Andrès, at Mariyáno the group consisting of Juan, Andrés, and Mariano; sina Hwàn, sina Andrès, at sina Mariyáno Juan, Andrés, and Mariano, each with his group.

e. The object construction.

61. When a word or phrase denotes an element of experience 5viewed as an object, it is, with certain exceptions, preceded by the atonic particle aŋ: aŋ bátaʾ the or a child, boy, girl; children, aŋ báhay the, a house; houses, aŋ báyan the, a town, aŋ kabàítan goodness, kindness; an act of kindness, aŋ kataúhan mankind, aŋ pagsúlat the or an act of writing, aŋ mabúte that which 10is good, the best thing.

The following are the exceptions:

62. Personal names preceded by si or sinà (silà) do not take aŋ; they always, of course, denote an object idea. See the examples in § [58] ff.

1563. The personal pronouns (which always express an object idea) do not take aŋ. They are: akò I; kità we, i. e. thou and I, inclusive dual; táyo we, i. e. thou (or ye) and I (or we), inclusive dual and plural; kamì we (but not you), exclusive dual and plural; ikàw, kà thou (singular); kayò ye, you (dual, plural, and 20polite singular); siyà he, she; silà they.

All of these except ikàw are often enclitic; kà is always so: Ikàw ay talúnan. You are defeated. Sumúlat ka. Write (thou).

Siyà is used only of living beings, except for a single peculiar construction to be described below (§ [106] f.).

25Kità in the sense here given is not much used, táyo being commoner: Palìt kità naŋ sombréro. Let’s trade hats. Kità ay pumaroòn sa teyátro. Or, more commonly: Táyo ay pumaroòn sa teyátro. Let us go to the theatre. Kità is more used in another meaning, as we shall see (§ [182]).

30Kamì differs from these two words in excluding the person or persons addressed: Kàkáin táyo. We shall eat. Nakitúluy kamì kina Pédro. We asked hospitality of Pedro’s. In both of these sentences (as also in that with táyo already given) two or more people may be meant. It will be seen, therefore, that the 35distinction between dual and plural is not categoric (obligatory).

That between singular and plural is categoric in these pronouns; everywhere else it is not obligatory; the idea of plurality is inherent in many words and forms, but these are used only where the idea of plurality is explicitly prominent.

4064. The demonstrative pronouns as object expressions also reject aŋ. They are: irè this (on the person of the speaker or within his immediate reach); itò this (more generally, of anything nearer to the speaker than to the person addressed); iyàn, yàn that (nearer to the person addressed); iyòn, yaòn, yoòn, yòn that (of things distant from both speaker and person addressed).

5Itò and iyòn are used also anaphorically: the former—the latter.

The demonstrative pronouns are often enclitic.

Aŋ is omitted also before an object expression in which a demonstrative pronoun stands first as a modifier, see § [130].

1065. Similarly before object expressions in which an interrogative pronoun stands first as a modifier, see §§ [131].[168].

66. The use of aŋ is optional before the numerative pronouns. The use of aŋ seems sometimes to lend these greater definiteness, sometimes to be indifferent.

15The numerative pronouns used as object expressions are: ibà other, ilàn few, karamíhan most, lahàt all. (The other numerative pronouns, namely boòʾ whole and the particles bála any and báwat every are not used as object expressions).

ibà others; ilàn a few; Aŋ ilàn ay malalakàs at aŋ ibà ay 20mahihínaʾ. Some are strong and others are weak. Lahàt naŋ táo sa báya ŋ itò ay dápat umalìs. All people (who are) in this town ought to leave (naŋ táo of people, of the people is an attribute of lahàt). Aŋ lahàt naŋ táo sa báya ŋ itò ay máy sakìt. All the people in this town are diseased. karamíhan sa kanilà 25most of them; aŋ karamíhan the majority.

The use of aŋ is optional also before object expressions in which a numerative pronoun stands first as an attribute, see § [132].

67. The use of aŋ is optional before the cardinal numerals: isà sa kanilà, or: aŋ isà sa kanilà one of them.

30The simple cardinal numerals are: isà one, dalawà two, tatlò three, ápat four, limà five, ánim six, pitò seven, walò eight, siyàm, syàm nine.

Similarly, the use of aŋ is optional before an object expression in which a cardinal numeral stands first as a modifier, see 35§ [133].

In dates and for the hours of the day the Spanish numerals are commonly used; these demand aŋ: aŋ abéynte-kwátru naŋ Húnyo the twenty-fourth of June.

68. Aŋ is omitted, further, before object expressions beginning 40with the particle nì (§ [253]) and optionally before those beginning with the particle káhit (§ [248]). All object expressions lack aŋ when forming an indefinite object predicate (§ [109]), in expressions of indefinite quantity (§ [69]), when used indefinitely after pára (§ [275]), haŋgàŋ (§ [293]), patì (§ [305]), and in exclamation or address (§§ [75].78).[3]

f. Expressions of indefinite quantity.

569. Object expressions are used (without aŋ, § [68]) to express indefinite objects (roughly speaking such as would lack the article the in English) or indefinite quantities of objects, when preceded by certain modifiers. These modifiers are the pretonic particle máy, expressing existence or forthcomingness (§ [252]), and 10the full words máy-roòn, equivalent with máy; walàʾ the negative of these; malakì great; maláon long; marámi much, many (§ [138]). The phrases so formed may be described as expressions of indefinite quantity. Beside the omission of aŋ before the object expression, they have the peculiarity that in certain constructions 15they express (without further accompaniments) the possessor of that designated: may súŋay there are horns or having horns, horned; máy-roo ŋ aklàt there are books or having a book, books; wala ŋ aklàt there are no books or without a book, having no books; malakì ŋ kagamitàn great usefulness, there is great use, or having 20great usefulness; maláo ŋ panahòn long time or taking a long time; marámi ŋ salapèʾ much money, there is much money or having much money; marámi ŋ kaybígan many friends, there are many friends or having many friends.

Máy expresses also approximateness (where the object expression 25is one of number): may ápat na pu ŋ paà about forty feet or having, measuring about forty feet.

70. An expression of indefinite quantity may, as a unit, stand in object construction; in this case the first three have possessive value, but not the others: aŋ máy sakìt the or a person having 30sickness, the or a sick person; aŋ máy-roo ŋ aklàt the (a) person who has a book or books; aŋ wala ŋ hiyàʾ the (a) shameless person; but: aŋ malakì ŋ báhay the, a large house; aŋ marámi ŋ bágay the many things.

71. Marámi may by itself stand in object construction; it 35then has the meaning: aŋ marámi the many, the crowd, the people, hoi polloi.

2. Subject and predicate.

72. Most sentences consist of a subject and a predicate, showing the construction of Sumùsúlat syà, Sya y sumùsúlat (§§ [53], [54]). Indeed, this goes farther than in English; many commands, 5for instance, have the subject-and-predicate structure: Sumúlat ka. Write thou, i. e. Write.

Nevertheless, much of the syntax is determined by the use of constructions which lack subject-and-predicate structure.

a. Non-predicative sentences.

1073. The sentences which lack subject-and-predicate structure are of two general types: (1) exclamatory, and (2) impersonal-anaphoric.

74. To the exclamatory type belongs the use in independent sentences of certain particles, the primary interjections: Abà! 15Ah! Aráy! Ouch! Ó! Oh!

As in other languages, some of these violate the normal phonetic structure, that is, are “inarticulate”: Sss! Whew!, uttered when the weather is very hot. One whistles when one wants the wind to blow.

2075. To the exclamatory type belong, further, words and phrases used as secondary interjections: Anò! What! (unpleasant surprise). Inà ko! or: Ina kò! Mother of mine! Ano ŋ hína mo! What weakness of-you! i. e. How weak you are!

As the second example shows, object expressions are here used 25without aŋ (§ [68]).

76. Certain words with the prefix ka- expressing high degree of a quality (see Morphology), with their attributes: Kaitìm naŋ gabi! What-blackness of-the night! i. e. How black the night is!

77. Certain words with the prefix ka- and reduplication expressing 30recent completion of an act (see Morphology), with their modifiers: Karáratiŋ ko pa lámaŋ! Just-arriving by-me still only! i. e. I have only just arrived.

78. Vocatives, in calling or address: Kayò ŋ maŋa makasalánan! Ye sinners! In this use personal names lack si and all 35object expressions lack aŋ (§ [68]): Hwàn! Juan! Mámaʾ! Sir! Áli! Madam! Wala ŋ hiyàʾ! Shameless one!

79. Commands of certain brusque or familiar types, used, e. g., to children, servants, animals, in haste or excitement: Hintú na! Stop! Ílag na! Get out of the way! Súloŋ! Go ahead! 40Hurry up! Panáog nà sa báhay! Come down from the house! Come on out! Tàbí poʾ Look out please! (Cry of drivers to people on the street. The accent is irregular by § [51] for tabì).

80. Certain set expressions, such as greetings: Maganda ŋ áraw pòʾ! Good-morning! Salámat. Thanks. Salámat sa iyò. 5Thank you.

81. Expressions of affirmation and negation: Óo. Yes. Oo ŋàʾ. Yes indeed. Támaʾ. That’s right, Exactly. Hindìʾ. No. Walàʾ. None, Nothing, There isn’t.

82. The mere naming of an idea, as in counting or giving 10the title of a story: Isà, dalawà, tatlò, ápat, limà.... One, two, three, four, five....

83. (2) Of the impersonal-anaphoric type are many answers to questions or continuations of dialogue: Kahápon. Yesterday. Akò. I, It’s I, It was I. (Never “Itò y akò,” or the like).

1584. Certain occurrences, especially meteoric phenomena, are not analyzed into subject and predicate: Umúulàn. It’s raining. Kabilúgan naŋ bwàn. Roundness of-the moon, i. e. There is a full moon. Bumábahàʾ. There is a flood. Naàáreʾ. It is possible, allowable. Hindí nalaúnan. It did not take long, It was not long. 20Taginit nà. It is summer already.

85. Very common in impersonal construction are expressions of indefinite quantity (§ [69]). In this use they express existence or forthcomingness (or the opposite) of indefinite objects: Mày maŋa babáye. There are women. Máy-roo ŋ aswàŋ sa báyan. 25There was a vampire in the town. Walà ŋ papèl. There is no paper. Walà ŋ anu màn! There is nothing. Also: Not at all! You’re welcome! Malaki ŋ twàʾ naŋ iba ŋ táo. There was great rejoicing by the other people. Sa dalága ŋ itò y marámi ŋ maŋlilígaw. For this young woman there were many suitors.

3086. Less common in impersonal construction are expressions of occurrences involving indefinite or indifferent persons or things: Humúkay. One should dig. Nagumpisa nà naŋ pagsábuy. “They” have already begun to throw.

87. There is great freedom as to presence or absence of anaphorically 35determined elements (i. e., such as have been recently mentioned or, less commonly, are about to be mentioned), including the subject; when this is wanting, the subject-and-predicate structure is, of course, lost: Hiníla nya sa pasígan. Was-dragged by-him to-the shore, i. e. He dragged it or the tree (sc. itò, or: 40aŋ púnoʾ, from the preceding sentence) to the shore. Hindí makabùbúti sa kanilà. (It, the scheme mentioned) will do them no good.

Many constructions later to be noticed depend on this habit of omitting anaphorically determined elements, cf. e. g.: Aŋ púnoʾ ay tumúbo haŋgàŋ sa magbúŋa. The tree grew until (sc. it) bore fruit. Pagdatìŋ niya ay sabíhin mo ŋ maghintày. At-the-coming 5of-him be-said (impersonal) by-you that (sc. he) should-wait, i. e. When he comes, tell him to wait.

b. The subject.

88. The subject of a sentence is always an object expression. The only exceptions are complex sentences with entire predications 10(§ [115]) or quotations (§ [329]) as subject.

89. The subject may have two positions:

(1) Non-enclitic: it precedes or follows the predicate; in the former case the predicate is introduced by the atonic particle ay, y (y often after syllabic vowel, n, or ʾ; see Phonetics): Sumùsúlat 15aŋ bátaʾ. The child is writing; or: Aŋ bátaʾ ay sumùsúlat. Aŋ báta y sumùsúlat. Siyà ay sumùsúlat. Sya y sumùsúlat. He, she is writing. Here siyà, syà is not enclitic.

(2) Enclitic: it follows the first orthotonic word of the predicate: Hindí sya sumùsúlat. Not he is-writing, i. e. He is not writing. 20Sumùsúlat sya naŋ líham. He is writing a letter, letters. In these examples siyà is enclitic.

Not only enclitically used pronouns (§§ [63]. 64), but even short phrases are thus used: Pinapútol nila si Hwàn naŋ káhoy. Was-ordered-to-cut by-them Juan (subject) some wood, i. e. They ordered 25Juan to cut wood. Here the position of si Hwàn after the first orthotonic word of the predicate (pinapútol) but before the rest of the predicate (naŋ káhoy) shows it to be (like nilà) an enclitic element. With the same subject not enclitically used the sentence would be: Pinapútol nila naŋ káhoy si Hwàn, and this, 30indeed, is the more usual locution.

90. On the use or non-use of an anaphoric subject (siyà, silà, itò) see § [87].

c. The predicate.

91. The predicate may be (1) a transient word with its 35modifiers, (2) a static word with its modifiers, or (3) an object expression.

(1) Transient predicate.

92. Transient words fall into four classes according to the four relations which a subject may bear to them when they are used as predicate. We may designate these classes by the following names:

1. active: the subject is viewed as an actor: Sumùsúlat sya naŋ líham. He (subject) is writing a letter, letters. Sya y pumútol 5naŋ káhoy. He (subject) cut some wood. Umalìs syà. He went away.

2. direct passive: the subject is viewed as an object fully affected or produced: Sinúlat nya aŋ líham. Was-written by-him the letter (subject), i. e. The letter was written by him, He wrote 10the letter. Pinútol nya aŋ káhoy. Was-cut by-him the wood (subject), i. e. He cut the wood.

3. instrumental passive: the subject is viewed as a means, an instrument, something given forth or parted from: Isinúlat nya aŋ kwènto. Was-written-down by-him the story (subject), i. e. 15He wrote the story. Ipinútol nya aŋ gúlok. Was-cut-with by-him the bolo (subject), i. e. He used the bolo for cutting, He cut with the bolo.

4. local passive: the subject is viewed as an object partly or less fully affected, as a place or sphere: Sinulátan nya akò. Was-written-to 20by-him I (subject), i. e. He wrote me. Pinutúlan nya aŋ káhoy. Was-cut-from by-him the wood (subject), i. e. He cut a piece off the wood.

For a detailed description of these classes of transient words, see Morphology.

2593. In general the choice between these four constructions is made in accordance with the logical situation: the definite, known object underlying the predication as starting-point of discourse is chosen as subject: Binigyàn nya akò naŋ aklàt. Was-given-to (local passive) by-him I (enclitic subject) a book, books, 30i. e. He gave me a book, books. Ibinigay nyà sa ákin aŋ aklàt. Was-given (instrumental passive) by-him to me the book (subject), i. e. He gave me the book. In the first example the speaker is talking about himself, in the second about a certain book.

94. However, the active construction is avoided whenever 35any object other than the actor is available as subject. Especially are active constructions with an anaphoric subject (siyà, silà, itò) avoided wherever a passive construction is at hand. Thus, in the instance in § [93], even if “he”, the actor, were the real subject of discourse, one would rarely use the active construction: Sya y 40nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt. He (subject) gave (active) me a book, books. Even elements which we should look upon as somewhat indefinite are preferred as subjects to an actor: Kinúha nya aŋ isa ŋ aklàt. Was-taken (direct passive) by-him a book (subject), i. e. He took a (certain) book (he knew, or I know which one or what kind).

The active construction is thus confined to instances in which 5the object-ideas other than the actor are entirely vague and undetermined or lacking: Umalìs syà. He went away. Sya y kumúha naŋ aklàt. He took a book, some books (no matter to him or to me which one or what kind). Sumùsúlat sya naŋ líham. He is writing a letter, letters. Sya y pumútol naŋ káhoy. He cut some 10wood. Kumáin sya naŋ kánin. He ate some boiled rice; but: Kináin nya aŋ kánin. Was-eaten (direct passive) by him the boiled rice (subject), i. e. He ate the boiled rice.

If, in spite of the presence of other definite objects, the actor is very decidedly emphasized, a different construction (§§ [104].107.) 15is used.

(2) Static predicate.

95. The predicate may consist of a static word with its modifiers: Aŋ bátà ay mabaìt. The child is good. Iyà y masamàʾ. That’s bad, wrong. Pulà aŋ panyo ŋ itò. This handkerchief is red.

2096. This type of predicate is regular in word-questions: the question word is used as predicate; it precedes the subject: Páno aŋ pagkágusto ninyò sa trabáho-ŋ-kanyunéro? How (predicate) your liking for (i. e. How did you like) the artillery-service? Papáno aŋ pagsasábi sa wíka ŋ Tagálog naŋ salità ŋ Inglès na 25“scissors”? How (predicate) the saying in the Tagalog language of the English word “scissors”? i. e. How does one say “scissors” in Tagalog? Gaáno aŋ pagkakagalìt nila? How great, How serious was (predicate) their quarrel?

97. This is the construction of the interrogative pronouns in 30questions asking for the identity of an object,—unless, indeed, these belong rather under type (3). The interrogative pronouns are the following:

(a) síno who? (singular and plural), síno-síno (explicit plural, § [63], end) is used of persons only, and then only when the answer 35expected is a name or the equivalent; it asks for the identity of a person: Sínu ka? Who are (predicate) you (subject)? Sínu yàn?—Akò. Who’s that? i. e. Who’s there?—I. Sínu ya ŋ tumútuktók? Who’s that knocking? Síno aŋ nagbigày sa iyò? Who (predicate) the one-who-gave (sc. it, anaphoric) to you (subject)? 40i. e. Who gave it to you? Síno aŋ nagsábi sa iyò? Who told you? Who told you so? Síno sa kanila ŋ dalawà aŋ nagnákaw? Which of the two committed the theft? The two are known by name or, at any rate, as personalities. Síno-síno sa maŋa bátaʾ aŋ iyo ŋ nàhúle sa paŋuumìt? Which ones of the children (predicate) did you catch pilfering? literally: the ones caught by you at pilfering, 5subject.

(b) anò what? what kind of? how?, explicit plural anò-anò, asks for the identity of a thing or for the description, character, condition of a person or of a thing: Ano yàn?—Itò y librò. What (predicate) is that you have there (subject)?—This is a book. An 10yòn?—Yo y súnog. What’s that over there?—It’s a fire. Anò aŋ ŋálan mo? What is your name? Ano aŋ sábi mo? What do you say? Ano aŋ íbig mo? What do you want? Ano-anò aŋ pinagsabè ni Hwàn sa iyò? What things did Juan tell you?, literally: What things (predicate) the things said by Juan to you? Anu kà? 15What sort of person are you? Anò aŋ lagày naŋ maŋa bátaʾ?... naŋ asáwa mo? ... naŋ mé báhay? What (or How) is the condition of (i. e. How are) the children? ... your husband or wife? ... your wife?

(c) alìn which? which one? which ones?, explicit plural alìn-alìn, 20is used of persons and things; it asks neither for identification (persons, síno; things, anò) nor for characterization (anò), but for indication, by pointing or by description of the place or some other unessential feature, of persons or things: Alìn aŋ gustu mò? Which one, Which ones do you want? Alìn sa kanila 25ŋ dalawà aŋ nagnákaw? Which of the two (e. g., of these two strange men) committed the theft? Alin-alìn sa maŋa púnu-ŋ-káhoy aŋ iyo ŋ tinagàʾ? Which ones of the trees did you cut down?

98. Of the numerative pronouns (§ [66]), boòʾ, ibà, and ilàn 30(in this use interrogative) are used as static predicates: Itò y buòʾ. This is entire, complete, unbroken. Hindí ko gusto iyàn; ibà aŋ áki ŋ gustò. Not by-me wanted (static predicate) that (subject); different (predicate) that by-me wanted (subject), i. e. I don’t want that; what I want is different, I want something 35else. Ilàn aŋ maŋlilígaw? How many are the suitors?

99. Of the modifiers of indefinite quantity (§ [69]) several are used as static predicates: Sya y walá na. He is or was gone already. Itò y walàʾ. This does not take place, does not appear, falls away. Malakì aŋ súnog. The fire was great. Marámi aŋ 40nagsàsábi nitò. Many are they who say this.

100. For the disjunctive forms of personal pronouns and of síno as static predicates, see § [169]. For local expressions, see § [211]. For entire predications as static predicates, § [112] f., quotations, § [114].

(3) Object expression as predicate.

101. If the predicate is an object expression, it may have 5three different forms: (A) definite, (B) circumlocutory definite, and (C) indefinite.

102. (A) A definite object predicate consists simply of a word or phrase in the object construction (§ [61] ff.); it has therefore the same structure as a subject. Usually this predicate precedes 10and is emphatic (emotionally dominant): Itò aŋ áki ŋ tìráhan. This is (predicate) my dwelling (subject), i. e. Why, it’s here I’m at home!

103. The definite object predicate is especially emphatic in sentences that have as subject a transient word (with or without 15modifiers) in object construction: Si Hwàn aŋ nagnákaw. It was Juan who did the stealing. Siya rìn aŋ kanya ŋ inìíbig. It was he whom she loved. Both nagnákaw and inìíbig are transient.

104. When an emphatic actor cannot be used as subject of a transient predicate (owing to the presence of other definite object 20ideas, § [94]), it is often used as the predicate in this construction,—the transient part of the sentence being put into object construction and used as subject. Thus, if, in the sentence: Itò y ginawá ni Hwàn. This (subject) was-done (direct passive) by Juan, the idea of “Juan”, the actor, should become dominant, 25one would not use the active transient predicate (”Si Hwàn ay gumawá nitò”), for the idea of “this” is too definite to allow of the actor’s functioning as subject; one says instead: Si Hwàn aŋ gumawá nitò. It was Juan who did this, with “Juan” as definite object predicate and the rest of the sentence, objectivized, as subject. 30So: Siyà aŋ nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt. It was he that gave me the (or a) book, books. (cf. § [93]). Ikaw ŋàʾ aŋ nagsábi niyàn. It was you yourself who said that.

105. Less commonly the subject precedes the predicate. In this case the construction is quite normal and unemphatic; if 35there is a transient element it usually stands in the predicate: Itò y aŋ áki ŋ tìráhan. This (subject) is my dwelling. Si Hwàn ay aŋ nagnákaw. Juan is the one who did the stealing.

106. (B) In the circumlocutory definite object predicate the central element is the pronoun siyà (in this use never enclitic), 40which is followed by modifiers which express the real content of the predicate. In this use siyà may apply to inanimate objects and to two or more objects (§ [63]). The subject, which has always a moderate degree of emphasis, usually precedes: Itò ay sya kò ŋ tìráhan. This is what is my home, i. e. This is where I live. In most cases the real content of the predicate is a transient 5word (with or without modifiers): Si Pédro ay sya ŋ tumútuktòk. Pedro is the one (siyà) who is knocking. (Less emphatic than the violently transposed Si Pédro aŋ tumútuktòk. It’s Pedro who is knocking, of type A). Aŋ pagkátahol naŋ áso ay syà ŋ ikinágisiŋ naŋ bátaʾ. The barking of the dog is what woke up the 10child. Aŋ maŋa paŋparikìt ay sya kò ŋ pinamutúlan. The kindlings are what I have cut up. Occasionally the predicate precedes: Baká sya ŋ ikapútol naŋ piŋgà aŋ kabigatàn naŋ buháŋin. Perhaps that which may break the carrying-pole (predicate) the weight of the sand (subject), i. e. See that the weight of the sand 15doesn’t break the carrying-pole.

107. This construction, like that of type (A), is often used when a transient predicate is not permissible with an actor-subject; here, however, the sentence is not, as in (A), reversed, but the actor is used as subject and the rest of the sentence as true 20content of the circumlocutory predicate: Si Hwàn ay syà ŋ gumawá nito. Juan is the one who did this. Si Pédro ay syà ŋ nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt. Pedro is the person who gave me the book.

108. A predicate of this type may, in its entirety and as a 25unit, be objectivized with aŋ and used as subject of a sentence of type (A): Aŋ médiko lámaŋ ay sya nyà ŋ màkàkatálo. The doctor alone will be the one to oppose him (literally: he by-him who will-be-opposed, direct passive): Aŋ médiko lámaŋ aŋ sya nyà ŋ màkàkatálo. It is the doctor alone who will be the one to 30oppose him. Aŋ bintána ŋ iyàn aŋ syà ŋ kahùhulúgan naŋ bátaʾ! It’s that window that will be the place where the child will fall out!

109. (C) The indefinite object predicate has the structure of an object expression, but lacks aŋ (§ [68]). In meaning it corresponds, 35roughly, to an English noun-predicate without the: Itò y librò. This (subject) is a book (predicate). Yo y súnog. That’s a fire. Itò y mabúti ŋ librò. This is a good book. Si Hwàn ay isa ŋ magnanákaw. Juan is a thief. Masípag na táo itò. Industrious people (predicate) these (subject), i. e. These are industrious 40people.

110. As indefinite object predicates occur especially the expressions of indefinite quantity (§ [69]). In this use they have possessive value: Sya y máy famílya. He has a family. May ápat na pu ŋ paà aŋ hábaʾ. Having forty feet (predicate) the length (subject), i. e. The length is about forty feet. Sya y máy-roo ŋ aklàt. He has a book, books. Sya y wala ŋ aklàt. He has no book, 5no books. Sya y marámi ŋ salapèʾ. He has much money. Hindí maláo ŋ panahòn aŋ kanya ŋ paghihimatày. Her fainting-spell did not last long. Itò y malakì ŋ kagamitàn. This has great use, is much used.

It is to be noted that all the modifiers of indefinite quantity, 10except máy, which is pretonic, are orthotonic and therefore followed by an enclitic subject (§ [89]): Máy-roon sya ŋ aklàt. He has no book. But: May dalawà sya ŋ anàk. He has two children.

d. Subordinate predications.

111. An entire predication may be used as subject, predicate, 15or attribute in a longer sentence. The use of such subordinate predications is, however, limited (as opposed, e. g., to English usage) by the habit of freely using transient words (with their modifiers) as attributes: aŋ súpot naŋ kwaltà na kanila ŋ ibinigày pagdáka sa kanila ŋ magúlaŋ the bag of money by-them given 20at once to their parents, i. e. ... which they gave.... It is limited, further, by the freedom of omitting anaphoric elements (§ [87]): Aŋ púnoʾ ay tumúbo haŋgàŋ sa magbúŋa. The tree grew until (sc. it, subject) bore fruit.

112. Predications as predicates occur very frequently. Aŋ 25ginawá nya ay umalìs sya. That done by-him (subject) was went-away he (predication, as predicate), i. e. What he did was, he went away. Aŋ mabúti ay itápun nilà aŋ maŋa bátaʾ. The best thing (to do) was that they should abandon the children. Aŋ ísip ko y balat lámaŋ naŋ itlòg itò. My thought was (i. e. I 30thought) this was only an egg-shell.

113. Especially common is a whole predication as a predicate describing or characterizing the subject: Aŋ kúba ay mahínaʾ aŋ katawàn. The hunchback was: weak was his body, i. e. was weak of body. Aŋ ikapitu ŋ bátaʾ ay hindí kináin aŋ kanya 35ŋ tinápay. The seventh child was: not was-eaten his bread, i. e. did not eat his bread. Aŋ isa nyà ŋ anàk ay pitò nà ŋ taòn aŋ gúlaŋ. His one child was now seven years of age. This construction, together with the use of impersonal expressions (§ [84]) makes possible such a sentence as: Aŋ maŋa karitòn ... ay gabì kuŋ 40ipalákad. The wagons ... were: it-was-night when (sc. they, anaphoric subject) were-made-to-go, i. e. The wagons were driven at night.

114. Direct quotations as predicates are frequent: “Isà!” aŋ sábi naŋ bulàg. “One!” was what the blindman said. “Túnay bagà ŋ akò y inìíbig mo?” aŋ tanòŋ naŋ dalága ni Andrès sa kanyà. “Is it really true that you love me?” was the question 5of Andrés’ young lady to him.

115. A predication as subject is rare: Mabúti táyo y dumoòn sa isa ŋ lugàr.... It is best (predicate) that we go to a place.... Hindí bihíraʾ aŋ maŋa táo y naŋhùhúle naŋ buhày na uŋgòʾ. It is not rare that people go catching live monkeys. 10It will be noted that these predications are not objectivized, cf. § [88].

116. Occasionally, however, the predication used as subject is objectivized: Hindí bihíraʾ aŋ magkalunòd aŋ maŋa táo. It is not rare that people get drowned, or The occurrence that people 15get drowned is not rare. Súkat nà aŋ ikàw ay magpasalámat. It is fitting now that you be thankful.

117. For predications as attributes see the section on attribution.

e. Omission of predicate.

20118. The use of a predicate, or of the central element of a predicate is (like that of any other element, § [87]) optional when, if used, it would be anaphoric: (Si Hwàn namàn ay sumagòt: “Matàr!” at sa hulè) si Andrès aŋ kanya ŋ “Sì!” (Then Juan answered “Matar!” and last) Andrés his “Si!” The form of 25the sentence with the predicate (which is anaphoric from the preceding sumagòt answered) would be: ... si Andrès ay isinagòt aŋ kanya ŋ “Sì!” ... Andrés was: was-answered his “Si!”, i. e. Andrés answered his “Si!”,—a sentence of the kind described in § [113].

303. Attributes.

119. We may distinguish four constructions in which an attribute may stand: 1. Conjunctive attribution: the attribute is joined by means of the particle na or ŋ: isa ŋ táo a person, one person; 2. Disjunctive attribution: the attribute, which is always 35an object expression, stands in a special disjunctive form, aŋ, for instance, being changed to naŋ: aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey; 3. Local attribution: the attribute, which is always an object expression, stands in a special local form, aŋ, for instance, being always changed to sa: nalìlígo sa ílog bathing in the 40river; 4. Absolute attribution: the attribute merely precedes or follows: hindí támaʾ not correct.

In a sense the last three constructions, which do not employ the particle na, ŋ, stand opposed to the first, which does. Constructions 2 and 3 make it possible to speak, in a very wide sense, of three “cases” in which an object expression may stand: “subjective” 5aŋ ílog the river, “disjunctive” naŋ ílog of the river, and “local” sa ílog in the river; but it is to be observed that these “cases” are not confined to any class of words, but appear in any word or phrase when it stands in the object construction.[4]

120. In position attributes may be:

10A. Loosely joined. In this position occur only attributes of a predicate (or of an entire non-predicative sentence). Their treatment resembles that of a non-enclitic subject (§ [89]): they either precede the rest of the sentence with ay, y, or follow at the end of the sentence: Doòn ay syà y nahigàʾ. There (doòn, loosely 15joined) he lay down. Nahánap ko nà aŋ sombréro sa lahàt naŋ súlok. I have looked for the hat in every corner. The phrase beginning with sa is loosely joined; it follows all the rest of the sentence, including even the subject, aŋ sombréro.

In the placing of enclitics a loosely joined attribute is ignored: 20Pagulàn ay gamítin mo aŋ kapóte. When it rains use your rain-coat. The enclitic mò follows the first orthotonic word of the predicate (which it modifies), not counting the loosely joined pagulàn.

When a loosely joined attribute precedes, the ay, y is in some 25cases left off: Dahil díto tináwag nya aŋ kaybígan nya. Therefore he called his friend. The position of the enclitic niyà shows that dahil díto is loosely joined, but ay, y is not used.

Occasionally a loosely joined attribute is preceded by the subject and only one ay, y is used: Karanyúwa y aŋ kosinéro y 30upahàn. Usually (loosely joined) the cook is hired; but also: Aŋ kosinéro karanyúwa y upahàn.

B. Closely joined. The attribute immediately precedes or follows that modified: hindí támaʾ not correct; aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey.

35C. Enclitic. They follow immediately on the first word of the expression modified, counting closely joined attributes, but not loosely joined: Hindí ko nàlàláman. Not by-me (it) is-known, i. e. I don’t know. aŋ mahahába nya ŋ paà his (niyà enclitic) long legs.

121. Some attributes always precede (so e. g. hindìʾ, § [239]); others always follow (so, for instance, disjunctive attributes, 5§ [171]).

a. Conjunctive attributes.

122. A conjunctive attribute is connected with the word or phrase which it modifies by the atonic particle na. Normally ŋ takes the place of na after a vowel, n, or the glottal stop (see 10Phonetics): mabúti ŋ aklàt good book, or: aklàt na mabúti.

However, na and ŋ are not exactly equivalent. Predications, longer phrases, and, frequently, transient expressions are joined with na even where ŋ is possible: isa ŋ malakì ŋ higànte na nalìlígoʾ a big giant who was bathing.

15On the other hand, some constructions use na rarely or not at all: where ŋ cannot be used the particle is then omitted and we have absolute attribution. These constructions will be described under the latter heading.

In the formation of compound words (see Morphology) na is 20never used, while ŋ is a regular element. This latter circumstance sometimes makes it difficult to determine whether a given expression is a conjunctive phrase or a compound word.

123. Conjunctive attributes are closely joined and either precede or follow; for this reason it is sometimes undetermined 25which of the elements connected is the attribute, which the element modified.

124. The elements connected by conjunctive attribution are viewed as constituting a single larger element. Conjunctive attribution is the normal and general relation between modifier and 30modified and includes relations that in many other languages (such as English) are viewed in manifold ways. We may divide the construction roughly into three types, although these actually merge into each other: (1) quality, (2) manner, and (3) complement.

35Not included in this division are the cases where conjunctive attribution alternates with absolute (§ [122]), which will be treated of under the latter heading, and a type which in meaning is so closely parallel with disjunctive attribution that it will be more economical to treat it under this head (§§ [165].168).

40(1) Conjunctive attributes of quality.

125. Conjunctive attributes of the quality type are used chiefly in object expressions. They have no fixed order: aŋ mabúti ŋ aklàt the (a) good book, or: aŋ aklàt na mabúti. aŋ sumùsúlat na bátaʾ the writing child, the child that is writing, or: aŋ báta ŋ sumùsúlat.

5126. When they precede a personal name the whole expression is preceded by aŋ, but when they follow si suffices: aŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn the child Juan, little Juan, si Hwà ŋ Talúnan Juan who is always defeated (as a nickname).

127. Conjunctive attributes of quality tend to precede when 10they are emphatic or in contrast; when fixed they tend to follow: Aŋ marúnoŋ na pagòŋ at aŋ ulòl na uŋgòʾ. The clever turtle and the foolish monkey. Si Hwà ŋ Pípe ay nàkíta námin sa tulày. We saw Dumb Juan on the bridge. aŋ báo ŋ babáye the lower half of the cocoanut shell, aŋ báo ŋ malambòt the soft shell of the 15cocoanut, aŋ wíka ŋ Kastílaʾ the Spanish language. Especially those expressing material tend to follow: aŋ báhay na batò a stone house, aŋ koróna ŋ tinìk a crown of thorns, aŋ atsára ŋ papáya papaw salad, pickled papaw, aŋ tinóla ŋ manòk chicken stew, aŋ sáko ŋ pálay a sack of rice. A modifier expressing the 20special kind always follows: aŋ sála ŋ pagnanákaw the crime which is (i. e. of) theft, aŋ bísyo ŋ paginòm the vice of drinking, aŋ larò ŋ taguàn the game which consists of hiding, the game of hide-and-seek, kanína ŋ umága a little while ago in the morning, i. e. this morning, ilà ŋ óras na pagsasàlitáan a few hours of conversation, 25aŋ bandà ŋ kataasàn (or: itaàs) the direction (which is) north, i. e. the north; so: aŋ bandà ŋ kababáan (or: ibabàʾ) the south, siláŋan (or: sìlaŋánan) the east, kalunúran the west, aŋ gawì ŋ kánan the right-hand side, kaliwàʾ the left.

128. Titles and the like precede: aŋ báo ŋ si Maryà the 30widow Maria.

129. The personal pronouns precede their conjunctive attributes: sila ŋ tatlò they three, Si Pédro ay syà ŋ tumútuktòk. Pedro is the one who is knocking (§ [106] ff.).

130. The demonstrative pronouns as conjunctive attributes 35usually follow: aŋ táo ŋ itò this person, this man, aŋ tatlò ŋ itò these three, Aŋ korbáta ŋ irè ay bágo. This necktie is new.

Occasionally, however, they precede, especially with a longer expression. In this case aŋ is not used (§ [64], end): ito ŋ súpot ko naŋ kwàlta this bag of money of mine; iyo ŋ úna ŋ kumalabòg 40that first thing which made a thud; Itò ŋ báhay aŋ binili kò. This house is what I bought, It’s this house I’ve bought, This is the house I’ve bought (§ [102] ff.).

Under emphasis the demonstrative pronoun may both precede and follow: ito ŋ táo ŋ itò this man here, iyo ŋ táo ŋ yaòn that man over there.

131. The interrogative pronouns precede; aŋ is not used (§ [65]). See also kaníno, § [168]. The meanings of the interrogative 5pronouns as conjunctive attributes are:

síno which? (of several known people): sínu ŋ táo? which one? which ones?

alìn which? (of several known things): alì ŋ lugàr which place, which places? alì ŋ bandà? which way? (e. g. at a cross-roads) 10alì ŋ maŋa búŋa? which fruits? which ones of the fruits?

anò what? what kind of? (of persons or things not known), also, in exclamations, what...! what great...! Anu ŋ ílog itò? What river is this? ano ŋ bandà? what direction? which way? (of all possible points of the compass) anu ŋ táo what sort 15of a person? what sort of people? who? Ano ŋ hínaʾ! What weakness!

132. The numerative pronouns mostly precede, and the use of aŋ is optional (§ [66], end); ibà other, however, requires aŋ when, as conjunctive attribute, it begins an object phrase. Of the 20others, karamíhan most and the particle báwat every are not used in this construction, and lahàt all occurs only as modifier of the personal pronouns, which (by § [129]) precede. The particle bála any, on the other hand, occurs only as conjunctive attribute: aŋ iba ŋ báhay the other house, another house, sila ŋ lahàt they all, 25all of them, bála ŋ táo any person, anyone, aŋ bála ŋ táo any one (of a given group), boò ŋ báyan all the town, everybody in town, aŋ boò ŋ báyan the entire town, everybody in the town, ilà ŋ táo ŋ matalíno a few intelligent men, aŋ ilà ŋ sandalèʾ a few moments.

133. The cardinal numerals usually precede; aŋ is optional 30(§ [67]): isa ŋ itlòg one egg, an egg; aŋ isa ŋ itlòg the one egg.

134. The tens, hundreds, etc. of the cardinal numerals are always modified by isà one or a higher unit. The phrase so formed precedes that counted. The higher numerals are: pùʾ ten, daàn, raàn hundred, líbo thousand, laksàʾ million, yútaʾ billion: isa ŋ 35pù ŋ táo, sà m pu ŋ táo ten men, ápat na raà ŋ báhay four-hundred houses.

135. The teens are expressed by labì preceding the simple numerals as conjunctive modifier: labì ŋ isà ŋ aklàt eleven books, labì ŋ tatlò ŋ áraw thirteen days.

40136. The Spanish numerals, however, (used in dates, § [67]) follow: aŋ taò ŋ míle-nobisyèntos-dòs the year 1902.

137. saríle self (see § [175]) is used as a conjunctive attribute in the sense of own: Walá sya ŋ saríli ŋ baìt. He has no self-respect (literally: own respect).

138. Of the modifiers that form expressions of indefinite quantity all except máy precede as conjunctive attributes; for 5examples see § [69] f. In object expressions maláon, malakì and marámi do not differ from normal conjunctive attributes; examples in § [70].

139. Expressions of indefinite quantity as units may stand in conjunctive attribution. They then have possessive value: aŋ 10háre ŋ may súŋay the king who had horns; aŋ kapútol na wala ŋ dáhon the part without leaves.

140. Conjunctive attribution includes many cases which in English would be envisaged rather as appositions of two objects: aŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn the boy Juan, si Hwà ŋ Bíbas Juan the Jester, 15Sya y may táŋa ŋ pamáloʾ. He has hold of a stick. Táŋan that grasped, thing grasped is conjunctive attribute of pamáloʾ club, stick. aŋ magának na sina Bantòg the Bantog family, tatlò ŋ magkakayibíga ŋ estudyànte ŋ magkababáyan three friends (ŋ) students (ŋ) fellow-townsmen, i. e. three student friends from the 20same town; aŋ tatlú ŋ magkakaybíga ŋ si Pédro, si Hwàn, at si Andrès the three friends, Pedro, Juan, and Andrés; aŋ salità ŋ “bámos” the word “vamos”.

141. When a longer expression is used as a conjunctive attribute of quality, it usually follows, and na is often preferred 25to ŋ: aŋ parúsa na hindí mo gustò the punishment not by-you liked, i. e. the punishment you don’t like; isà ŋ usà ŋ naŋìŋináin sa gúbat a deer grazing in the jungle; aŋ isà (sa maŋa kaybígan nilà) na sya ŋ magígiŋ hukòm one (of their friends) who will be judge; cf. the predicates described in § [106]. aŋ maŋa kúra na 30sya ŋ maŋa maliliìt na háreʾ the priests (who are) those (who are) little kings, i. e. the priests, those veritable little kings.

142. An object expression is frequently followed by an entire predication of the type described in § [113], as conjunctive attribute: Aŋ tagahúle ay isa ŋ táo ŋ aŋ katuŋkúlan ay humúle 35naŋ ano màn o síno màn. A catcher is a person (whose) duty is to catch anything or anyone. aŋ maŋa púno-ŋ-káhoy na masasaràp aŋ búŋa trees (whose) fruits are tasty; isa ŋ táo ŋ malakì aŋ kapaŋyaríhan a person (whose) power is great.

(2) Conjunctive attributes of manner.

40143. Conjunctive attributes of manner precede or follow. When they precede a predicate they stand as the first orthotonic word and are immediately followed by enclitics (such as an enclitic subject pronoun, § [89]), after which comes the na or ŋ, and then the central element of the predicate: Syà y mabúte ŋ tumugtòg. She plays (music) well. This example illustrates the 5identity of conjunctive attributes of manner and of quality, for mabúte ŋ tumugtòg may be looked upon indifferently as a transient predicate (§ [92]) with mabúte well as attribute of manner, or as an indefinite object predicate (§ [109]) a good player, in which mabúte good is an attribute of quality. Other forms of the same 10sentence are: Mabúti sya ŋ tumugtòg. (siyà enclitic), Syà y tumugtòg na mabúti. So further: Isípin mo ŋ mabúti. Consider it well. Literally: Be-considered by-you (mò enclitic) well. Iyòn ay tùtúbo na mabúti. It will grow well. Silà y magkakasáma ŋ nagsipamarìl. They as-companions (i. e. in company, together) 15went hunting. Or: They were companion (quality) hunters. Madalí sya ŋ tumakbò. Quickly he ran. Talagà ŋ mahigpìt aŋ tapòn naŋ bóte ŋ iyàn. The stopper of that bottle is certainly tight. Mahigpìt tight, as central element of the predicate, is modified by talagà fated, by fate, by nature, certainly. Putikà ŋ dumatìŋ 20si Salamìn sa báhay. “Mirror” (as name of a dog) came home all muddy. Or: ... was a muddy comer. Paputòl nya ŋ tinagàʾ aŋ bisìg ni Hwàn. He cut Juan’s arm transversely. Kinalaykay kò ŋ patipòn aŋ maŋa saŋà ŋ maliliìt naŋ káhoy. I raked into-a-heap the twigs of-the trees.

25144. A phrase of more than one word usually follows that modified; frequently na is used instead of ŋ: Nádala nyà na hindí sinásadyàʾ sa kanya ŋ pagalìs aŋ áki ŋ páyoŋ. Was-taken by-him not intendedly in his departing my umbrella, i. e. In leaving he inadvertently took my umbrella.

30145. The numerative pronoun lahàt is used as a conjunctive attribute of manner in the sense of entirely, completely. It follows that modified: Aŋ maŋa lalagyàn ay pùnúa ŋ lahàt. The containers are entirely full.

146. Expressions of indefinite quantity as conjunctive attributes 35of manner follow: Aŋ maŋa táo ay nagtakbúha ŋ walà ŋ túto. The people all ran without order, in disorder.

147. The particles lubhàʾ very and láloʾ more usually precede: Lubhà ŋ malakì aŋ gálit ni Pédro. Pedro’s wrath was very great. Lálu ŋ lumakì aŋ kanya ŋ gálit. His wrath grew still 40greater.

148. The particle mulíʾ again follows: Tátakbo sya ŋ mulìʾ. He will run again. Aŋ kamakalawà ay hindí na dáratiŋ na mulèʾ. The day before yesterday will never come again.

149. A conjunctive attribute of manner may express the time throughout which: Syà y naŋgupìt at naŋáhit na maláo ŋ panahòn. He did hair-cutting and shaving for a long time. Silà y nagtítira na tatlu ŋ áraw. They stay three days. May ila ŋ 5bwà ŋ aŋ maŋa útos ay mahihigpìt. For several months (literally: having several months, § [69], end) the orders were strict.

150. A word repeated as its own conjunctive attribute of manner expresses a high degree (intensity): Sya y biŋì. He is deaf. Sya y biŋì ŋ biŋì. He is stone deaf. Inìt si Pédro. Pedro 10is hot, is angry. Inìt na inìt si Pédro. Pedro is in a rage. líhim na líhim very secretly, malakì ŋ malakì very large.

(3) Conjunctive attributes as complements.

151. The general sphere of conjunctive attribution includes cases where one element involves another as result or content. The 15latter follows and is in many instances plainly viewed as the attribute. In some instances, however, the former may just as well be looked upon as a modifier, usually of quality, sometimes also of manner. The transition from these latter types to that of the complement appears, indeed, in all possible stages, and no 20real boundary can be drawn. Sya y mabúti ŋ tumugtòg (naŋ piyáno). She is a good player (of the piano), or She plays (the piano) well,—see § [143]—can be analyzed also: She is good that (she, anaphoric subject omitted, § [87]) plays the piano; and in some instances this last analysis is the only possible one.

25Other examples illustrating the merging of the three types we have set up are the following: Malápit na siya ŋ makatápos naŋ karéra. He was already near that (he) end his course, i. e. near ending his course, almost through his course; or: a near ender, cf. isa ŋ báya ŋ malápit a near-by town. Aŋ pagmamarúnoŋ 30ni Hwàn ay ginágawa ŋ katatawanàn naŋ maŋa nakàkàkilála sa kanyà. Juan’s pretending to be wise is made fun of by those who know him, literally: ... is-being-made (ginágawàʾ) that (it) is a laughing-stock, or else: ... a being-made laughing-stock. Cf. aŋ gawì ŋ húkay the to-be-made ditch, i. e. the ditch that is to be 35made, where only the quality interpretation is possible. Magtúlin ka ŋ lumákad. Walk faster. This can be interpreted as Be a fast walker, or Walk faster, or Be-quick that (you) walk; and this last interpretation comes nearest to the original in so far as magtúlin is an active transient form used in commands rather than an expression 40suited to an idea of quality or of manner. Sya y nagdàdahilà ŋ may sakìt. He alleges that (he) is sick. Aŋ pagsakày sa kabáyo ay hindí magaà ŋ pagarálan. Riding horseback is not easy that (it) be-learned, i. e. not easy to learn, or: not an easy thing-to-be-learned. aŋ pinakamahúsay na magsalitàʾ naŋ Latìn the best that (he) should speak Latin, or: the best speaker of 5Latin; Hwag kà, Hwàn, pumásuk na sekréta. Don’t go as a spy (or to be a spy), Juan. Ginawá nya si Hwàn na barbéro naŋ háreʾ. Was-made by-him Juan that (he) be barber of-the king, i. e. He made Juan barber royal. Si Hwàn ay pinamàmagatàn naŋ marámi na isa ŋ doktò. Juan is reputed by the people that 10(he) is (i. e. as) a learned man.

152. The simplest cases are those where both of the expressions connected by na, ŋ refer to the same person or thing, as in the above examples. The following are less doubtful cases of complement construction of this kind: Nagpùpumílit sya ŋ màtúto. 15He strives to get educated. Si Hwàn at si Maryà ay nagkásundo ŋ pakasàl. Juan and Maria have agreed that they (i. e. to) get married. Inanyáhan silà ni Hwàn na magpasyàl. They were invited by Juan that they (i. e. to) go walking. Maári mo ŋà ŋ ihúlug sa koréyo aŋ áki ŋ súlat? Can you please mail my 20letter? Literally: maári ... ŋ ihúlug a possible thing-to-be thrown or capable that (it) be thrown. Naàári akò ŋ malígo makálawa maghápon. I am able that (I) bathe (i. e. to bathe) twice a day. Pinabayáan niya kamì ŋ umalìs. We were permitted by him to depart. Hinantày nya ŋ matápus aŋ mísa. The mass was-awaited 25by-him that it end, i. e. He waited until the mass was ended. Anò aŋ gustu mu ŋ sabíhin? What is desired by-you that (it) be-said? i. e. What do you mean to say? Hindí ko gustò ŋ màkatálo si Hwàn. Not by-me desired that (he) be-opposed is Juan, i. e. I don’t want Juan to be my opponent.

30153. Clear cases of the complement construction are those in which the two elements connected refer to different persons or things: Nagyayá sya ŋ umuwèʾ. He advised that (they, anaphoric) go home. ([34, ₁₂].) Aŋ pagkámasìd nya sa láŋit ay syà ŋ nagpakilála sa kanyà na úulàn. His glance at the sky was what 35showed him that (it, see § [84]) was going to rain.

154. When the former of the two elements is an object expression (or similar element) the complement construction is evident: aŋ kaibigà ŋ màtúto the desire that (he) get educated, i. e. the desire to get an education. aŋ pagkágusto nyà na kumáin naŋ 40nyòg his desire that (he) should-eat cocoanuts, i. e. to eat.... Anu ŋ tagàl nya ŋ sumísid! What endurance of-him that (he) stay under water! i. e. How long he stays under water! Ano ŋ hína mo ŋ lumákad! What slowness of-you that (you) walk! i. e. How slowly you walk! Aŋ tagasulsè ay isa ŋ babáye ŋ may katuŋkúla ŋ manahìʾ o manulsè naŋ maŋa púnit naŋ damìt. A darning-woman is a woman having the duty that (she) patch or mend the small holes in clothing, i. e. ... whose duty is to....

5155. A further sign that the speech-feeling envisages the complement construction as different from the constructions of quality or manner appears when enclitics follow the first word of the complement (i. e. of the second of the connected elements) rather than the first word of the sentence: this shows that the 10complement is viewed as a relatively independent element within the sentence: Maári ŋà ŋ ihúlug mo sa koréyo aŋ áki ŋ súlat? Should-be-capable that (it) be-thrown by-you into the mail (predicate) my letter (subject)? i. e. Can you please mail my letter? Cf. under § [152] above.

15156. Very frequently the complement is an entire predication: aŋ panukálaʾ na aŋ púnoʾ ay tùtúboʾ the thought that the tree will grow; pagkátanaw nyà na dumáratiŋ aŋ susòʾ (at the) seeing by-him i. e. when he sees that the snail is arriving; aŋ áraw na kayò ay dápat magsipagsísi the day that (i. e. when) you ought 20to repent; Nagkàkapálad aŋ manùnúbok na màkíta nya aŋ kúlam. The spier has the good fortune that be-seen by-him the magic principle, i. e. ... to see....

157. A predication as complement is often parallel with a disjunctive object modifier, i. e. with an object expression used 25as direct, instrumental, or local object (§ [184] ff.): Sya y nagsábi ŋ sya y marúnoŋ gumupìt naŋ buhòk. He said that he knew how to cut hair. Aŋ bulàg ay nagakála ŋ gawì ŋ katatawanàn aŋ pagkahúlog naŋ kúbaʾ. The blindman thought that the falling of the hunchback should be made (sc. niyà by-him, anaphoric) that (it) 30be a laughing-stock, i. e. decided to make fun of the falling ...; that which one says or thinks, with sábi and akálaʾ, is also expressed as a direct object.

158. Similarly, predications as complements are, in impersonal constructions, parallel with a subject: Sinábi nya ŋ sya y 35marúnoŋ gumupìt naŋ buhòk. Was-said by-him that he was able to cut hair, i. e. He said he knew how to cut hair. Hindí bihíraʾ na aŋ isa ŋ táo y pamagatà ŋ médiko-ŋ-maŋkukúlam. It is not rare that a man is reputed as a witch-doctor. Cf. the example of predication as subject in § [116]. Hinilìŋ nya sa uŋgòʾ na dikdikìn 40sya sa lusòŋ. It was begged by him of the monkey that he be brayed in the mortar, i. e. He begged the monkey to bray him in the mortar. Pinabayáan niya na kamì y umalìs. It was allowed by him that we depart, i. e. He allowed us to depart, a less usual form than that in § [152]. Totoo ŋá na akò y naparoòn sa Balíwag. It is true that I went to Baliwag. Maàári pú ba ŋ kayò y maghintòʾ? Will it be possible please that you should stop? i. e. Can you please stop? Inísip nya ŋ magnákaw sa isa ŋ tindáhan. It 5was planned by him that (he) rob a shop, i. e. He planned to.... Iniyútus nya ŋ humúkay. It was ordered by him that (one, see § [86]) should dig, i. e. He ordered people to dig. Hindí mo gustò ŋ màhúle ka. Not by-you it-is-desired that you be-caught, i. e. You don’t want to be caught.

10159. A direct quotation may have the same construction as a predication: Sinábi nya ŋ “Bámos!” It-was-said by-him, namely “Vamos!” i. e. He said “Vamos!”

b. Disjunctive attributes.

160. Only object expressions are used as disjunctive attributes, 15and all object expressions have a special form for this use.

161. Those beginning with aŋ substitute for this particle the atonic particle naŋ: aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey, aŋ laruwàn naŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn the toy of the boy Juan; little Juan’s toy, toys.

20162. Those beginning with si (§§ [59]. 126) substitute for this the atonic particle ni; those beginning with sinà (or silà, § [60]) substitute nilà (or ninà), pretonic: aŋ amà ni Hwàn Juan’s father, aŋ báhay nila Hwàn the house of Juan and his family.

163. The personal pronouns as disjunctive attributes take 25the following forms: kò my, nità of us two, nátin our (inclusive), námin our (exclusive); mò thy, niniyò, ninyò your; niyà, nyà his, her, nilà their.

The monosyllabic forms kò and mò are always enclitic, the others usually: Hindí ko nàlàláman. I don’t know, literally: Not 30by-me (it) is-known. aŋ báhay nya his, her house, aŋ mahahába nya ŋ paà his long legs, aŋ hindí karanyúwa ŋ talíno nyà his unusual talents (niyà not enclitic).

164. When these enclitics meet an enclitic subject, they precede, unless by the general rule (§ [47]) the monosyllabic subject 35kà precedes a disyllabic disjunctive (including niyà, nyà): Saàn mo sya nàkíta? Where by-you he was-seen? i. e. Where did you see him? Binigyàn nya akò naŋ aklàt. Was-given by-him I a book, i. e. He gave me a book. Baká mo iyàn màbúlag. Perhaps by-you it might-be-blinded, i. e. See that you don’t blind it. Hindí ka 40námin dinatnàn. Not you by-us were found-there, i. e. We did not find you in.

165. The personal pronouns have another form, which is used as a conjunctive attribute of quality (cf. § [124], end) and always precedes that modified: its meaning, however, is the same as that of the disjunctive forms just given. These prepositive forms are: 5ákin my, kanità thy and my, átin our (inclusive), ámin our (exclusive); iyò thy, iniyò, inyò your; kaniyà, kanyà his, her, kanilà their, kaní-kanilà their respective, several, various.

Examples: Anò aŋ iyo ŋ ŋálan? What is your name? or: Anò aŋ ŋálan mo? aŋ áki ŋ amà my father, or: aŋ ama kò, aŋ 10kanya ŋ báhay his, her house, aŋ kanyà ŋ mahahába ŋ paà his long legs, aŋ kanità ŋ kwaltà our money (i. e. thine and mine), aŋ kaní-kanilà ŋ báhay their several houses.

Only a demonstrative pronoun modifier precedes these prepositive forms: iyà ŋ iyo ŋ sambalílo ŋ lúmaʾ that old hat of 15yours. Exceptions are rare: aŋ karanyúwa ŋ kanila ŋ kantahìn their usual song; what they usually sing.

166. The demonstrative pronouns, whether standing alone (§ [64]) or as modifiers at the beginning of an object expression (§ [130]), have the following disjunctive forms: nirè of this (right 20here), nitò of this, niyàn, nyàn of that, niyòn, nyòn, noòn of that (over there). Aŋ kúlay nirì ŋ korbáta ŋ irè ay nàpàpagítan sa itèm at sa pulà. The color of this necktie (I have on) is between black and red. aŋ dúlo nitò the end of this, aŋ anàk niyòn that one’s child (e. g. with pointing gesture), aŋ báhay niyo ŋ táo ŋ 25yaòn the house of that man over there, aŋ anàk noo ŋ táo ŋ iyòn the child of that man over there. The form noòn is used chiefly when the disjunctive attribute expresses time (§ [192]).

167. The interrogative pronoun síno, whether used alone or standing first in an object expression as attribute (§ [131]), has 30the disjunctive form níno whose? This form, however, is little used, for, while the interrogative pronoun is usually emphatic and tends to come first (§ [96]), a disjunctive attribute follows that modified (§ [171]). Hence the form níno is used only under peculiar conditions of emphasis: Aŋ sambalílo níno? Whose hat (did you 35say)? Ibinigày sa iyò níno? Given to you by whom? Sinábi sa iyo níno? Told to you by whom?

168. Instead of níno a prepositive form, kaníno, explicit plural kaní-kaníno, is ordinarily used; like the prepositive forms of the personal pronouns it stands in conjunctive attribution and 40precedes that modified. Before it the use of aŋ is optional (§§ [65].[131]); when aŋ is used the expression is more definite: Kaníno ŋ sambalílo? Whose hat? (the ownership of a given hat is inquired after) Aŋ kaníno ŋ sambalílo? Whose hat? (the ownership of each hat is known; the question asks merely which of them is involved) Kaníno ŋ aklàt iyàn? Whose book have you there?

169. The prepositive forms of the personal pronouns and of 5síno are used also as static predicates expressing possession: Aŋ librò ŋ binàbása mo kahápon ay ákin. The book you were reading last night is mine. Kaníno aŋ aklàt na iyàn? Whose is that book? Kaní-kaníno aŋ maŋa báhay na itò? Whose are these houses? The personal pronouns may be followed by saríle own (cf. § [137]): Aŋ 10laruwà ŋ itò y áki ŋ saríle. This toy is my own.

170. All other expressions which lack aŋ,—that is, the remaining interrogative pronouns, the numerative pronouns, the cardinal numerals, and object expressions in which these as modifiers stand first (§ [131] ff.),—prefix naŋ, atonic, when used as disjunctive 15attributes: Sa itaàs naŋ anò? On top of what? Takìp naŋ alì ŋ kahòn itò? Of which box is this the cover? aŋ panukálà naŋ karamíhan the opinion of the majority; Nakàkíta akò naŋ isa ŋ táo. I saw a man.

171. All disjunctive attributes are closely joined and follow 20that which they modify. The only exceptions are the enclitic pronoun forms and expressions of time (§ [192]). A disjunctive attribute precedes a subject: Binigyàn nya naŋ aklàt si Hwàn. He gave Juan some books. When the subject is enclitic, it of course precedes: Binigyàn nya si Hwàn naŋ aklàt. Real exceptions, in 25which a non-enclitic subject precedes a disjunctive attribute, are not common: Ipinakìkipagpútol ni Hwàn si Pédro naŋ labòŋ. Juan is asking someone to cut some bamboo-shoots for Pedro.

172. In meaning disjunctive attribution includes almost all cases in which an object element is viewed as the attribute of another 30element in the sentence. The only exception is the sphere of relations expressed by local attribution (§ [195] ff.). The meanings may, very roughly, be divided into seven groups: (1) possessive-partitive, (2) agent, (3) direct object, (4) instrumental object, (5) local object, (6) manner, (7) time.

35173. (1) Possessive-partitive modifier: aŋ kanya ŋ báhay, aŋ báhay nya his house, aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey, aŋ púno naŋ káhoy the tree (literally head of wood), aŋ púno naŋ ságiŋ the banana-tree, Sa itaàs naŋ anò? On top of what? Nasúnog aŋ kalahátì naŋ púnoʾ. Half of the tree got burned up. 40Aŋ báyad sa útaŋ ni Pédro ay lábis naŋ dalawà ŋ píso. The payment made to settle Pedro’s debt is too great by two pesos. aŋ óras naŋ alaskwátro the hour of four o’clock, Isà ŋ sundálo ŋ marúnuŋ naŋ Latìn. A soldier who knew Latin, literally: having-knowledge of Latin. aŋ sáko naŋ pálay a rice-sack (cf. § [127]), aŋ larú naŋ baráha a game of cards, cf. aŋ larò ŋ taguàn (§ [127]) a game consisting of hiding, hide-and-seek, aŋ katapusàn naŋ gabì 5the end of the night; cf. aŋ katapusà ŋ gabì the night which was the end, the last night, aŋ ilà ŋ sandalì naŋ pagsasàlitáan a few moments of the conversation; cf. aŋ ilà ŋ sandalì ŋ pagsasàlitáan a few moments (which consisted) of conversation. Note: aŋ báyan naŋ Balíwag the town of Baliwag, aŋ provìnsya naŋ Pampànga 10the province of Pampanga.

174. The pronoun lahàt as an object expression is followed by this kind of attribute: lahàt naŋ táo all (of) the people.

175. As an object expression saríle self is modified by disjunctive pronouns: aŋ kanyà ŋ saríle his self. Similarly saríle as 15conjunctive attribute, in the sense of own: Walá sya ŋ baìt sa kanya ŋ saríli. He does not do even himself any good. aŋ saríle nila ŋ bànda naŋ músika their own band of music; Aŋ kanya ŋ saríli ŋ barìl aŋ kanya ŋ ginámit. It was his own gun he used, What he used was his own gun. Cf. §§ [137] and [169], end.

20176. The modifier may be an entire predication: sa lugàr naŋ magkasirá silà in place of the (occurrence that) they should become enemies, i. e. instead of their becoming enemies.

177. Here belongs further the disjunctive attribute with words expressing association, companionship, or equality: Si 25Hwána ay siyà ŋ kabùlúŋan ni Maryà. Juana is the one with whom Maria is whispering. Aŋ mésa ŋ itò ay kasiŋkúlay naŋ kahòn. This table is of the same color as the chest. Si Hwàn ay kapantày ni Pédro. Juan is of the same height as Pedro. Kalákip naŋ súlat ko ŋ itò ay limà ŋ píso. Enclosed with this my letter are 30five pesos. gáya ko like me.

178. Similar is the use of a disjunctive modifier expressing one of the objects, with expressions involving dual or plural ideas: silà ni Maryà they with Maria, i. e. Maria and he ([88,₄₂]), silà ŋ dalawà ni Maryà ([92,₁₇]).

35179. Here belongs the disjunctive attribute in exclamatory sentences expressing the high degree of a quality; these are formed with anò (§ [131]) and with words with prefix ka- (§ [76]): Ano ŋ hína mo! What weakness of-you! i. e. How weak you are! Anu ŋ luwàt naŋ hindí nya pagdatìŋ! What duration of his not arriving! 40i. e. How long he is getting here! Kapulà naŋ panyo ŋ iyòn! What-great-redness of that handkerchief! i. e. How red that handkerchief is! Karúnoŋ naŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn! How much little Juan knows! Kaytipìd na bátaʾ ni Hwàn! How-saving a child of Juan! i. e. What an economical boy Juan is!

180. In the preceding and related constructions the attribute may be an entire predication: Kamuntí naŋ màtamaàn aŋ bátaʾ! 5What-little-lack of the (occurrence that) the child should-be-hit! i. e. How near the child came to being hit! Muntí naŋ máliguwak aŋ dala nyà ŋ pulòt. Little-wanting of-the (occurrence that) should-be-spilled the borne by-him honey, i. e. The honey he was carrying came near being spilled.

10181. (2) A disjunctive attribute expressing the agent corresponds in sense to the subject of an active transient predicate. When it modifies a transient word, the corresponding active can be formed: Sinúlat nya aŋ líham. He wrote the letter; literally: Was-written by-him (agent) the letter. Isinúlat nya aŋ kwènto. 15He wrote down the story. Sinulátan nya akò. He wrote to me. The corresponding active is: Syà y sumúlat.... He wrote.... Cf. § [92]. So further: Pinútol nya aŋ káhoy. The wood was cut by him; active: Syà y pumútol naŋ káhoy. He cut some wood. Kinúha nya aŋ librò. The book was taken by him; active: Syà 20y kumúha naŋ librò. He took some book. Áki ŋ binitíwan aŋ bóte. By-me was-let-go-of the bottle, i. e. I let go of the bottle; active: Bumitìw akò.... Aŋ hiniràm nya ŋ kampìt ay iyo ŋ kúnin. The borrowed by-him (agent) kitchen-knife by-you (agent) is to be taken, i. e. Take the kitchen-knife he borrowed.

25When the word modified is not transient no clear line can be drawn between disjunctive attributes of agent and of possessor: aŋ kanyà ŋ pagdatìŋ his arrival, his arriving, or: the arriving by him, aŋ gámit nya ŋ librò the book used by him, aŋ paupó ni Hwà ŋ sùgálan the gambling-party invited by Juan, aŋ 30dala nyà ŋ pulòt the honey he is or was carrying, Aŋ larò ŋ taguàn ay gustò naŋ maŋa bátaʾ. The game of hide-and-seek is liked by children. Hindí ko gustò aŋ librò ŋ itò; ibà aŋ áki ŋ gustò. I don’t want this book; it is a different one I want.

182. When disjunctive agent is the speaker (kò by me 35or its substitute áki ŋ) and the subject is the person addressed (ikàw, kà thou), the pronoun kità usually takes the place of both. This is the commoner value of kità (cf. § [63]): Sùsuŋaŋáin kità. I’ll smash your face; the subject of this direct passive expression is the person addressed, the agent the speaker: Ikàw ay áki ŋ 40sùsuŋaŋáin would be an unidiomatic equivalent. Ipaglálaba kità naŋ damìt. I shall wash your clothes for you. The predicate is instrumental passive, with you, the person for whom, as subject. Hàhatdan kità naŋ gátas. I shall deliver milk to you; local passive.

Occasionally the agent is redundantly added: Kità ay áki ŋ parùrusáhan. I shall punish you.

5183. A disjunctive agent is used with the words expressing recent completion of an act with prefix ka- and reduplication: (§ [77]): Karáratiŋ ko pa lámaŋ! I have only just arrived. Kakàkáin ko pa lámaŋ! I have only just finished eating.

184. (3) A disjunctive attribute expressing the direct object 10corresponds to the subject of a direct passive transient predicate: Sya y kumáin naŋ kánin. He ate some boiled rice. Passive: Kináin nya aŋ kánin. Was-eaten by-him the boiled rice, i. e. He ate the boiled rice.

It will be seen that when the direct object is definite it is 15more likely to serve as subject of a passive predicate (§ [94]); hence the disjunctive attribute expressing a direct object has often an indefinite partitive value. Syà y sumúlat naŋ líham. He wrote some letters. Syà y pumútol naŋ káhoy. He cut some wood. Bigyàn mo akò niyà ŋ túbig. Give me some of that water. Katátagpi 20ko niyòn! I have just finished mending that! Sya y naghintày naŋ sàsabíhin naŋ sundálo. He awaited that which was going to be said by the soldier.

185. (4) A disjunctive attribute expressing the instrument corresponds to the subject of an instrumental passive transient 25predicate: Syà y sumúlat naŋ kwènto. He wrote down a story, stories. Passive: Isinúlat nya aŋ kwènto. Was-written-down by-him the story, i. e. He wrote down the story.

The indefinite value of the disjunctive attribute is here due to the same relation as in the preceding type. Pinútol nya naŋ 30gúlok aŋ káhoy. The wood was cut by him with a bolo; instrumental passive: Ipinútol nya naŋ káhoy aŋ gúlok. Was-used-for-cutting by-him of wood the bolo, i. e. He cut wood with the bolo. Binigyàn nya akò naŋ aklàt. He gave me a book.

186. So a direct quotation or an entire predication: Aŋ 35bulàg ay sumigàw naŋ “Tatlò!” The blindman shouted “Three!”; passive: Isinigàw naŋ bulàg aŋ “Tatlò!” Aŋ báwat isa sa kanilà ay sumagòt naŋ súŋay aŋ kanila ŋ nàkìkíta. Each one answered that horns were what they saw.

187. (5) Disjunctive attributes of place correspond to the 40subject of a local passive transient predication: Syà y pumanhìk naŋ báhay. He entered a house; passive: Pinanhikàn nya aŋ báhay. He entered the house. Aŋ pagòŋ ay nagumpisà naŋ pagsisigàw. The turtle began (a) shouting; passive: Inumpisahàn naŋ pagòŋ aŋ pagsisigàw.

These attributes are in meaning rather close to local attributes (§ [203]); as opposed to the latter they are, however, the 5real correspondents of the subject of a local passive transient predication, expressing a real participation of the object in the action or occurrence,—whereas the local attributes express the place of the action as something more or less unaffected and independent.

10188. (6) Disjunctive attributes of manner do not correspond to any kind of subject. When they are used with a transient word the sentence may, however, be reversed so as to make of the attribute a transient predicate of a sentence in which the action (as subject) is spoken of as being “made such and such”. 15Tumakbò sya naŋ matúlin. He ran fast. The words naŋ matúlin are the disjunctive form of an object expression, aŋ matúlin, which would resemble German das schnelle. Our sentence corresponds to: Tinulínan nya aŋ pagtakbò. Was-made-fast by-him his running, He ran fast. Syà y tumáwa naŋ malakàs. He 20laughed aloud, cf. Inilakas nyà aŋ pagtáwa. He made his laughing loud. ... mànákaw naŋ hindí nito nàlàláman should be stolen in the manner of not by-him known, i. e. should be stolen without his knowing it. mataàs naŋ kauntèʾ higher by a little, a little higher.

25189. Expressions of indefinite quantity are used in this way: Silà y nagtakbúhan naŋ wala ŋ hintòʾ. They ran without stopping. This construction is in rivalry with that of conjunctive attribution (§ [146]).

190. The demonstrative pronouns and the interrogative pronoun 30anò are not used as attributes of manner; for this value they have separate derivatives: ganitò, ganiyàn, gayòn or ganoòn, and gaáno or gáno. These forms, moreover, occur also as static predicates and as conjunctive attributes of quality: aŋ báwat sumagòt naŋ ganitò every one who answered in this way; this could be 35viewed also as an instrumental object. Ganitò aŋ kalàgáyan nilà. Their condition was like this. aŋ ganitò ŋ maŋa paglalaròʾ such games as this; Ganyàn ba lámaŋ aŋ kínis mo? Is your skill merely like that? Nakàsúlat akò kay Hwàn naŋ gayòn dahilàn sa malakì ko ŋ pagkagálit. I came to write like that (or such things, cf. 40instrumental object) to Juan through my great anger. Ganoòn aŋ áki ŋ pagkárinìg. That was the way (i. e. the form in which) I heard the thing. Aŋ gayù ŋ pananalitàʾ that manner of speaking, that expression. gánu ŋ pagpílit? how much effort? Gaáno aŋ pagkakagalìt nila? How great, how serious is their quarrel? (Cf. § [96]).

191. A special case of the disjunctive attribute of manner is the repetition of a word as its own disjunctive modifier, expressing 5continuity or insistence of action: Humábà naŋ humábaʾ. It grew longer and longer. Aŋ kanila ŋ báon ay umuntí naŋ umuntìʾ. Their provisions grew less and less. Si Hwàn ay táwa naŋ táwa. Juan laughs and laughs. Bilì naŋ bilì si Hwàn naŋ pálay. Juan keeps buying rice.

10192. (7) Disjunctive attributes of time express the time when of an occurrence in the past. They differ from other disjunctive attributes in being often loosely joined, in which case they may precede. Pumaroòn sila naŋ hápon. They went there in the afternoon. So: naŋ umága in the morning, noò ŋ tagáraw 15(naŋ taò ŋ míle-nobisyèntos-dòs) in the summer (of the year 1902). Naŋ umulàn ay ginámit ko aŋ kapóte. When it rained I used my rain-coat. Nàlákad sina Pédro naŋ hindì óras. Pedro and his party had to start at a time not planned; literally: when not time.

20193. Complete predications as disjunctive attributes of time are common. It is as though the whole predication were objectivized: Naŋ dumatìŋ ako doòn ay sya y walá na. When I arrived there he was already gone. Noo ŋ sya y bágo ŋ táo pa lámaŋ.... When he was still but a young man....

25194. Anaphorically determined disjunctive attributes are often omitted. Íbig nya ŋ kánin aŋ súhaʾ. Desired by-him that be-eaten (by-him) the grape-fruit, i. e. He wants to eat the grape-fruit. Naŋhiŋí sya sa kanya ŋ maŋa kapatìd. He asked his brothers and sisters (for some). Hindí nila sya binigyàn. He was 30not given (any) by them, They did not give him any.

c. Local attributes.

195. An object expression in local attribution expresses a local circumstance of that which is modified, such as the place in, to, or from which, that from whose midst, that about which 35or owing to which, the person to whom, etc.

196. In this construction initial si is replaced by kay (atonic), sinà by kinà (pretonic), and aŋ by sa (atonic); object expressions which begin with none of these particles take sa: Si Pédro ay galìt kay Hwàn. Pedro is angry at Juan. Nakitúluy 40kamì kina Pédro. We asked hospitality of Pedro’s family. Syà y nanáog sa báhay. He came out of his house. sa boo ŋ báyan in the whole town.

Rarely both sa and kay precede a personal name: Itò y nàtúto sa kay Mayèstro ŋ Hwàn. This one got his training from 5Teacher Juan. aŋ pagkàbúhay naŋ médiko sa kay Hwàn the doctor’s saving of Juan’s life.

197. The personal pronouns and síno take their prepositive forms after sa: Ibinigày nya sa ákin aŋ aklàt. Was-given by-him to me the book, i. e. He gave me the book.

10198. In a peculiar construction these prepositive forms are preceded by the particle ganà as a conjunctive attribute, in the sense of so far as ... is concerned: Sa ganà ŋ ákin sya y maàári ŋ umalìs. So far as I am concerned he may leave.

199. The demonstrative pronouns and anò never stand in 15local attribution, see § [263] f.

200. Whole predications are rarely used as local attributes:

Dumatìŋ aŋ dalága ŋ itò sa dalawa ŋ pù ŋ taòn aŋ gúlaŋ. This young woman arrived at (the time when) her age was twenty years, i. e. reached the age of twenty years.

20201. Local attributes are mostly closely joined and as a rule follow that which they modify, taking precedence of a disjunctive attribute or of a subject: aŋ nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt na itò the giver to me of this book, the one who gave me this book (Bayad nà) aŋ útaŋ sa ákin ni Hwàn. Juan’s debt to me (has 25been paid). Ibigày mo kay Hwàn aŋ librò. Be-given by-you to Juan the book, i. e. Give Juan the book.

Often, however, a disjunctive attribute which is felt to belong closely to what precedes, comes before a local attribute: Bayad-útaŋ ni Hwàn sa ákin aŋ relòs na itò. This watch is Juan’s 30debt-payment to me.

Occasionally the local attribute precedes the expression modified: Syà y sa baŋkàʾ naŋ maŋa babáe nakíkisakày. He goes along into the canoe of the women. Sa kabilà ŋ bandà mo ibwàl aŋ púno ŋ iyàn. Make that tree fall in the direction away from me.

35202. Very frequently, however, local attributes are loosely joined, preceding or following; in the former case ay, y is sometimes omitted: Sa Báya-ŋ-San-Migèl ay naŋyáre aŋ isa ŋ nakawàn. In the town of San Miguel a robbery took place. Hindí makadádala si Pédro naŋ kahòn sa kabigatàn nilà. Pedro will not 40be able to carry any boxes, on account of their heaviness. Sa ganà ŋ ákin sya y maàári ŋ umalìs. So far as I am concerned he can go. (§ [198]).

203. We have seen that disjunctive attribution expresses the relation of objects (direct object, local object, instrumental object, §§ [184], [185], [187]) to an action, provided that these objects are more or less indefinite. If they are quite definite, they are 5preferably made subjects in a passive construction. Frequently, however, they are instead put into local attribution, which thus competes with these types of disjunctive attribution, but involves a more definite object: Aŋ báhay na batò ay aŋ áki ŋ pinaghàhatdàn naŋ gátas. The stone house is the place to which I am 10delivering milk (instrumental object), i. e. I am delivering milk to the stone house; but: Aŋ báhay na batò ay aŋ áki ŋ pinaghàhatdàn sa bátaʾ. The stone house is where I am bringing the child. (naŋ bátaʾ would be a child or children).

It follows that the personal pronouns, which always refer to 15definite persons, cannot stand as disjunctive objects of transient words, but stand instead in local attribution: Aŋ báhay na batò ay aŋ áki ŋ pinaghàhatdàn sa kanyà. The stone house is the place where I am taking him.

Similarly a personal name: Ibigày mo kay Hwàn aŋ librò. 20Give Juan the book; cf. Bigyàn mo naŋ librò si Hwàn. Give Juan a book; “Juan” could not figure as disjunctive local object.

204. In many cases, however, these local attributes differ from disjunctive attributes and from the corresponding subjects of passive constructions: the local attribute represents the object 25as more externally involved and less thoroughly concerned in the occurrence: Humúkay sila naŋ bakúran. They dug up some yards. Hinukáyan nilà aŋ bakúran. They dug up the yard. In both sentences a serious change, such as unauthorized tampering, is implied; but: Humúkay sila sa bakúran. They dug in the yard, 30merely tells where they did their digging. Sya y pumanhìk naŋ báhay. He entered a house (or houses), perhaps illicitly; the house is viewed as in some way affected or intimately involved in the action; so also: Pinanhikàn nya aŋ báhay. He entered the house; but: Sya y pumanhìk sa báhay. He went into the house, 35He went into his house.

205. In other cases, where a transient predicate is not involved, the same difference appears: the local attribute is a mere scene or attendant circumstance, the disjunctive a real factor: Aŋ pagtatábon naŋ maŋa húkay na itò ay tapus nà. The filling 40up of these ditches is now finished, i. e. These ditches are filled up now; but: Aŋ pagtatábon sa maŋa húkay ay mahírap. Filling earth into ditches is hard work. karamíhan naŋ maŋa táo most of the people; karamíhan sa kanilà most of them; sa ganitò under these circumstances; naŋ ganitò (§ [190]) thus, in this manner.

206. Expressions of time as local attributes denote future time when; occasionally also past time: Páparoòn akò sa makalawà. 5I shall go there the day after tomorrow. So: sa lúnes next Monday, cf. noò ŋ lúnes last Monday. Pího akò ŋ páparoòn sa alasìŋko. I will surely go there at five o’clock. Sa gabi ŋ iyòn.... That night....

207. With jussive words with prefix pa- (see Morphology) 10the person ordered to do so-and-so is viewed as a local feature: Ipinagupìt ko sa barbéro ŋ si Hwàn aŋ buhòk ni Andrès. Was-ordered-to-be-cut by-me of-the barber Juan the hair of Andrés, i. e. I ordered the barber Juan to cut Andrés’ hair.

208. Rarely an expression in local attribution is used as a 15conjunctive attribute in an object expression: it precedes and has the meaning of a disjunctive attribute of possessor: aŋ sa ibà ŋ táo ŋ kawáyan other people’s bamboo, or: aŋ kawáyan naŋ ibà ŋ táo.

209. This construction is much commoner when that owned 20is anaphorically omitted: aŋ sa pagòŋ that of the turtle, the turtle’s, i. e. aŋ púno naŋ pagòŋ. So: aŋ sa kanyà his, hers.

210. In other cases anaphoric omission of an element modified by a local attribute is less common: aŋ pagsakày sa trèn sa lugàr naŋ sa karumáta the riding on the train in place of the 25(sc. pagsakày riding) in the carriage.

211. A static predicate may have the form of a local attribute: Sa liŋgò aŋ áki ŋ lúlan sa trèn. On (next) Sunday my embarking on the train, i. e. Next Sunday I shall take the train. Aŋ uupà ŋ itò ay sa háreʾ. This seat is for the king.

30212. The particle sa has a number of derivatives which are transient in meaning, but otherwise have the same construction as sa; they are pretonic. Sya y nása Maynílaʾ. He is in Manila. Sya y nása kanya ŋ báhay. He is in his house. Aŋ tinterúhan ay nása bíŋit naŋ lamésa. The inkwell is at the edge of the table. 35For these forms see Morphology.

d. Absolute attributes.

213. Absolute attribution, in which no particle is used, is confined to certain expressions and types of expressions. Some absolute attributes and some of the particles introducing absolute 40attributes end in -ŋ or -t; these may contain the particle ŋ or at (§ [313]).

We may divide the cases of absolute attribution into six types, although these are not fully distinct from one another: (1) enclitic particles, (2) prepositive particles, (3) single words used as attributes of manner and time, (4) absolute complements, (5) words used with disjunctive and local attributes, (6) words introducing 5subordinate phrases or predications.

(1) enclitic particles.

214. The enclitic particles which are used as absolute attributes follow a monosyllabic enclitic pronoun (kà, kò, mò) but precede a disyllabic enclitic pronoun (including niyà, nyà, siyà, syà). 10Among themselves they follow the general rule: monosyllabic enclitics precede disyllabic enclitics (§ [47]).

215. bà is expressive of interrogation in yes-and-no questions and often in others: Máy-roon ba silà ŋ ginawàʾ? Have they done anything? Máy-roon ka bà ŋ gàgawìn? Have you anything 15to do? Ipinùpútol mo ba akò naŋ tubò? Will you cut some sugar-cane for me? Pinapagpùpútol ba nila syà naŋ káhoy? Does he get ordered by them to cut wood? i. e. Do they have him cut wood? Ano bà aŋ inilùlútu mo? What is it you are cooking? Anu ba kayò? What sort of people are you? Hindí mu ba nàkíta si 20Hwàn sa teyátro? Didn’t you see Juan at the theatre? Aŋ iyo bà ŋ kapatìd? Your sister? See §§ [223]. 229.

216. bagà throws more stress on the interrogation: Ikàw bagà y nagasáwa? Did you (ever) get married? See §§ [290]. 317.

217. dàw, ràw expresses that the sentence represents the 25saying of someone other than the speaker; the person so quoted may be the agent of the sentence itself: Pagkà pinapagpútol mo ràw sya naŋ kawáyan ay làláyas syà. When he is ordered by you to cut bamboo, he will leave, I am told, or: he will leave, he says. Aŋ paguupú raw nya sa damò ay mabúti sa kanyà. He 30says (or: They say) his habit of sitting on the grass is good for him. It is sometimes used pleonastically, see the example in § [278].

218. dìn, rìn expresses that the expression modified (which may be the whole sentence or an element within the sentence) is 35like a corresponding earlier idea: Ako rìn aŋ nagpalígo sa bátaʾ. It was I, too, that bathed the child (beside the other things I did), i. e. I also bathed the child. Si Hwan dìn aŋ naglínis naŋ kabalyerésa. Juan also cleaned a stable or stables (beside the other things he did). Si Hwàn ay naglínis rìn naŋ kabalyerésa. 40Juan, too, cleaned stables. Here dìn is an attribute of naglínis naŋ kabalyerésa: this act has been performed by Juan even as by others previously spoken of or known of. Si Hwána ay naglúto naŋ estopádo; kamakalawà naglútu rin akò naŋ estopádo. Juana cooked meat-stew; day-before-yesterday I too cooked meat-stew. Iyo ŋ úna ŋ kumalabòg ay akò, aŋ ikalawà ay ako rìn. 5That first thing which came down with a thud was I, the second was I again. Nahúlog dìn syà. He fell down again. Káhit na madilìm aŋ gabì ay nagpasyal dìn si Pédro. Although the night was dark, Pedro none the less (i. e. even as at other times) took a walk.

10Thus dìn is especially common in expressions of identity: Kahápon ay nakàkíta ako naŋ isa ŋ táo sa Maynílaʾ, at ŋayòn ay nàkíta ko aŋ táwo rì ŋ iyòn sa báya ŋ itò. Yesterday I saw a man in Manila, and today I saw the same man in this town.

In some instances dìn modifies an element not actually identical 15with another. Nagtalòn sya sa bintánaʾ, dátapuwat sinundàn din syà naŋ amà. He jumped out of a window, but he was followed, too, by the father. See §§ [221]. [227]. [238]. [239]. [262], (11).

219. kayàʾ expresses doubt or possibility of choice: Anò kayàʾ aŋ ipinagútos mo sa kanyà? What perchance did you order 20him to do? Màpàpagkúroʾ kayá nya sa súlat na iyàn aŋ íbig mo ŋ gawìn nya. Perhaps he may be able to make out from this letter of yours what you want him to do. Baká kayàʾ magkaputòl aŋ maŋa tubò sa kalakasàn naŋ háŋi ŋ itò. I am afraid that perhaps the sugar-cane may all break off, what with the strength 25of this wind.

For another use of kayàʾ see § [297]; cf. §§ [317]. 321.

220. lámaŋ only: Isà lámaŋ aŋ mansánas na nátira sa lamésa. Only one apple is left on the table. So: íisa lámaŋ only a single one. Sila ŋ tatlò ay walà ŋ pagkáin kuŋ hindí aŋ itlòg 30lámaŋ na nàtìtirà. The three had no food except only the egg that was left.

Occasionally lámaŋ follows the expression it modifies: isa ŋ ikápat na partè lámaŋ only a fourth part.

Sometimes a na is left off after lámaŋ: Ákin lámaŋ pinùputlàn 35naŋ buhòk. By-me (for ákin ... na, ŋ) only (he, anaphoric) is-getting-cut of hair, i. e. I am only cutting his hair. siya lámaŋ kàkáin naŋ itlòg he (who; normally this relation is expressed by na, ŋ) will-eat the egg, i. e. the one who is alone to eat the egg. See §§ [227]. [243].

40221. màn expresses contrast with what precedes; it is the opposite of dìn, and the two are often used in one sentence to emphasize the point of difference and that of identity: Si Hwan màn ay naglínis (rìn) naŋ kabalyerésa. Juan, too, cleaned stables (as did others). Lálù nà lumakì aŋ gálit ni Hwàn, naŋ màbalitáan niya ŋ aŋ ikalawà màn nya ŋ anàk ay nagsundálo rìn. Juan’s anger grew even greater when he learned that his second son too had (like the other) become a soldier.

5With interrogatives màn produces indefinites: Walà ŋ anu màn. There is nothing at all; also: Not at all, i. e. You’re welcome. aŋ ano mà ŋ pasákit any kind of injury; aŋ alin mà ŋ paŋkàt any team; sínu màn any person whatever, anyone at all. See §§ [227]. 248. 262, (7. 10). 290. 317.

10222. múna expresses that that modified precedes another thing: Magàwítan múna táyo, bágo táyo maghiwá-hiwalày. Let’s sing a song together (first) before we part. Maŋáko ka múna... First promise....

223. nà takes into view the maturity of a situation (cf. 15German schon): Aŋ librò y gamit nà. The book is used already, i. e. is second-hand. Agad nà ŋ lálamìg. It will soon be cold now. Paálam na akò (sa iyò). Good-bye (to you). Nahánap ko nà aŋ sombréro. I have already looked for the hat. Nahánap na nyà aŋ sombréro. He has.... aŋ maláon na nila ŋ pagpupuyàt 20gabi-gabì their long staying up now every night, i. e. the fact that they have staid up late every night now. íisa na lámaŋ paŋkàt only a single group now. It precedes bà (§ [215]): Nakahandá na ba aŋ áki ŋ paŋpalígoʾ? Is my bath ready? Gánu ka na bà kakínis? How clever are you by this time?

25It is used also in brusque or familiar commands: Pálù na sa kanya ŋ kamày! Hit him on his hand! Sáma na sa ákin. Come to me (to a child). Ílag ka na riyàn! Be off there! See §§ [224]. [226]. [227]. [229]. [242]. [244].

224. namàn expresses transition to another subject, hence 30often also mild contrast: Hábaŋ si Hwána ay naglùlútoʾ, si Hwàn namàn ay naglìlínis naŋ báhay. While Juana is cooking, Juan cleans the house. Anu ka ba namà ŋ táo? What sort of person are you, anyway? Ibà namàn aŋ gawìn mo ŋ lúto sa manòk. You are to cook the chicken in a different way. siya rìn namàn 35nyà ŋ karanyúwa ŋ kinàkáin that which, however, is usually eaten by him.

The combination nà namàn means again: Maínit na namàn. It’s hot again.

225. nawàʾ pray, please expresses imprecation: Kaawaàn 40nawàʾ ninyo kamì, poo ŋ Dyòs! Take pity on us, O Lord!

226. ŋàʾ is assertive and emphasizing: Oo ŋàʾ. Yes indeed. Ikaw ŋàʾ aŋ nagsábi niyàn. You yourself are the one who said that. It is used in polite requests: Itúru ŋa ninyò sa ákin aŋ daàn. Please show me the way. Ipakipútol mo ŋàʾ, Hwàn, aŋ tinibàn sa áki ŋ bakúran. Please, Juan, cut down for me the banana-stump in my yard. It follows nà: Pakipútol na ŋàʾ aŋ sinúlid na itò. Please cut this string for me. See § [229].

5227. pà expresses the immaturity or continuance of a situation (cf. German noch) and stands in contrast with nà. Its meaning is often emphasized by lámaŋ: mabúti pà better yet, Íbig ko pà naŋ kánin. I should like some more rice. Hampasìn mo pa syà. Whip him some more. Saríwà pa aŋ damìt. The clothes are 10still wet. It precedes dìn and màn (cf. § [248]): aŋ isa pa rì ŋ káluluwa another (i. e. one more) soul; Hindí pa rìn lubhà ŋ maliwánag. It was, however, not yet light enough. Kagìgísiŋ ko pa lámaŋ. I have only just waked up. See §§ [243]. 248.

228. palà, used after hindìʾ (§ [239]), expresses contrast with 15one’s expectation, reversal: Aŋ ísip ko y balat lámaŋ naŋ itlòg itò, hindí palà, kun díʾ itlòg na boòʾ. I thought this was only an egg-shell, but no, it was a whole egg.

229. pòʾ is expressive of politeness toward the person addressed: Oo pòʾ. Yes, sir; Yes, ma’am. Patàtawárin pòʾ! Pardon 20me; used also in refusing to give alms. Patàtawárin po naŋ ilà ŋ sandalèʾ. Excuse me for a few moments, please. Maghintú pu kayò. Please stop (plural or polite singular). Magsihintú pu kayò. Please stop (explicit plural). Umupú po kayò. Please sit down. Maupú po kayò. Please be seated. Ikinalúluŋkot ko pòʾ 25aŋ kasawià-ŋ-pálad na naŋyáre sa inyò. I lament the misfortune which has come to you. aŋ iyo pò ŋ Kamàhálan your Majesty. pòʾ precedes bà and follows nà and ŋàʾ: Kaawaàn na pòʾ ninyo kamì, poo ŋ Dyòs! Take pity on us, O Lord! Maàári pu bà ŋ kayò y maghintòʾ? Can you please stop? Occasionally pòʾ follows 30that modified: Magandà ŋ áraw pòʾ! Good day; How do you do?

230. sána expresses unreal futurity in the past or doubtful futurity in the present; in the latter sense it expresses modesty in a request: Ipaglálaba sána kità naŋ iyo ŋ damìt, ŋúnit walàʾ ako ŋ sabòn. I would wash your clothes for you, but I have no soap. 35Isinúlat ko sa kanyà ŋ pilítin sána niya ŋ màparíto sa átin, pag sya y nàrìritò sa báya ŋ itò. I wrote to him to try to get round here to us when he gets to this town.

231. tulòy further, in continuation: Sinábi tulòy niyà.... He said further....

40232. ulèʾ again, equivalent with mulìʾ (§ [148]), has two irregularities: it is often not enclitic but closely joined postpositive, and, in this case, it may, entirely like mulìʾ, be conjunctive instead of absolute: Nahúlog ulí sya. He fell again; but: Umakyàt sya ulèʾ. He climbed again; and even: ... naŋ magdaàn sya ŋ ulèʾ sa pasíga ŋ itò.... when he again walked on this beach.

(2) prepositive particles.

5233. Certain particles used as absolute attributes always precede that modified. They fall into two groups: (A) regular closely joined modifiers, and (B) particles which immediately precede single words or short phrases.

234. (A) The closely joined particles usually receive regular 10treatment, being followed, for instance, by enclitics. Occasionally, however, the feeling seems to be that the particle is, as it were, placed before the whole sentence; in this case a non-enclitic subject or a loosely joined attribute or a second closely joined attribute may follow the particle, and the last-named may (instead 15of the particle) be followed by some or all of the enclitics.

In the case of huwàg (§ [240]) we meet for the first time alternation of absolute and conjunctive attribution, which mostly follows the principle that the latter construction is used where ŋ (as opposed to na) is possible (§ [122]).

20235. bakàʾ is expressive of an undesired contingency; it is the negative of wishes and fears: Baká ka maputúlan naŋ dalíriʾ, Hwàn. You might get your finger cut off, Juan, i. e. See that you don’t ... or I hope you won’t.... Baká nya ikátawà aŋ iyo ŋ sàsabíhin. Perhaps what you intend to say will only make 25him laugh. Baká táyu aŋ pagbintaŋàn naŋ páreʾ. I am afraid the priest may suspect us. See § [317].

236. bákit why? Bákit ka naparíto? Why have you come here? Bákit mo inakálaʾ...? Why do you think...? Bákit hindí ka magáral...? Why don’t you learn...?

30237. dìʾ not is often used instead of hindìʾ (§ [239]) before shorter expressions: dí maláyoʾ not far, dí karanyúwan unusual, Si Hwàn ay dí natákot na sumakày. Juan was not afraid to mount. See § [301].

238. gayòn (§ [190]), in this use always followed by dìn 35(§ [218]), also, furthermore: Sya y isa ŋ táo ŋ may kauntì ŋ talíno at gayon dìn may kauntì ŋ tápaŋ. He was a man of some cleverness and also of some courage.

239. hindìʾ not is used where the specific negatives áyaw (§ [267]), bakàʾ (§ [235]), huwàg (§ [240]), and walàʾ (§§ [61]. 81. 89) 40are not applicable. Occasionally it is replaced by dìʾ (§ [237]). Hindìʾ. No. Hindí akò. (It is, was) not I; I don’t, didn’t, etc. Hindí bále. It doesn’t matter. Hindí ko nàlàláman. I don’t know. Hindí ko sya nàkíta. I didn’t see him. Hindí ko mabása iyàn. I can’t read that. Aŋ túnay na lakì naŋ buwàn ay hindí sya ŋ nàkìkíta naŋ maŋa táo kuŋ gabè. The real size of the moon is not 5that which people see at night. aŋ kanya ŋ tákot na baká hindí nya abúta ŋ buhày aŋ kanya ŋ inìíbig his fear that (perhaps) he should not see his loved one alive.

Hindìʾ negates only the material part of a word, not its grammatical (affixal) elements: Aŋ kamahalàn naŋ manòk ay sya ŋ hindí 10ikabilì nitò naŋ marámi ŋ táo. The high price of chicken is that which not causes-to-buy it many people, i. e. causes many people not to buy it; the idea of buying is the material element of i-ka-bilì (see Morphology); the causal idea, which is expressed by the prefixes i-ka- is not negated. Aŋ pagkukublì naŋ maŋa sundálo ay 15siyà nilà ŋ hindí ikinamatày. The hiding of the soldiers is what caused them not to be killed, i. e. saved them from death.

Note hindí rìn (§ [218]) also not, nor, and gayòn dìn hindìʾ (§ [238]): Aŋ dalága ŋ si Mariyà y sumayàw sa bála ŋ táo ŋ humilìŋ sa kanyà sa sàyáwa ŋ pinaroonàn niya kagabè: sya y hindí 20namíli naŋ kanya ŋ sinamáhan at hindí rin namàn namíli naŋ tugtòg na kanya ŋ sinayawàn; gayon dìn hindí nya ininò aŋ bílaŋ at aŋ kadalasàn naŋ kanyà ŋ pagsayàw. Miss Maria danced with any man that asked her at the dance to which she went last night: she chose neither her partners nor the music to which she danced; 25nor did she mind the number and the frequency of her dances. See §§ [228]. 237. 301. 319.

240. huwàg, hwàg is the negative of commands, purpose, obligation. Where ŋ is possible conjunctive attribution takes the place of absolute: Aŋ haŋàd ay aŋ huwàg bayáa ŋ lumagpàk sa 30lúpà aŋ bóla. The aim is not to let the ball fall to the ground. ([46, ₃₆]) Sinàsábi nya ríto na hwàg sunúgin aŋ ámi ŋ báhay. He told them not to burn our house. Aŋ túro sa ákin naŋ mayèstro ay hwàg akò ŋ mapagawày. The teacher’s order to me is that I must not be quarrelsome. Hwag mò ŋ tawánan si Hwàn. Don’t 35laugh at Juan. Hwag kà ŋ umyàk. Don’t cry. Hwag kà, Hwàn, pumásuk na sekréta. Don’t go as a spy, Juan. See § [239].

241. kaniyàʾ, kanyàʾ therefore, as a result, consequently: Bumitìw aŋ bátaʾ sa lúbid, kanyá náparapàʾ aŋ kanyà ŋ kahatakàn. The child let go of the rope, and so the one he was pulling 40against fell. Kanyàʾ hindí tulàʾ aŋ kanya ŋ kinantà. Therefore what he sang was disconnected. Kanyàʾ sa katapusàn ay sinábi nya... Therefore in the end he said.... Occasionally it is loosely joined: Kanyà y sya y umalìs. Therefore he went away. See §§ [295]. 324.

242. láloʾ (§ [147]), in this use always followed by nà (§ [223]), especially, very: Lálù na kuŋ isa ŋ tahòl naŋ áso aŋ makàgísiŋ sa 5kanya, sya y nàpàpaluksò. Especially when the barking of a dog awoke him, he would involuntarily jump. Sya y naŋàŋáin naŋ táo lálù nà naŋ maŋa bátaʾ. It makes its food of people, especially children.

243. sakàʾ after that, then: Pagkà pinapagpùpútol ko nà 10sya naŋ káhoy ay saká sya nagdàdahilà ŋ may sakìt. As soon as I order him to cut wood, (then) he alleges that he is sick.

Especially saká pa lámaŋ (§ [227]) only then, not till then: Kapag ipinamùmútol na nya naŋ káhoy aŋ lagáriʾ ay saká mo pa lámaŋ kúnin itò sa kanyà. When he uses the saw for cutting wood, 15only then do you take it from him.

244. tuwèʾ when followed by nà (§ [223]) is used as a loosely joined prepositive attribute: every time: Tuwí nà y syà aŋ nagìŋ mánanalò. He turns out victorious every single time. See §§ [307]. 317.

20245. (B) The particles of the second group are mechanically prefixed, as it were, to that modified.

246. The pretonic particle báwat every precedes that modified, forming an object expression with or without aŋ (§ [66], end): Báwat marúnuŋ naŋ leksyòn ay makaáalìs pagdatìŋ naŋ alasìŋko. 25Everyone who knows the lesson will be allowed to leave at five o’clock. Aŋ báwat hindí marúnuŋ naŋ leksyòn ay màtìtirà haŋgàŋ alasès. Every one of those who do not know the lesson will have to stay till six o’clock. báwat táo everyone, each person.

247. gaáno, gáno how? (§ [190]) is used absolutely before 30words with prefix ka- expressing high degree of a quality (see Morphology and cf. §§ [76]. 179): gáno katabàʾ? How fat? gáno kaláyoʾ? How far? Gánu ka na bà kakínis? How clever are you now?

248. The pretonic particle káhit precedes interrogatives and 35isà one absolutely or with na; its force is generalizing, more emphatically than màn (§ [221]). The expression so formed is an object expression used with or without aŋ (§ [68]): aŋ káhit na síno, aŋ káhit síno, káhit na síno, káhit síno anyone, anyone whatever, no matter who, káhit anò anything whatever, káhit na anu ŋ 40táo any sort of person whatever, káhit na sínu ŋ táo any person whatever, sa káhit alì ŋ bandà in any direction, káhit isà anyone whatever, even one.

These expressions are often strengthened by màn (§ [221]) or pà màn (§ [227]): Hindí na sya sumakày sa káhit ano pa màn. This time he did not ride on anything. káhit sínu màn anyone at all.

Expressions beginning with káhit have the peculiarity that 5in the two normally conjunctive constructions in which they stand na, ŋ is often omitted before them:

After walàʾ (§ [138]): Walá káhit anò. There isn’t a thing. Walá sila káhit anò. They haven’t a thing. So even when walàʾ does not immediately precede: Nàbuksàn aŋ pintú naŋ wala ŋ 10nakàmálay káhit sínu màn. The door came open without anyone noticing it. Walá pa sila ŋ nàhùhúli káhit anò. They had not yet caught anything, literally: anything that was caught. Walá sya ŋ nàlàláman káhit isa ŋ hóta. He did not know a single iota. Occasionally na, ŋ is used: Walá sya ŋ màkíta ŋ táo ŋ káhit anò. 15He saw no person whatever.

As (normally conjunctive, § [149]) attribute of time during which: Sya y hindí màtahímik káhit isà ŋ sandalèʾ. He cannot keep quiet even for a single moment. See §§ [253]. 294.

249. kápuwàʾ, kápwàʾ fellow-, equally, applied to one of a 20pair, is sometimes used with personal pronouns: in this case it follows (cf. § [129]): Si Pédro at si Hwàn ay dalawa ŋ kápwa magnanákaw. Pedro and Juan are two fellow thieves. aŋ kápwa nya magnanákaw his fellow-thief, Kápuwa maínam aŋ tinìg nila ŋ dalawà. The voices of the two are equally pleasant. Kápwa 25sila malakàs. They are equally strong. Sinàsaktan silà kápuwaʾ. They both get hurt. Redundantly: Namílog si Hwàn naŋ úlo naŋ kápwa nya kalaròʾ. Juan fooled (literally: rounded the head of) his (fellow) playmate.

The word modified may be anaphorically omitted: Aŋ táwo 30y hindí dápat sumakìt naŋ kanya ŋ kápwaʾ. One must not injure one’s fellow (sc. táo man).

250. The transient pretonic particle magìŋ and its other transient forms (see Morphology) express that the word or phrase modified is something coming into being, arising, at the time 35specified by the tense-form of the particle: Sya y nagìŋ hukòm. He became judge. aŋ nagìŋ pagkáhulè the falling-behind which arose, Nagìŋ isa syà sa maŋa hindí nátaŋgàp. He turned out to be one of those who were not accepted.

251. The pretonic particle maŋà is the sign of explicit plurality 40with object expressions. It precedes the central element immediately, not even the na, ŋ necessitated by a preceding conjunctive attribute comes between; only ibà may come after maŋà: aŋ kanyà ŋ magúlaŋ, or: aŋ kanyà ŋ maŋa magúlaŋ his, her parents, aŋ maŋa ibà ŋ táo other people. Redundantly: Sa tapàt naŋ báhay ni Pédro ay marámi ŋ maŋa bulaklàk. In front of Pedro’s house there are many flowers. Aŋ áraw ay sya ŋ pinópoon naŋ ilà ŋ maŋa salbáhe sa Áfrika. The sun is worshipped 5by some savages in Africa. And even: aŋ maŋa ilan pà ŋ maŋa tanòŋ several further questions. With maŋà compare the prefix of the same form, see Morphology.

252. The pretonic particle máy belongs here. For examples see §§ [69]. 70. 85. 110. 139.

10253. nì pretonic, is a frequent substitute (Spanish) for káhit (§ [245]) in negative sentences. The object expressions which begin with it never take aŋ (§ [68]): Ní isa y walà ŋ nátira. There isn’t a single one left. Walá ní isa. There isn’t a single one. Nàbuksàn aŋ pintú naŋ wala ŋ nakàmálay nì sínu màn. The door 15came open without anyone noticing it. Walà ŋ nátira ní isa naŋ maŋa péras sa mésa. Not one was left of the pears on the table.

Occasionally nì seems to take the place of naŋ before káhit: Bákit hindí sya makátagpo nì káhit isà naŋ maŋa bágay na itò? Why could he not meet even a single one of these things? Cf. 20§ [319].

254. The pretonic particle tagà, tigà preceding an expression of place forms an expression denoting a person from that place: Sya y isa ŋ taga Kapampáŋan. He is a Pampangan. aŋ taga búkid, aŋ tiga búkid: aŋ isa ŋ táo ŋ túbo sa búkid a country-man: 25a person raised in the country, aŋ mayáma ŋ taga iba ŋ báyan the rich man from another town, stranger, foreigner, aŋ maŋa taga iba t ibà ŋ lupaìn people from various countries. So: taga báyan, tiga báyan townsman, taga Filipínas Filipino, taga Amérika American, taga Espánya Spaniard (beside Amerikáno, 30Kastílaʾ). Cf. in Morphology, the prefix taga-.

255. Numerative pronouns and cardinal numerals are used as absolute attributes before katáo persons, men: sa m pú katáo ten people, ten men; or: sa m pù ŋ táo; Ilàn katáo (or: Ilà ŋ táo) aŋ bumúhat sa báhay? How many men lifted at the house?

35256. The terms of relationship and titles which are treated as personal names (§ [59]) precede a name as absolute attributes; after most of those that end in a syllabic, n, or ʾ, ŋ is however used. Some titles occur only in this construction: si Kúya ŋ Pédro my oldest brother Pedro, si Atè Lóleŋ my oldest sister 40Lola, si Iŋkòŋ Píro Grandfather Pedro, si Indà ŋ Hwána, or: si Impò ŋ Hwána Grandmother Juana, si Áli ŋ Maryà, or: si Tiyà Maryà Aunt Maria, si Mà ŋ Andrès Uncle Andrés, Don Andrés, si Ginoò ŋ Polikàrpiyo Mr. Policarpio, si Gíniŋ Màrkes Miss or Mrs. Marques, si Párì Hwàn Father Juan, si Mayèstro ŋ Pédro Teacher Pedro, Master Pedro, si Báo ŋ Mariyà Widow Maria, si nasíra ŋ Mariyà the deceased Maria.

(3) words used as absolute attributes of manner and time.

257. The words used as absolute attributes of manner and 5time resemble in meaning conjunctive attributes and are frequently used in the latter construction. As a rule they are loosely joined and absolute. In this way are used:

258. Derivatives by doubling of words of time, in the sense of every (day, night, etc.). With these goes the compound áraw-gabè 10day and night. For both formations see Morphology. Hinàhatdan nyà akò naŋ gátas áraw-áraw. He delivers milk to me every day. Gabi-gabì ay tinùtulúgan naŋ bantày aŋ áki ŋ báhay. Every night the sentry makes our house his sleeping-place.

259. Words with prefix ka- referring to past time (see Morphology): 15Aŋ pàtáya ŋ naŋyári kagabì ay paglalasìŋ aŋ nagìŋ sanhèʾ. The killing that occurred last night had drunkenness as its cause. Aŋ maŋa áso sa báya ŋ itò ay nagtàhúlan kagabè. The dogs in this town all bayed last night. Aŋ kabáyo ay namatày kahápon. The horse died yesterday. Pumaroòn akò kamakalawà. 20I went there day before yesterday.

These may be followed by a disjunctive attribute telling the specific time when: Nagsipútol kamì naŋ tubò kahápon naŋ hápon. We cut sugar-cane yesterday afternoon. So: kahápon naŋ umága yesterday morning.

25260. Words of time with prefix kinà- and suffix -an expressing actual past time (see Morphology): Kinàháti-ŋ-gabihàn ay nágisiŋ syà. When midnight came he woke up. Kinàbukásan hinánap silà naŋ kanila ŋ amà. On the next day they were called by their father.

30With disjunctive attribute telling the special time: Kinàbukásan naŋ hápun ay naparoòn sila sa simbáhan. On the next day in the afternoon they went to church.

261. Words of time preceded by the pronouns boòʾ and isà as conjunctive modifiers: Sila y nagsipagsugàl gabi-gabì boò ŋ 35magdamàg. They gambled all night every night. Isa ŋ áraw naupó sya sa taburéte. One day he sat down on his chair. Aŋ iyò ŋ kapatìd ay nalígo isa ŋ hápon. Your sister bathed one afternoon. Isa ŋ gabì ay nárinig ko.... One evening I heard.... So: isa ŋ kataŋhalían one midday, isa ŋ liŋgò one Sunday, isa ŋ 40taŋháleʾ one noon, isa ŋ umága one morning. As conjunctive attributes: Sya y naglálakad na isa ŋ gabì. He was walking one night. Páparoon sya ŋ isa ŋ liŋgò. He will come one Sunday. Those with boòʾ also as local attributes: Nakatahul nà aŋ maŋa áso sa boò ŋ magdamàg. The dogs have been barking all night.

262. Various words of time:

5(1) antimáno beforehand (Spanish).

(2) búkas tomorrow: Magpàpapútol ba táyo naŋ káhoy búkas? Are we going to have some wood cut tomorrow? With disjunctive attribute of specific time: Magsìsipútol kamì naŋ tubò búkas naŋ umága. We are going to cut sugar-cane tomorrow 10morning.

(3) dáti for a long time already; formerly; it is sometimes closely joined: aŋ mukhá naŋ babáye, na dáti y nagpàpakilála naŋ malakì ŋ paghihírap the face of the woman, which before had been showing great suffering; Dáti náriyàn aŋ mansà ŋ iyàn. 15That spot has been there for a long time. As conjunctive attribute: Dáti sya ŋ napàparíto sa áki ŋ báhay. He has been coming to my house since long ago.

(4) kadalasàn often, usually: Aŋ kanya ŋ pinasàsakítan kadalasà y nagáanyo ŋ pára ŋ ulòl. The person he is injuring 20usually acts as if crazy.

(5) kanína a little while ago, just now: Sinábi ko na pò sa inyo kanína, na.... I just told you a little while ago that....

With a conjunctive attribute of the specific time in the phrase kanína ŋ umága this morning, which may be closely 25joined: Kumáin ka ba kanína ŋ umága naŋ karnè?—Hindí ako kumáin naŋ karnè kanína ŋ umága. Did you eat meat this morning?—I did not eat meat this morning.

(6) karanyúwan mostly, usually: Aŋ kosinéro karanyúwa y upahàn. The cook is usually hired.

30(7) káylan, kélan when? Káylan ako malìlígoʾ? When shall I bathe? Káylan pa kayà paŋhìhinayáŋan naŋ maŋa táo aŋ maŋa áni ŋ taòn-taò y nàsìsíra naŋ luktòn o naŋ túyot? When, pray, will the people regret the harvests every year destroyed by locusts or by drought? So káylan màn at any time, ever, always 35(§§ [221]. 317): Káylan mà y hindí nilìlimútan si Maryà. Maria was never forgotten.

(8) makálawà twice, when with maghápon per day: Naàári ako ŋ malígo makálawa maghápun, dahilàn sa kainítan. I can bathe twice a day on account of the heat. Alone makálawà is a 40conjunctive attribute: Makálawa ko ŋ itinanùŋ kuŋ saàn sya páparoòn, dátapuwat hindí nya ako sinagòt. I asked him twice where he was going, but he did not answer me. Maghápon does not occur alone.

(9) mámayàʾ, mámyàʾ after a while, soon, with a disjunctive attribute of the specific time when: Mámyá naŋ kauntìʾ ay áalis akò. In a little while I am going. As conjunctive modifier; the phrase so formed is used like mámayàʾ alone: Mámaya ŋ gabì 5ay pàpások táyo sa teyátro. This evening we shall go to the theatre.

(10) mínsan once, once upon a time: Mínsan sila y nakáraàn naŋ isa ŋ púno-ŋ-nyòg. Once upon a time they came across a cocoanut-tree. With màn at any one time (§ [221]): Mínsan 10màn ay hindí sya náuna. Not a single time did he succeed in getting ahead. As conjunctive attribute: Aŋ tatlo ŋ itù y nagtìpána ŋ mínsan. These three once made an appointment.

(11) ŋayòn now, just now, today (cf. § [302]): Sya y nása Mayníla ŋayòn. He is in Manila today. Ŋayòn ay maŋàkàkatúlog 15silà. Now they will be able to sleep. So ŋayon dìn right now (§ [218]): Umalìs ka ŋayon dìn. Go away this minute.

(12) paráti often: Mahína aŋ kanyà ŋ katawàn at paráti sa sakìt. Her body was weak and often in sickness. Also conjunctive: Akò y paráti ŋ nàhàhábol. I am often pursued.

20(13) siyèmpre (Spanish) always: Aŋ paggalàw na pagtagílid ay syèmpre (or: káylan màn ay) sa kaikliàn naŋ baŋkàʾ, dátapuwat aŋ pagtikwàs ay sa kahabáan. The movement of rocking is always along the short axis of a boat, but pitching is along its length.

25263. Four words of place, which serve also as local forms of the demonstrative pronouns (§ [199]). They are, corresponding to the four demonstrative pronouns: díne, ríne; díto, ríto; diyàn, dyàn, riyàn; doòn, roòn. They occur in every position which an attribute can have:

30Loosely joined, preceding: Doòn ay sinalúboŋ sya naŋ susòʾ. There he was met by the snail. Díto nàmálas nya ŋ.... Here he perceived that....

Loosely joined, following: Taginit nà naŋ sya y dumatiŋ díto. It was already summer when he arrived here. Aŋ alílaʾ ay 35ipinagamùt nya díto. The servant was-ordered-to-be-cured by-him of-the-latter, i. e. He had the latter cure the servant. Alis dyàn! Get away there! (e. g. to a dog). Alìs na riyàn, Pédro. Go away from there, Pedro. Mátira ka dyàn. Stay there.

Closely joined, preceding: Díne ako maúupòʾ. I am going 40to sit right here. Díto ka na makikáin sa ámin. Eat here with us. Díto nya ginámit aŋ kanya ŋ lakàs. For this he used his strength. Doòn sila magpalípas naŋ bakasyòn. There they are to spend the vacation.

Closely joined, following: Hwag mò ŋ ilagay díto aŋ palatòn. Don’t put the plate here.

5Enclitic: Dalhìn mo ríto iyò ŋ librò ŋ binàbása ko kagabì. Bring here the book I was reading last night. Magdalà ka díto naŋ kasapwégo. Bring some matches.

These words often precede a local attribute: Ílag ka dyàn sa daàn. Get out of the road there. Nakitúloy silà sa ámin doòn 10sa búkid. They asked us to take them in out there in the country. Note also: Sa isa ŋ karitò ŋ dí maláyo sa báhay, doòn sya nahigàʾ In a cart not far from the house, there he lay down.

264. Similarly saàn where? which serves also instead of a local form of anò (§ [199]). It is closely joined and, as a question-word, 15precedes: Saàn nároon aŋ kanya ŋ kapatìd?—Hindí ko nàlàláman kuŋ saàn nároon aŋ kanya ŋ kapatìd. Where is his brother?—I don’t know where his brother is. Saan nàndon sya? Where is he? Saàn mo sya nàkíta? Where did you see him? Saàŋ ka maúupòʾ? Where are you going to sit? Saàŋ ka gáliŋ? 20Where do you come from? (Cf., for the local value, the answer, e. g.: Gáliŋ ako sa Maynílaʾ. I come from Manila.) Saàn ka naŋgàgáliŋ? Where are you coming from? Saàn ka naŋgáliŋ? Where have you come from? Saàŋ ka páparon? Where are you going? Saàn ka púpunta? Where are you bound for? So: káhit 25saàn anywhere at all (§ [248]): Itò y hindí nya màkíta káhit saàn. He could not find the latter anywhere.

As local form of anò, saàn stands also in conjunctive attribution (§ [131]): Saà ŋ gawèʾ mulá ríto aŋ báya-ŋ-Kamálig?—Sa gawì ŋ kánan mulá ríto aŋ báya-ŋ-Kamálig. In what direction 30from here is the town of Camalig?—The town of Camalig is to the right of here. Pagkaísip mo, Hwàn, kuŋ saà ŋ báyan ka maghàhánap-búhay ay sabíhin mo sa ákin. When you have decided, Juan, in what town you will try to earn your living, tell me.

35As a question-word, further, saàn may form a static predicate (§ [96]): Saàn aŋ làgáyan mo naŋ iyo ŋ sapátos? Where is your place for putting away your shoes?

265. Several words of manner:

(1) The particle agàd at once and its doubled form agad-agàd 40immediately (see Morphology) are closely joined; where ŋ can be used, they are mostly conjunctive: Tumakbò sya agàd. He ran at once, or: Tumakbò sya ŋ agàd. Minulàn nya agàd aŋ pagtatalumpáteʾ. He at once began his speech. Agad nà ŋ lálamìg. It will soon be cold now. Agad-agàd inùumpisahàn aŋ pagsisìgáwan. At once the yelling begins.

(2) halimbáwaʾ for example, for instance is loosely joined: Kuŋ halimbáwa y makàkíta sya naŋ isa ŋ bákol.... When, for 5instance, she saw a basket ... isa ŋ tahòl naŋ áso halimbáwaʾ the barking of a dog, for instance.

(3) hálos almost is closely joined: hálos lahàt naŋ táo almost all the people, walà ŋ pamamároʾ hálos almost without clothing.

(4) isa-isà one by one is closely joined; it is more often conjunctive 10than absolute: Siniyásat nya isa-isà aŋ maŋa púnoʾ. She questioned the trees one by one. Itò y sya nyà ŋ isa-isà ŋ inilaglàg. These he dropped one by one.

(5) karáka-ráka right away, quickly (cf. pagdáka, pagkaráka, below): “Hindí akò!” winíka nya karáka-ráka. “It wasn’t 15I!” he said at once.

(6) katunáyan truth, as absolute attribute, loosely joined, truly; in this sense also conjunctive: Katunáya y uwalà ŋ mwàŋ si Hwàn. Really Juan was ignorant. Katunáya ŋ walá sya ŋ nàlàláman káhit isa ŋ hóta. He really did not know a single iota.

20(7) mìsmo (Spanish) himself, herself, intensive: aŋ nàkùkúlam mìsmo the bewitched person himself; siya mìsmo he himself, she herself.

(8) palibhásaʾ is loosely joined and precedes. It expresses that what follows is stated as a reason; the construction is apparently 25not subordinating, but parallel with that of halimbáwaʾ above: Aŋ pagsasáma ... ay hindí nila pinápansìn, palibhása y gawá rin namàn nilà. The living together ... was not minded by them, the reason being that they did it themselves.

(9) pagdáka and pagkaráka immediately, quickly (synonymous 30with karáka-ráka above): Pagdáka y tinaŋnan nyà aŋ dalawà ŋ hintutúroʾ naŋ babáye. He quickly seized the woman’s two forefingers. Also closely joined: Itinanòŋ pagdáka naŋ médiko.... The doctor at once asked....

(4) absolute complements.

35266. After certain words which are followed by a complement construction, as described in § [151] ff., the conjunctive particle is often omitted, especially where the form na is required; where ŋ is possible its use is preferred. They are:

267. íbig desired, synonymous with gustò (of whose regular 40construction examples have been given in §§ [152]. 158), and áyaw the negative of íbig. These are usually accompanied by a disjunctive agent: Anò aŋ íbig nya ŋ sabíhin? What is that desired by-him that (sc. by-him it, both anaphoric) be said? or: What is the desired by-him thing-to-be-said? i. e. What does he want to say? Anò aŋ íbig mo ŋ gawìn nya? What do you want 5him to do? Hindí na sya íbig labanàn. He was no longer sought as an opponent. Itò y íbig na gawì ŋ úna. This is desired to be done first, i. e. One wants to do this first. Aŋ áyaw ko ŋ màkíta ay isa ŋ núnoʾ. What I don’t want to see is a ghost. Itò y áyaw nya ŋ gawìn. He does not want to do this.

10Very frequently the construction is impersonal, in which case the complement (and quasi-subject, § [158]) may consist of an entire predication: Íbig nya ŋ kumáin naŋ súhaʾ. It-is-desired by-him that (he) eat some grape-fruit, i. e. He wants to eat some grape-fruit. Íbig nya ŋ kánin aŋ súhaʾ. It-is-desired by-him that 15be-eaten (by-him) the grape-fruit, i. e. He wants to eat the grape-fruit. Áyaw ipamána naŋ maŋkukúlam aŋ kanya ŋ kúlam. The sorcerer does not want to bequeath his magic power.

When the person desiring is at the same time the agent of the complement, the whole expression may serve as predicate or 20attribute of the person desiring; this construction is rarely used with other than active complements: Sya y íbig kumáin naŋ súhaʾ. He is desired (by-him) that (he) eat some grape-fruit, i. e. He wants to eat some grape-fruit, equivalent to Íbig nya ŋ kumáin naŋ súhaʾ. Aŋ kúbaʾ ay hindi rìn íbig umakyàt. The 25hunchback too did not want to climb. isa ŋ Kastílaʾ na íbig malígoʾ a Spaniard who wanted to bathe. Aŋ sundálo ay áyaw pumáyag. The soldier did not want to consent.

Without complement (or with anaphorically omitted complement): Anò aŋ íbig mo? What is it you want? Íbig ko pà 30naŋ kánin. There-is-desire by-me still of boiled rice, i. e. I want some more boiled rice. Aŋ larò ŋ taguàn ay íbig naŋ maŋa bátaʾ. Children like the game of hide-and-seek. Áyaw ko. I don’t want to; less commonly: Áyaw akò.

268. dápat proper, necessary and súkat fitting, right: Itò 35y dápat gawìn. This ought to be done. Sya y dápat palúin. He ought to be thrashed. Anò aŋ dápat nya ŋ gawìn? What ought to be done by him? i. e. What ought he do? Aŋ isà y dápat múna ŋ magsilbè sa dimóniyo. One must first serve the demon. Hindí mo súkat ikagálit aŋ maŋa tuksò. It is not right for you 40to get angry at jokes, literally: Jokes are not by-you a fitting cause of anger.

Without complement: Itò y súkat nà. This is right, sufficient.

269. Words with prefix ma-, expressing the possessor of a quality, and their derivatives (see Morphology), have occasionally 5an absolute instead of a conjunctive complement. Those so used are:

(1) madalàs often, frequent, regular: Akò y madalàs magkumpisàl. I was regular at going to confession, or: a regular confessor. But: Madalàs nila ŋ sinalakáyan aŋ báyan. They frequently 10attacked the town.

(2) magalìŋ skilful, clever, polite: Si Hwàn ay magalìŋ gumámit naŋ daràs. Juan was clever at using the adze, or: a clever user of the adze, or: cleverly used the adze. But: Magalìŋ sya ŋ tumugtòg naŋ piyáno. She plays the piano well.

15(3) mahírap suffering, destitute, difficult (i. e. having hardship, actively or passively): Aŋ aswàŋ ay mahírap mápatay. A vampire is hard to-be-killed, i. e. hard to kill. Regular constructions: Aŋ pagabùt naŋ búŋa ŋ itò ay mahírap. The reaching this fruit is hard, i. e. The fruit is hard to reach. aŋ mahírap 20na kasamà the poor laborer.

(4) mahúsay able, good (at doing something), in good shape: Aŋ maŋa táo sa báyan ay mahuhúsay sumunòd sa kautusàn. The people in the town are good law-abiders. But: aŋ pinakamahúsay na magsalitàʾ the best at speaking; Aŋ lípà naŋ lúpaʾ ay 25mahúsay. The smearing (with sticky mud) of the ground (in the threshing-room for rice) is well done.

(5) maínam pleasant, tasty, good: Aŋ manòk na kawalàʾ ay hindí maínam patayìn. Chickens that run free are not good for killing. Cf.: isa ŋ maínam na siŋsìŋ a pretty ring.

30(6) malakàs strong, powerful, loud: Sya y malakàs kumáin. He is great at eating, or: a great eater; also: malakàs na kumáin. Cf.: aŋ maŋa táo ŋ malalakàs strong men, Sya y tumáwa naŋ malakàs. He laughed aloud.

(7) maluwàt, malwàt long (in time), slow: Aŋ pagpútol 35naŋ buhòk ay maluwàt màtutúhan. Hair-cutting takes long to learn. Cf.: Syà y nagkalatimbà ŋ maluwàt. He squatted on heels (as exercise or punishment) many times. Natùtúlog akò naŋ maluwàt. I sleep late.

(8) marúnoŋ wise, knowing how: Sya y marúnuŋ gumupìt 40naŋ buhòk. He knew how to cut hair. But: Marúnoŋ sya ŋ sumakày sa kabáyo. He knows how to ride horseback. aŋ marúnoŋ na pagòŋ the clever turtle; Isa ŋ sundálo ŋ marúnuŋ naŋ Latìn. A soldier who knew Latin.

(5) words used with disjunctive and local attributes.

270. Certain words form with their attributes phrases that are used as absolute attributes, for the most part loosely joined. The phrase-forming attributes are either (A) disjunctive or (B) 5local.

271. (A) akálaʾ a thought followed by a disjunctive possessor: as so-and-so thinks: Akála ko y gamit nà aŋ sombréro ŋ itò. I think this hat has been used already, is second-hand. More commonly these phrases are used as local attribute: Aŋ haraŋà 10ŋ iyòn na naŋyári kagabè sa akála ko y paháraŋ ni Andrès. The hold-up which took place last night was, in my opinion, planned by Andrés.

272. gáya like, resembling, in the manner of; for the disjunctive attribute cf. § [177]: aŋ maŋa púno-ŋ-káhoy, gáya naŋ 15tsíko trees like the custard-apple; Gáya naŋ karanyúwan inumpisahàn naŋ kúra aŋ kanya ŋ sèrmon. As usual, the priest began his sermon. Magaàn aŋ sípaʾ, hindí gáya naŋ bóla ŋ gámit sa bèsbol. The football is light, unlike the ball used in baseball. These phrases occur also as conjunctive attributes: Hindí umuwé 20si Kíko na gáya naŋ karanyúwan. Kiko did not go home as usual. Normal constructions: Aŋ húni naŋ íbo ŋ pipìt ay gáya naŋ isa ŋ sutsòt. The chirp of the humming-bird is like a whistling. aŋ maŋa gáya mo those like you, people like you.

273. kasáma (in normal constructions companion): as companion 25of, in company with: Namundok syà kasáma naŋ ilà maŋa táo-ŋ-báyan. He took the mountains along with a few fellow-townsmen.

274. Abstracts of action with prefixes in p- (see Morphology) express the time when or (so pagka- and pagkà-) the time 30immediately after which. They sometimes occur without a disjunctive modifier. Cf. § [300]. Pagulàn ay gamítin mo aŋ kapóte. When it rains use your raincoat. Pagdatìŋ niya ay sabíhin mo ŋ maghintày. When he arrives tell him to wait, literally: At the arriving of him be-it-said by-you that (he) wait. Pagkasúnog 35naŋ báhay ay hinánap nilà aŋ aláhas. When the house had burned down they looked for the jewelry. Pagakpakan mò si Hwàn pagkaraàn naŋ kanyà ŋ talumpáteʾ. Applaud Juan when his speech is done.

275. pára like is followed by a conjunctive (instead of a 40disjunctive) object expression whenever an indefinite object is meant (§ [68]). The phrase so formed is often a conjunctive attribute. It is closely joined: Si Pédro màn pára ni Hwàn ay nábilaŋgòʾ. Pedro too, like Juan, was put in jail. But: May katawàn sya ŋ pára ŋ táo. He has a body like a human being. Normal constructions: Pára ka ŋ kúra. You are like a priest. Aŋ lamìg naŋ kanya ŋ kamày ay pára ŋ sa patày. The coldness of 5his hand is like that of a dead person. (Cf. § [209]).

276. sábi saying, that said: Sábi daw nyà ay malakì aŋ súnog. He says, I am told, that the fire was big.

277. (B) alintána despite: Nàbálot ko nà aŋ maŋa librò, alintána sa karamíhan nitò. I have managed to pack the books, 10in spite of their number.

278. áyon according to (giving the source of a statement): Áyon sa sábi naŋ marámi ay màpàpaghuli na ràw aŋ maŋa magnanákaw. According to what people say, the robbers are now near to being caught.

15279. bukòd beside, in addition to: Bukòd sa asáwa ay may dalawà sya ŋ anàk. Beside his wife, he had two children.

280. dáhil reason, cause and its derivative dahilàn, both here in the sense: on account of: Hindí nakatahòl aŋ áso dáhil sa kanya ŋ kahináan. The dog was not able to bark, on account 20of his weakness, i. e. was so weak that he could not bark. Hinúle si Hwàn naŋ pulìs dahilàn sa pagháraŋ na ginawá nya kina Andrès at kanila ŋ maŋa kaybígan. Juan was arrested by the policeman for having held up Andrés’ party and their friends. Dahilàn sa kanya ŋ pagkàgúlat ay nápaupú sya. In his surprise he 25sank down on his chair.

Note especially dáhil díto, dahil díto on account of this, therefore; the omission of ay, y is especially frequent, see § [120], A, and the example there given. Dáhil díto ay nadílat aŋ kanya ŋ maŋa matà. Through this his eyes were opened.

30281. The particle káy, ké than, more than: Aŋ búŋa ŋ itò y matamìs káy sa asúkal. This fruit is sweeter than sugar. malakàs ké sa kanyà stronger than he.

The combination káy sa has so much unity that the sa is often repeated or used where unnecessary: so always before a 35proper name: Aŋ báta ŋ si Pédro ay mataàs naŋ kauntèʾ káy sa sa lamésa. Little Pedro is a bit taller than the table. lálu ŋ mabagsìk káy sa ríto more fierce than this; Aŋ báta ŋ si Pédro ay mataàs naŋ kauntèʾ káy sa kay Hwàn. Little Pedro is a bit taller than Juan. Sya y mabúte ŋ tumugtùg ké sa kay Hwána. 40She plays better than Juana. Si Hwàn ay magúlaŋ káy sa kay Pédro. Juan is older than Pedro.

Owing to the construction described at § [120] this construction may be ambiguous: Lálo ŋ malakì aŋ gálit ni Hwàn káy sa kay Pédro. Juan’s anger is greater than Pedro’s.

282. lában against: aŋ gálit lában sa kanyà anger against him, Aŋ kapaŋyaríhan ay ginàgámit nya lában sa kanya ŋ maŋa 5kaáway. He uses his power against his enemies.

283. líban except: Aŋ maŋa karumáta ŋ itò ay upahàn, líban na lámaŋ sa ilàn. These carriages are hired, except only for a few.

284. The particle mulàʾ from and its derivative magmulàʾ 10starting from: aŋ gitnàʾ mulá sa magkábila ŋ dúlo the middle from both ends; aŋ kanyà ŋ maŋa súgat mulá sa paà haŋgàŋ úlo his wounds from feet to head; mulá ríto from here. With disjunctive attribute of time instead of local attribute: mulá noòn from then on, from that time.

15285. Words of manner with prefix pa- (see Morphology): Aŋ maŋa táo ay nagsipagtakbúhan papalabàs sa simbáhan. The people ran leaving (i. e. out of) the church. Ipinatúluy nya aŋ paglalakàd papuntà sa isa ŋ báhay. He continued walking (directed) toward a certain house.

20Commonest is patúŋo directed towards, aiming for: Tumakbo syà patúŋu sa ílog. He ran towards the river.

Regular construction: Sya y papuntà sa láŋit. He was on the way to Heaven.

286. The particle parà, pára (Spanish) for, equivalent to 25úkol (§ [288]): Nagbwàl sila naŋ isa ŋ báka pára sa fiyèsta. They slaughtered a cow for the fiesta. Humúkay sila naŋ malálim parà sa patày. They dug a deep pit for the corpse. Pumútol ka bà naŋ damò parà sa kabáyo? Have you cut any grass for the horse? Also as conjunctive attribute, modifying an object expression: 30Sulat nà aŋ líham na pára kay Hwána. The letter for Juana is written.

287. tuŋkòl about, concerning: Nasiyásat naŋ hukòm aŋ lahàt naŋ bágay tuŋkòl sa kanila ŋ úsap. The judge inquired into all the matters relating to their suit. Cf.: aŋ tuŋkùl sa súnog 35the details about the fire.

288. The particle úkol is synonymous with parà (§ [286]) and tuŋkòl: Humúkay sila naŋ malálim úkol sa patày. This phrase as predicate: Iyò y úkol sa maŋa hírap sa infiyèrno. This was about the sufferings in Hell.

(6) words introducing subordinate phrases or predications.

289. Certain words precede words, phrases, and whole predications which are thereby subordinated to the main sentence as absolute attributes, loosely joined.

5The syntactic relation of these words to the expressions which they introduce seems to be the peculiar one described in § [54]. However, some of them are plainly joined to their phrase by na, ŋ, and others end in -ŋ or -t. Most of them merely precede the phrase, others are closely joined.

10Finally, in a few cases predications apparently not introduced by any subordinating word are used as absolute attributes.

290. bagà (§ [216]), in this sense always followed by màn (§ [221]), although, is less used than káhit (§ [294]). See also § [317]. Baga màn nakapagpasyàl si Pédro, nátira kamì sa báhay. Although 15Pedro managed to take a walk, we staid home.

291. bágo, in this use before (in point of time), has closely joined position as regards its phrase: Aŋ maŋa kabáyo ŋ ginàgámit naŋ maŋa kanyunéros naŋ gubyèrno ay pinaíinum múna, bágo pakánin. The horses used by the artillery of the government 20are watered first, before they are fed. Nagkantáhan silà bágo naguwían. They sang together before they went home. Bágo sya y sumúlat ay makipagúsap ka sa kanyà. Before he writes have a talk with him. Magísip ka bágo ka sumagòt. Think before you answer. Balatan mò aŋ maŋgà bágu mo kánin. Peel the mango 25before you eat it. maluwat pà bágo mamatày aŋ maŋkukúlam long before the sorcerer dies.

In normal constructions bágo has the sense of new, recent: aŋ bágu ŋ báhay the new house; aŋ bágo ŋ táo an unmarried man, a youth; aŋ maŋa manòk na bágo ŋ bilè the chickens just 30bought; Bágu ŋ gáliŋ sya sa sakìt. He is recently recovered from an illness.

292. hábaŋ throughout, during, while probably consists of hábaʾ length plus ŋ. Hábaŋ sya y natùtúlog ay nakaraàn aŋ susòʾ. While he was sleeping the snail passed. Hábaŋ pinagusápan 35nilà itò aŋ ikapitù ŋ bátaʾ ay nása isa ŋ bitàk naŋ baŋkòʾ. While they were discussing this, the seventh child was in a crack of the bench. Nàlùlugmok syà hábaŋ panahòn sa isa ŋ malálim na kaluŋkútan. She was sunk constantly (literally: throughout time) in a deep sadness. A short phrase with hábaŋ may be 40closely joined: Hindí nya natagalà ŋ aŋkinìn hábaŋ búhay nya aŋ birtùd na iyòn. He did not succeed in keeping this quality as his own throughout (his) life.[5]

293. haŋgàŋ as far as, to, until may be haŋgàn limit, end plus ŋ; instead of the absolute construction the phrase is, however, 5often in local form. For lack of aŋ in the phrase see § [68]. Naghintày sya haŋgàŋ kataŋhalían. He waited till noon. Aŋ púnoʾ ay tumúboʾ haŋgàŋ sa magbúŋa. The tree grew until (it) bore fruit. Silà ay nagtakbúhan haŋgàŋ sa dumatìŋ sila sa kanila ŋ báyan. They both ran until they arrived in their town. 10As predicate: Aŋ kúlaŋ naŋ gátas ay haŋgàŋ sa leèg naŋ bóte. The lack of milk is as far as the neck of the bottle, i. e. The milk goes only up to the neck of the bottle.

294. káhit (§ [245]), with or without na, in the sense of although, no matter (cf. §§ [290]. 317). The subordinate word or 15phrase has usually the form of a question; when it is an entire predication the predicate stands first: Tinalaga nyà ŋ sumáma, káhit na saàn sya dalhìn. He decided to go along, no matter where he was carried. Káhit na anò aŋ iyútos nya ay sinúsunòd. No matter what it was he ordered, (it) was obeyed. Káhit na 20madilìm aŋ gabì ay nagpasyal dìn si Pédro. Though the night was dark, Pedro nevertheless took a walk. Káhit na bahagyà aŋ ulàn ay nakabasàʾ naŋ karsáda. Though the rain was scanty, it sufficed to wet the streets. Káhit ulòl aŋ áso ay áyaw nya ŋ patayìn. Although the dog was mad, he did not want to kill it.

25Note the following instance, in which káhit na precedes its phrase as a closely joined attribute: Nàramdaman kò aŋ kalabìt nya sa ákin, káhit na akò natùtúlog. I felt his touch against me, even though I was asleep.

Phrases with káhit may be closely joined to the main sentence: 30Nàpùpútol nya káhit na walá sya ŋ kasaŋkápan aŋ bákal naŋ kanya ŋ bìlaŋgúan. He managed, even though he had no tools, to cut the iron of his prison. aŋ táo káhit laláki o babáye na nagàári sa kanyà the person, man or woman, who owns it.

295. kaniyàʾ, kanyàʾ (§ [241]) expressive of result, may with 35its phrase be subordinated. It then stands as a closely joined attribute of its phrase: Kanyá nya iníwan aŋ páyoŋ ay sapagkàt nagtígil aŋ ulàn at lumiwánag aŋ láŋit. The reason he left his umbrella (quasi-subject) was because the rain let up and the sky cleared. Accordingly we may analyze as subordinate such clauses as the following: Náupó sya sa tinìk, kanyá sya nápatindìg agàd. He sat down on a spine, so as to jump at once, i. e. that is why he jumped up at once. Cf., however, § [324].

296. The particle kapàg if, in case (of single events viewed 5as completed in the future, synonymous with pagkà, § [304]), see § [300]: Aŋ hiniràm nya ŋ kampìt ay iyo ŋ kúnin, kapag ipinùpútol na nyà naŋ káhoy. Take away the knife he borrowed if he uses it to cut wood.

297. kayàʾ (§ [219]) is sometimes used exactly like kaniyàʾ 10(§ [295]): Kayàʾ aku naparíto ay kùkúnin ku aŋ hiniràm mo ŋ librò. I am going to take the book you have borrowed, so that I have come here, i. e. I have come here to.... The act is expressed as a subordinate element, the purpose as the principal sentence. Nagpùpútol si Hwàn naŋ káhoy, kayá sya y wala ríto. 15Juan is cutting wood now, that is why he is not here.

298. The atonic particle kuŋ preceding an expression of time states the time when of repeated occurrences: Gumàgámit kamì naŋ makapàl na damìt kuŋ tagulàn. We use thick clothing in the rainy season. Nagtìtípon naŋ pagkáin aŋ maŋa 20laŋgàm kuŋ tagáraw. The ants collect food in summer. Aŋ hùníhan naŋ maŋa íbon kuŋ umága ay nakalìligáya. The chirping of the birds in the morning is gladdening. Aŋ iba ŋ táwo y mabúti pa ŋ makisáma káy sa isà ŋ kapatìd kuŋ mínsan. An unrelated person is better to associate with than a brother at 25times. So: kuŋ gabè at night, of nights, kuŋ fiyèsta naŋ báyan during the (periodic) fiesta of the town, kuŋ madilìm at dark, when it is dark, kuŋ bahàʾ at flood-times, kuŋ buwàn naŋ Húniyo in June.

Occasionally the phrase with kuŋ is closely joined: Hindí 30hasàʾ kuŋ mínsan aŋ maŋa bágu ŋ patalìm sa Filipínas. In the Philippines new cutlery is sometimes without an edge (i. e. sold without an edge, to be sharpened by the purchaser).

299. With phrases in the form of a question (minus bà § [215] or bagà § [216]) kuŋ expresses indirect question. The expression 35so formed stands as quasi-subject or quasi-object (cf. §§ [157]. [158]) or as predicate: Naalaála nya kuŋ papáno aŋ paggawàʾ naŋ salamaŋkà. He managed to recall how the trick was done. Ipináyu nya na kuŋ sínu sa kanilà aŋ pinkamahúsay na magsalitàʾ naŋ Latìn ay siya lámaŋ kàkáin naŋ itlòg. He advised 40that whoever (kuŋ síno) among them was the best at speaking Latin should be the one who alone ate the egg. Si Pédro ay nagíisìp kuŋ saàn nya naíwan aŋ kanya ŋ páyoŋ. Pedro is trying to recall where he left his umbrella. Nàlàláman mo bà kuŋ saàn sya nároon? Do you know where he is? Aŋ maŋa táo-ŋ-báyan ay nagsiyásat kuŋ maàári sila ŋ magtayò naŋ isa ŋ mákina naŋ bìgásan sa kanila ŋ báyan. The townspeople considered whether they could put up a machine for thrashing rice in their 5town. Aŋ siyásat ni Hwàn sa kanya ŋ pagparíto ay kuŋ ilà ŋ kúra aŋ nàrìritò sa áti ŋ báyan. Juan’s inquiry when he got here was how many priests there are in our town.

300. Introducing other phrases kuŋ has the sense of if, whenever (of non-actual occurrences viewed as unreal, hypothetical, 10or repeated); compare disjunctive attributes of time (§ [192], single actual occurrence), pag (§ [303], single non-actual occurrence, simultaneous), kapàg and pagkà (§§ [296], [304], single non-actual precedent occurrence), words with prefixes in p- (§ [274], single occurrence, actual or non-actual), tuwèʾ (§ [307], repeated 15actual): Kuŋ dumatìŋ si Hwàn ay umalis kà. If Juan comes, go away. Kuŋ dumatìŋ sya ay sabíhin mo ŋ maghintày. If he comes, tell him to wait. Kuŋ úulàn ay gamítin mo aŋ kapóte. If it rains, use your raincoat. Bìbilhin kò aŋ kabáyo ŋ iyòn kuŋ máy-roon akò ŋ marámi ŋ kwaltà. I should buy this horse, if I 20had enough money. Note: Kuŋ sa pagaasáwa namàn, akò y nagkaroòn naŋ dalawà. And as to (literally if) taking a wife, I had two.

301. In the same sense kuŋ with dìʾ (§ [237]) or hindìʾ (§ [239]) if not, precedes the second, positive member of a contrast: 25unless, but rather, beside, except (Cf. palà § [228]): Hwag kà ŋ makàpakikáin-káin kuŋ hindí ka inàanyáhan. Don’t be taking meals with people unless you are invited. Walà ŋ ibà ŋ nagpàpahírap sa kanyà kuŋ hindí kayò. There is no one else who causes suffering to him, beside you.

30302. ŋayòn (§ [262]), when subordinating, is conjunctively joined to its clause: Ŋayò ŋ áraw na yitò y dáratiŋ silà. On this very day they will arrive. Ŋayò ŋ táo ŋ iyòn ay patay nà, bákit namàn...? Now that this man is dead, why...?

303. The atonic particle pag gives the time when of a 35single non-actual occurrence; cf. § [274] and see § [300]. Pag akò ay pagòd, natùtúlug akò naŋ maluwàt. When I am tired, I sleep late. Pag paputòl mo ŋ hiníwaʾ aŋ pakuwàn ay hindí màbìbilì aŋ banda ŋ púnoʾ. If you cut the watermelon crosswise, you will not be able to sell the stem-end. Magmùmurahàn sila ŋ dalawà 40pag nagkíta. The two will revile each other when they meet.

304. The particle pagkà (synonymous with kapàg, § [296]) gives the time immediately after which of a single non-actual occurrence; cf. § [274] and see § [300]. Pagka ikàw ay nahúlog ay masàsaktan kà. When you have taken a fall you will be hurt.

305. The particle patì including; cf. § [68]. aŋ boò ŋ katawàn patì maŋa matà at taíŋa the whole body, including eyes 5and ears.

306. The particle sapagkàt (sa pagkà at ?) because, for: Sapagkàt aŋ pári ŋ itò ay nagakála ŋ maŋa walà ŋ pinagarálan aŋ kanyà ŋ sinèsèrmunan ay hindí sya nagpílit.... Because this priest thought his hearers were uneducated people, he took no 10pains.... Ipinapútol nya aŋ kanya ŋ dalíreʾ, sapagkàt tinubúan naŋ kànser. He had his finger amputated because there was a cancer on it. For a phrase with sapagkàt as predicate see example under kanyàʾ, § [241].

307. The particle tuwèʾ (§ [244]) in this use tells the time 15when always of actual repeated occurrences: whenever, every time. It is conjunctively joined to its clause: Pinaghàhatdan nyà naŋ gátas aŋ báyan twì ŋ umága. He delivers milk in the town every morning. Pumàparíto aŋ médiko twi ŋ makalawà. The doctor comes every other day. Si Hwàn ay nakìkipagluksúhan 20twi ŋ idinàdáos aŋ maŋa palaròʾ kuŋ fyèsta naŋ báyan. Juan takes part in the jumping contest whenever games are held in the fiesta of the town. Twì ŋ papásuk akò sa síne sa áki ŋ kúyaŋ ay áyaw sya. Every time I ask my brother to take me to the moving-picture show, he refuses.

25308. úpaŋ in order to, so that (úpa pay, wages ?): Sila y naúupo pa lámaŋ úpaŋ manaŋháleʾ. They are just sitting down to eat the noon meal. Syà y tumayòʾ sa bubuŋàn naŋ báhay úpaŋ tanawìn aŋ súnog. He stood up on the roof of the house to watch the fire. Kantahàn ninyò aŋ máy sakit úpaŋ sya y 30malibàŋ. Sing for the sick man so that he may be cheered. Tináwag nilà aŋ isa ŋ kálaw úpaŋ siya ŋ magìŋ hukòm. They called an owl so that (it) might be the one who served as judge.

309. yámaŋ while, as: Aŋ púno naŋ uŋgò ay namatày yámaŋ aŋ sa pagòŋ ay tumúboʾ. The tree of the monkey died while 35that of the turtle grew.

310. Predications and similar phrases (impersonal or anaphoric) as absolute attributes, in the meaning of disjunctive attributes of time, are not uncommon: Madali-ŋ-áraw pa lámaŋ ay nàròroòn na silà. (When) it was still but dawn, they were 40already there. Makása-m-pu ŋ táwag nà ay walá pa syà. (At) the tenth call he was still not there. Makaraàn aŋ ila ŋ sandalìʾ ay sinábi nya sa susòʾ.... (When) a few moments had passed, he said to the snail.... May ápat na pu ŋ taòn na sya sa lúpa ŋ Katagalúgan ay hindí pa nya nàtutúhan ... (When) he had already been in the Tagalog country for about forty years, he had not yet learned.... Mínsan pumásuk sya sa simbáhan ay nárinig nya.... Once (when) he went to church, he heard.... 5Other examples at [26,₂₁]. [28,₁₁]. [66,₁₅]. [92₁₃].

4. Serial groups.

311. The serial relation is expressed in part explicitly by particles and in part by parataxis, parenthesis, and anacolouthic constructions.

10(1) coordinating particles.

312. The most important of the coordinating particles is at, t; as some of the others end in -t, they may be felt to contain at; cf. the similar ending in other particles, § [213]; t is used after syllabics, n, and ʾ (see Phonetics), but even here at is commoner.

15When a sentence begins with a coordinating particle, the latter gives expression to the connection with the preceding sentence (as in English sentences beginning with And ... or But ...)

313. at, t and connects words, phrases, or entire predications. 20báro t salawàl blouse and trousers (native costume), aŋ tapunàn naŋ béha at upòs the place for throwing cigarette-ends and cigar-stubs, dalawa ŋ, pù t dalawà twenty-two, kuŋ mínsan at malakì aŋ gálit naŋ amà ... sometimes, when the father’s anger was great ... (kuŋ goes with both of the members connected 25by at).

When more than two elements are connected, at is used generally between the last two: sina Pédro, Hwàn, at Andrès the group consisting of Pedro, Juan, and Andrés. isa ŋ líbo, walo ŋ daàn, walo ŋ pu t ánim 1886.

30314. at is used in a few common phrases: isà t isà everyone ibà t ibà various: aŋ maŋà taga ibà t iba ŋ báyan people from various towns; Iba t ibà aŋ kúlay naŋ kanya ŋ pananamìt. His clothes are of various colors. at ibà pà and so forth, and other; aŋ tsíko, súhaʾ, santòl, ... at iba pà the custard-apple, grape-fruit, 35santol, and so forth; aŋ maŋa háyop at iba pà ŋ árì naŋ pàmahalaàn the live stock and other belongings of the government.

315. at has occasionally a decidedly adversative tone; so, for instance, at [78,₃₁].

40316. Frequently at has subordinative coloring, the second of the members joined expressing:

cause: Hintày ka múna t hindí pa akò nakapápahiŋà. Make a halt first, for I am not yet rested. Íbig mo bà ŋ kumáin sa ámin?—Salámat, áyaw ko t kakàkáin ko pa lámaŋ. Do you want to eat with us?—Thank you, no, for I have only just eaten. Buksan 5mò aŋ pintòʾ at íbig ko ŋ pumások. Open the door, for I want to go in.

result: Ano t dí ka lumákad naŋ matúlin? Why don’t you walk fast? Ano aŋ íbig mo t nàrìrito kà? What do you want that you have come here? i. e. What have you come here for? So 10especially: anò aŋ dáhil at...? what is the reason that...?

purpose: Umalìs sya t makìkipútol naŋ damò. He has gone to help cut grass.

temporal succession: Hindí sya nakaratìŋ naŋ ápat na pu ŋ taòn sa gúlaŋ at sya y namatày. She had not reached forty years 15in her age, when she died.

a subordinate quasi-subject: Sinábi naŋ maŋhuhúla sa iyò t hindi maláyo ríto aŋ kawàwalan naŋ iyo ŋ siŋsìŋ. The fortune-teller told you that the place where you would lose your ring is not far from here. Sinábi ko nà sa iyò at hwag kà ŋ maíŋay. I 20have told you already not to make any noise.[6]

317. The subordinating value of at appears especially in certain expressions which it forms with other particles:

(1) at bakàʾ lest (cf. § [235]): Hwag kà ŋ magpatihúlog diyàn sa kátre at baká ka masaktàn. Don’t throw yourself from 25that bed, for you might hurt yourself.

(2) at naŋ so that (cf. § [192] f.): Magiinùm ka naŋ gátas at naŋ ikàw ay tumabàʾ. Drink milk so that you may grow stout.