Transcriber’s Notes

This book contains both Footnotes and Endnotes. The Footnote numbers and their references are numbered 1-72 and are enclosed in [square brackets]; the Endnote numbers and their references are numbered 101-142 and are enclosed in (parentheses).

Larger versions of most illustrations may be seen by right-clicking them and selecting an option to view them separately, or by double-tapping and/or stretching them.

Cover image created by Transcriber by brightening the original cover and adding the title. The result remains in the Public Domain.

[Other Notes] will be found after the Index.

GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES
On Long Island and
In New York

LONG ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

OFFICERS

DIRECTORS

• Joseph Dana Allen, Litt.D.
• Hon. George E. Brower
• Richards M. Cahoone
• William H. Cary
• Francis D. Dodge, Ph.D.
• Guy Du Val
• Rev. Phillips Packer Elliott
• Lewis W. Francis
• George Hewlett
• David H. Lanman
• A. Augustus Low
• Evelyn Pierrepont Luquer
• D. Irving Mead
• Walter M. Meserole
• Hon. Howard Pervear Nash
• Frederic C. Paffard, M.D.
• William A. Robbins
• Arnold W. Sherman
• B. Herbert Smith
• John D. Talmage
• Norman Taylor
• Edwin H. Thatcher

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

B. Herbert Smith, Chairman

• Joseph Dana Allen
• Richards M. Cahoone
• William H. Cary
• Guy Du Val
• Lewis W. Francis
• William A. Robbins
• John D. Talmage
• Norman Taylor

COUNCILORS

Kings County

• Miss Jessie A. Addoms, J.D.
• Mrs. Samuel K. Frost
• Rev. John H. Lathrop, D.D.
• Lester D. Mapes
• Frank L. Van Cleef
• Wheeler N. Voorhees

Nassau County

• George D. A. Combes
• Courtney R. Hall, Ph.D.
• Henry Hicks
• Jesse Merritt
• Rt. Rev. Ernest M. Stires, D.D.

Suffolk County

• Mrs. J. D. Cockcroft
• Perry Duryea
• Ralph G. Duvall
• Morton Pennypacker
• Wallace Reid
• Mrs. Joseph H. Willets

Queens County

• William G. Clossen
• Arthur White

Painted by John Ward Dunsmore. (Used by permission of the Title Guarantee & Trust Co.)

GENERAL WASHINGTON’S COUNCIL OF WAR AFTER THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND

In the Philip Livingston house, later known as the Teunis Joralemon House, east side of Hicks St., Brooklyn.

In the picture are General Washington, Samuel Parsons, Joseph Spencer, Thomas Mifflin, John Morin Scott, Alexander McDougall, Israel Putnam, Peleg Wadsworth and John Fellows.

GENERAL
WASHINGTON’S
SPIES
On Long Island and
In New York

BY MORTON PENNYPACKER

BROOKLYN, NEW YORK
Published by the Long Island Historical Society
PIERREPONT STREET CORNER CLINTON STREET
1939

COPYRIGHT, 1939, BY
MORTON PENNYPACKER
EAST HAMPTON, L. I.

PRINTED BY
COUNTRY LIFE PRESS CORPORATION
GARDEN CITY, N. Y.

PREFATORY NOTE TO “THE TWO SPIES, NATHAN HALE AND ROBERT TOWNSEND.”

It is nearly one hundred and ten years since America’s first great novel was written, it being James Fenimore Cooper’s second book. With “The Spy” for title, it was hailed with unprecedented enthusiasm. There can be no question but what Governor John Jay’s recital of the work of the spies made a deep impression upon Cooper, but years passed before he attempted to record it permanently. Meanwhile, he had many opportunities to converse with others who were more intimately connected with the Secret Service work than he ever realized. Elizabeth Floyd was his mother-in-law, and the visits to members of her family on Long Island were frequent. Two years preceding the publication of “The Spy,” he became temporarily a resident of Sag Harbor, although still retaining his home in Westchester County. It is not, therefore, surprising to discover that so much that he has placed in Westchester County actually happened on Long Island.

To Cooper “The Spy” must have been a disappointment, particularly after Enoch Crosby had been exploited. Crosby did not conform to his ideal, but the spies of Washington did. When Tallmadge wished to send Long Island assistance in October, 1780, Townsend’s reply, as will be found in these pages, was, “I do not choose that the person you mention, or any other of his character, should call on me.” When Abraham Woodhull discovered our country’s need for ready money, he used his own for incidental expenses of the Secret Service, such as repairs to their four whaleboats and feed for the horses, and never complained, although more than seven years of peace passed before our government reimbursed him. It is inspiring to a greater patriotism to discover the type of men that these pages reveal.

The story of Nathan Hale will commend itself for brevity. No statements at the present day known to be incorrect are even quoted therein. The hitherto unpublished statement regarding his capture is on the authority of Robert Townsend, whom General Washington says he found always reliable. This might have been known seventy years ago had not Henry Onderdonk added confusing details that discredited it.

An elaborate chapter was in preparation detailing the scientifically planned investigation that made certain the identity of Robert Townsend as the “Culper Junior” of the American Revolution, when it was observed that the material collected and here published evinced that beyond comment. Therefore, no documents are here offered to prove what obviously is a fact.

Many startling revelations will be discovered by the careful reader of these pages. Some of them will be observed only after referring to the secret code printed among the Notes. The return of Major André after he had been started on his way to freedom is timely as well as interesting, for we are this fall celebrating the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of his execution. A strange hesitancy to-day, as during the life of Major Tallmadge, may necessitate patient waiting for more intimate details that will be merely stronger confirmation of this interesting fact.

Where letters from either of the Culpers have been condensed for the sake of brevity, a figure within parentheses has been used to indicate that the same letter will be found among the Notes beginning on [page 232]. A more perfect analysis is thus assured to the student of history.

Acknowledgment is due for assistance to so many, particularly among the heads of the larger public libraries and historical societies, that it becomes impracticable to name them individually. They have shown a uniform enthusiasm and untiring effort that makes the present publication possible.

Morton Pennypacker

Kew Gardens, L.I.
September, 1930.

CONTENTS

ILLUSTRATIONS

FOREWORD

Certainly there are but few Americans to whom the name of Nathan Hale is not as familiar as a household word. Everybody has heard of that Martyr Spy and almost everybody knows his life story. A graduate of Yale College in 1773 he became a school teacher[1] and more, a patriot, in every sense the word implies. He enjoyed his work as a pedagogue but his country’s call was irresistible. Soon he was captain of a Company and on Long Island he received from the British his Baptism of fire. Then illness caused him to wonder if after all to him would come the privilege of rendering worth while service. Can it not be said he hoped, or better he prayed that he might be useful, and then, sooner than he expected, he was called to render an unusual service. There was no reckless haste in his decision. He considered well the hazard of the work he had been asked to do. It was more than to report the position of the British Army. It was to discover their intentions, and to report his findings to General Washington.—A week later he was dead—and not a line from him had reached the Commander in Chief. His work was a magnificent failure but the spirit that prompted him to undertake it entitled him to the everlasting glory which is his.

Hale’s was an unnecessary sacrifice that more careful planning might have prevented, but as yet there was no time for organized effort, and for some months no better method was devised than to entrust some officer to get what was needed, either by the capture of prisoners or by sending a trusted man into the enemy’s camp. Upon these latter occasions individuals were met with who seemed anxious to be of service. Among them were two men later to be known as Culper Junior and Senior. Certain officers, particularly General Chas. Scott, became popular with General Washington because of their ability to locate these men and to get from them intelligence that could be relied upon. It will be seen that they later formed the Secret Service Bureau that was so helpful to General Washington all through the Revolutionary War.

This organized service differed from that of Hale’s time in that it became a business with the men who conducted it, and enabled them usually to have some one who could get the information when they feared they were suspected or for any other reason they believed it too hazardous to undertake themselves. It is remarkable that although their lives were every moment in danger so carefully were their secrets guarded that not only to the end of the war but for a hundred and fifty years thereafter, in spite of frequent efforts to discover their identity the real men were never suspected. Primarily this was due to the caution of the men themselves, each declaring that if to any one other than those of their own selection they should learn that their names were known they would leave the service and never return; but it was also due to the care of General Washington in exacting from all who knew them the most solemn pledge that not to any one at any time or under any circumstances would they reveal their identity. It is interesting at this day to observe the fear they had that their handwriting might betray them, and to note that although they practiced several styles of writing with the intention of concealing their real hand nevertheless it was finally this that first enabled positive identification. It will also be discovered that although those in the Secret Service requested that the letters they were sending for General Washington should be destroyed the majority of them were preserved by him, and that on the contrary with one exception the letters from General Washington to the Culpers were promptly destroyed by them in order that they should not be betrayed thereby if searched. That the contents of so many of the letters to the members of the Secret Service from General Washington is known is due to his system of saving copies of them and these as a rule are in the handwriting of the General himself.

Long before the Culpers were requested to do their own writing both furnished intelligence, and it is not possible to say which was first so engaged. Culper Senior had made his fourteenth written report when Culper Junior’s first was sent, but most of Senior’s information was furnished by Junior, and probably Scott had it from him before Senior had attempted it. Their work did not end with the closing days of 1783 but General Washington’s temporary retirement occasioned them to look to others who may have been less careful in preserving the records. After the war Culper Senior was from 1799 to 1810 First Judge of Suffolk County but Junior never accepted any important political position, although Oliver Templeton, a leader among the business men of the day, wrote to Culper’s brother when in 1789 it was announced that his father had been made a member of the Council of Appointment, saying: “I am informed your father is one of the Council of Appointment. For God’s sake if that is the case, write your father immediately not to forget his sons. I am afraid for the opportunity he may have too much modesty.... Your Brother Robert is fitted for any office.” He wielded an influence however that was almost uncanny. No one knew the real patriots in the City of New York at the close of the war as he did and much that seemed mysterious at the time can be traced to him, for besides Washington and Tallmadge, Alexander Hamilton, Richard Varick and several others were familiar with his handwriting and gave weight to his suggestions and opinions.

Publication of “The Two Spies, Nathan Hale and Robert Townsend”[2] by Houghton Mifflin Company in 1930 revealed for the first time the names of those in the secret service employed by General Washington. It was discovered that Culper Senior was Abraham Woodhull[3] of Setauket, Long Island, and that Culper Junior was Robert Townsend of Oyster Bay. It was Robert Townsend who remained in New York City from the beginning of the war until and after its close. Culper Junior was the man whose identity every historian from Judge William Smith to those at the present day was trying to discover. Smith was a co-worker with him and at times they would both hand communications to James Rivington for his newspaper at the same moment, but Smith never guessed that Townsend was General Washington’s Culper Junior. Jared Sparks later went to the greatest pains to try to identify him, begging those who he knew could tell him if they would, but no one at any time was willing to break the pledge by revealing his identity. To prevent any misunderstanding as to Rivington’s part in the Secret Service a brief sketch of him here seems necessary.

James Rivington was the son of Charles and Eleanor Rivington. He was born in 1724. Was twice married, his second wife being Elizabeth Van Horne of New York, by whom he had two sons and a daughter. A brother was John, with whom he was in partnership in the publishing business in London until 1756, when he joined James Fletcher, son of the bookseller of Oxford. Their most successful venture was Smollett’s History of England, upon which they cleared ten thousand pounds, the largest profit then known to have been made on any single work. A growing love for horse-racing and gambling possessed him until most of his money was gone. He then came to America and settled as a bookseller in Philadelphia in 1760. The following year he opened a book store at the lower end of Wall Street in New York. Then in 1762 he commenced bookselling in Boston, where he failed. In 1764 he was in Bermuda, where he opened a printing office for a short time. He soon returned to New York where in April, 1773, he began “Rivington’s New York Gazetteer.” By 1775 the matter he permitted to appear in the Gazetteer was so offensive to the Sons of Liberty that on May 10th his office and home were mobbed and he with Miles Cooper was obliged to seek refuge on a British man-of-war in the harbor. Although his plant was damaged his assistants were able to continue the paper whilst he petitioned the Continental Congress, saying:

“It is his wish and ambition to be an useful member of society. Although an Englishman by birth, he is an American by choice, and he is desirous of devoting his life in the business of his profession, to the service of the Country he has adopted for his own. He lately employed no less than sixteen workmen, at near one thousand pounds annually: and his consumption of printing paper, the manufacture of Pennsylvania, New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts Bay, has amounted nearly to that sum. His extensive foreign correspondence, his large acquaintance in Europe and America, and the manner of his education, are circumstances which, he conceives, have not improperly qualified him for the situation in which he wishes to continue, and in which he will exert every endeavour to be useful.”

However, before the close of the year, on November 23d, 1775, his plant was again mobbed. This time under Colonel Sears’s directions the presses were ruined and the type all carried away to later be melted into bullets. Rivington then went to England, but returned to New York in 1777, now as the king’s printer with a Royal commission and a grant of £100. per annum. He brought with him new machinery and type and began republishing his paper on October 4th of that year. He also had received commissions from several publishers to supply them with the news of British activities in this country. Several have stated that Rivington was permitted to remain in New York after the close of the Revolution; for example, in the news from Springfield, Mass., published in the Salem (Mass.) Gazette, December 25th, 1783, it was reported as “an undoubted fact Mr. Rivington, publisher, of New York was, as soon as our troops entered the city, protected in person, and property, by a guard and that he will be allowed to reside in the country, for reasons best known to the great men at helm.” But most have neglected to show that his treatment was worse than exile. A rival publisher in his issue of January 1st, 1784, says: “Yesterday Rivington, who has had the audacity to continue his obnoxious publications was waited on by General John Lamb, Colonel Willett and Colonel Sears, and forbid the prosecution of any further business in this city, in consequence of which, he has discharged his hands, and obeyed the order. To the joy of every one in the United States, Jemmy Rivington’s political existence terminated last Wednesday, the 31st ulto. [1783].”

Personal injury was soon to be added to insult, for on the 11th of the same month Nicholas Cruger gave him a violent beating, claiming he had suffered in prison during the war because of statements made by Rivington’s paper.

Rivington had a caller in 1794 in the person of Henry Wansey, who wrote in his Journal: “June 23d, I dined with James Rivington, the bookseller, formerly of St. Pauls Churchyard; he is still a cheerful old man, and enquired of me for Mr. Collins, and Mr. Baston, and many of his quandam acquaintances in England. During the time the British kept possession of New York, he printed a newspaper for them, and opened a kind of coffee-house for the officers; his house was a great place of resort; he made a great deal of money during that period, though many of the officers quitted it considerably in arrears to him.”

A record exists in a letter written on May 8th, 1797, showing that Rivington was then in jail for debts contracted by others but which he was held responsible for. On the fourth of July, 1802, he breathed his last, at the age of 78, and was buried in the cemetery of the New Dutch Church.

After discovering that the chiefs of General Washington’s spies were Robert Townsend and Abraham Woodhull the problem was still to be solved how these two men could so frequently meet without attracting suspicion. For many months it seemed beyond solution. Townsend’s books showed that he changed his boarding place usually after a year’s stay but this could be attributed to no more than a precautionary measure. However when the account books of Woodhull were compared with those of Townsend it was noticed that both men carried ledger accounts with these landlords. The first for example was Amos Underhill.[4] There seemed nothing significant in the name until the family genealogies were searched. Then it was discovered that on March 21, 1774, Amos Underhill had married Mary Woodhull. Mary Woodhull was the sister of Abraham Woodhull. The matter was solved! Townsend was an incidental roomer at the Underhills’ and Woodhull was a frequent caller on his sister and brother in law. Culper Senior and Junior could therefore be with each other whenever necessary without attracting the least suspicion.

Townsend next boarded with Jacob Seaman, who was married to Margaret Birdsall. This Margaret was the daughter of Col. Benjamin Birdsall who furnished our Gen. George Clinton with much valuable information.

Townsend and Woodhull found it necessary to personally scout for information at its source (see Woodhull’s letter dated Oct. 31, 1778). Their system also included a score of the most respectable citizens who were never seen anywhere in situations the least suspicious, but each employed trusted friends who regularly corresponded with them and the items they secured were promptly communicated to either Townsend or Woodhull. Much in these letters might be called camouflage. They usually began with some expression such as “We have no news” and then followed the style suggested by General Washington in several of his communications. Sometimes the information was promptly forwarded, the following letter being an example:

My dear Friend:

We all arrived here yesterday at three o’clock after a passage of 2 hours. The kindness of yourself and wife and the pleasure I found at your house are strongly fixed on my mind, and make me desirous of contributing any thing to the information, amusement &c. of yourself and friends. I enclose a paper which will give you all the news that is yet published about Charles Town. Tomorrow a hand bill will come out with the Capitulation. Yesterday most of the troops here, Staten Island &c. were embarked in Sloops &c. to the number, it is said, of 7 or 8 thousand, and proceeding up the Kills, landed about sunset near Elizabeth Town, and immediately began their march to attack Washington in his camp at Morris Town. At five o’clock this morning the troops had got to Springfield, 8 miles short of the place without much opposition, but since, much firing has been heard. Brigadier Genl. Sterling[5] was wounded in the thigh by a random shot at Elizabeth Town last evening and is brought back but the British met with no other loss there.

A vessel is just arrived from St. Kits but brings no news except that the fleets were within sight of each other and another action expected. The British had been reinforced with three sail.

My Respects to C. Wistar and family. I am sorry katy’s indisposition prevented her coming with us. I shall send the nickanees by Tommy. I am affectionately &c.

William T. Robinson.

7 June, 1780.

Culper Senior had the contents of the above letter on its way to Washington three days later; see his letter of June 10, 1780, on p. 79.

A shorter but no less important letter reads:

New York, 31st December, 1779.

My good Friend:

When I left you at D. Bowne’s, I galloped directly to the Ferry the nearest way without stopping, and arrived there in two hours and twenty five minutes, and had there been a boat ready I might, if I chose it, have gone to meeting here in the afternoon, but you will readily imagine that I was more intent on procuring a good dinner, which I did at Brooklyn and got over before sundown....

We have no news—besides what the enclosed papers contain. The Southern Fleet, consisting of 150 sail, went out of the Hook at two o’clock on Sunday and ’tis feared that they have suffered in the dreadful storm that followed soon after. The fleet for Europe sailed the thursday before.

This goes by Hick’s boat to Great Neck, to the care of Richard Thorne. I also send a small paper bundle containing a Book for Eliza and a pair of skates for my friend Harry—of which I beg their acceptance. My respects and best wishes attend Mrs. Lawrence and the family and our two friends over the ICE. I am affectionately yours,

Wm. T. Robinson.

Another Robinson letter will be found in the notes [(125)].

It may interest some to know that this Wm. T. Robinson once owned the property 421 E. 61st Street, New York, now owned and occupied by the Colonial Dames of America. His helpful intelligence reached the spies through Joseph Lawrence of Bayside, L. I. The original documents were preserved in a manner so similar to all the rest of the Culper Jr. material as to be remarkable. The wife of Joseph Lawrence was Phebe and there were not so many that knew her maiden name, but it was Townsend and she was the daughter of the Fourth Henry Townsend. They were married in 1764 when he was 23. Their son Effingham married Anne Townsend daughter of Solomon Townsend who was Robert Townsend’s brother. A daughter of Anne and Effingham twenty three years after her mother’s death had occasion to go through the homestead and there under the eaves in the garret at the stone house she found (in 1868) this interesting correspondence that had evidently been placed there by her grandparents and had remained unobserved for nearly a century. It reached the Long Island Collection in East Hampton a few months ago, having been carefully preserved but without critical examination during the past seventy years.

John Bolton was the assumed name of the man who stood between the Culpers and General Washington. With the occasional exception of a letter to General Washington all from the Culpers were addressed to Mr. John Bolton, the name assumed by Major Benjamin Tallmadge in the secret service work. Major Tallmadge did not try to conceal his identity after the war. Caleb Brewster always permitted his own name to be used. With his trusty gun and sword he defended it, although the British at one time offered a large reward for his capture. Austin Roe, also of Setauket, was the chief messenger. He was given no other name, but was known by a number, which was 724. Jonas Hawkins was another messenger, and there were several more that could be depended upon if required, but Austin Roe became so expert in the service as to eclipse the rest. One who can realize what he had to contend with must view with amazement the work of Austin Roe. Across the Sound General Washington had Dragoons posted, three every fifteen miles apart, to carry the messages to him, whilst on the Long Island side Austin Roe rode the fifty-five miles from Setauket to New York and the same distance back, through the enemy’s country, unattended. True, officers in British uniforms had permitted him to arrange for relays of horses which he could exchange along the way as required, but nevertheless it was a remarkable feat and should yet be recognised as such.

* * * * *

Had it been possible to follow a message from New York to Headquarters in 1781 one might have seen Austin Roe enter a coffee house in the vicinity of Wall Street. Visibly tired, and probably hungry as well, for he had just finished a long ride. Few were in the room at that hour but in the far corner we will observe two British officers in conversation with a gentleman dressed in the fashion of the day. This is Mr. Townsend, and the officers are persuading him to visit their encampment. They have been advised that he is diffident but they have discovered that preferment comes to those who receive favorable publicity in the English Magazines as well as in the Royal Gazette. Mr. Rivington, the king’s printer, had advised them to cultivate Mr. Townsend’s acquaintance; to keep him posted as to all their activities if they value publicity such as he may give them; and they exact from Townsend the promise of an early visit. They do not know that the Coffee Room was established for that very purpose: that Townsend and Rivington although silent partners were its financial backers; and that Rivington wished to establish it in order to provide a place close by his printing office where British officers would meet and furnish him with copy for the English Magazines and his own Royal Gazette. Townsend he found apt, and most willing to run down news that made good copy; and the fact that Townsend refused to be on his pay roll or to accept money for his work did not lessen Rivington’s regard for him. That James Rivington ever imagined Robert Townsend to be in the service of General Washington there is no evidence to show. In fact it is very unlikely. Rivington was not the type of man that Townsend would trust with that secret.

The sight of Roe was sufficient to apprise Townsend that the General was expecting a message. When he could excuse himself he left the Coffee Shop and returned to his own rooms, which were nearby. He was soon followed by Austin Roe, who handed him a letter from Mr. John Bolton. This read: “I wish you to send by bearer ½ ream letter paper, same as the last. Mr. Roe will pay for it.” Townsend paid little attention to this message, but opening a secret closet brought out a vial of liquid which he proceeded to brush over the letter. Soon another message appeared on the same sheet of paper. It was from General Washington requesting certain important information. Meanwhile Roe had started down the street for the printing office of James Rivington at the corner of Queen Street facing the North Front of the Coffee House. Here he purchased a half ream of paper—had it carefully wrapped and labeled and then started back with it to Townsend’s rooms. Very carefully it was unwrapped, in order that it could be sealed again without showing that it had been opened. Townsend then began counting the sheets until he arrived at a number previously agreed upon. That sheet was then extracted, and reaching for a vial of a different liquid he proceeded to write. But only momentarily could the words be seen. As soon as the stain was dry it disappeared, leaving no hint that it was there waiting to be developed by the other liquid.

The supper hour was now approaching when the Coffee Room would be a scene of great gaiety. There would be gathered new arrivals from abroad, anxious for an introduction, and those expecting soon to leave would be tendered an affectionate adieu. It was a huge success from the standpoint of a news gatherer, and would have been worth while even if it had not been returning the handsome revenue it did at that time. So thought Rivington. Doubtless Townsend from the standpoint of a Spy thought the same, but unlike Rivington he kept his own counsel. It should not be presumed that all could be gotten in this fashion. There were reports from at least a dozen to be checked over, and out of the way places to be visited. When all had been summed up Townsend finished his letter and returned it to its proper place in the package of letter paper. Austin Roe packed his saddle bags with a variety of articles needed by those at the east end of the Island, and carefully stowed among the things was this half ream of paper for Mr. John Bolton. In the late forenoon he set off, crossing the Brooklyn ferry and from there heading either for Jamaica or Flushing he soon was well on his way. There were times when he met with trouble along the road but upon this occasion we presume that he reached Setauket without incident, and just in time to give attention to his cattle, which were kept pastured in a field belonging to Abraham Woodhull. It might have been a matter of suspicion had he always left a package with Woodhull, therefore a box in the field was resorted to on this as upon many occasions, and straightway home Roe drove the cows. Later Woodhull, passing through the field, transferred the contents of the box to a bag he was carrying and soon the intelligence for General Washington was in his private room. Other messages to accompany those just arrived were now prepared by Woodhull, who we will not forget always signed himself Culper Senior in this correspondence.

Caleb Brewster was waiting with his boats to convey these messages across the Sound. Woodhull knew he was waiting but had not seen him. He had observed the black petticoat which was the signal of his arrival hanging on the line across the creek on Strong’s Neck. He knew where the boats were hid, too, although there were six landing places, but he had observed hanging with the clothes on the line near half a mile away four handkerchiefs. Just as one, two, three, five or six hanging there at one time indicated certain landing places Woodhull knew that four indicated the Neck, and there when the messages were ready he took them.[6] It was long a question as to who it was that used this clothes line signal to guide the delivery of the messages to Brewster who was to carry them across the sound on their way to Washington’s headquarters. Finally a clue was found among the papers of the Floyd family and when this was compared with the Woodhull account book it was discovered that the signals were arranged by no less a personage than the wife of Judge Selah Strong. Anna Smith was her maiden name. She was born on April 14th, 1740, and married Judge Strong on Nov. 9th, 1760.[7]

Brewster sometimes would capture an enemy crew on the way across, and sometimes when not well protected they would chase him. Occasionally he found it necessary to kill some of them. Major Tallmadge was not always to be found in the same place but kept Brewster sufficiently informed to be able to steer in the right direction. When to Major Tallmadge the messages were handed they were again examined, in fact frequently the stain letters were developed and then forwarded to the nearest Dragoons posted along the road, from whence they were relayed to Headquarters.

* * * * *

No one will challenge the emphasis put upon the importance of the Secret Service. Only lack of details has deterred its recognition. As early as April 1779, Major Tallmadge began by saying: “Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting the movements of the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to New London, and which I have reason to believe in a great measure defeated their intentions, have been communicated by Culper.” “Of very great importance” Washington considered it, and so wrote on July 11, 1780 “I rely upon this intelligence,” he wrote at another time. When G. W. P. Custis, adopted son of General Washington, was told by friends, who probably over-estimated, that the service had cost between one thousand and fifteen hundred pounds, he wrote: “It was a cheap, a dog cheap bargain; for, although gold was precious in the days of the Continental currency, yet the gold paid for the secret service was of inestimable value, when it is remembered how much it contributed to the safety and success of the army of Independence.”

Too much can not be said of the personnel of the service, due largely to Robert Townsend, whom all the others speak of in the highest terms. “Nothing could induce me to be here but the earnest desire of Culper Jur.,” said Woodhull in 1779. “He is the person in whom I have the greatest confidence,” General Washington wrote of Culper Junior in a letter to Congress. “This much I can assure you,” says Major Tallmadge, “he is a Gentleman of business, of Education and honor.” Of him on June 20th, 1779, Woodhull wrote: “He is a person that hath the interest of our Country at heart and of good reputation, character and family, I have reason to think his advantages for serving you, and abilities, are far superior to mine. As long as I am here shall be an assistant and do all that I can.” Again on February 5th, 1780, General Washington wrote of Culper Junior: “His accounts are intelligent, clear, and satisfactory ... I rely upon his intelligence,” and Woodhull echoes “He’s allowed to be a person of good sense and judgment, and his firmness and friendship towards our Country I do assure, you need not doubt. I have known him several years and confident he is a sincere friend, and hath undertaken it solely for to be some advantage to our distressed Country.” Then in May, 1781, General Washington recorded: “Of the Culpers fidelity and ability I entertain the highest opinion.”

In this volume are now collected a majority of the letters still in existence from spies in the American service during the Revolutionary War. That General Washington was contented with an occasional report from other scenes of action evinces the importance he attached to the territory around New York. That the Spies of Washington are worthy of important recognition in the annals of the State becomes evident as their work is examined.

G. M. Pierce, Registrar General of the National Society, D. A. R. in 1918 summed up the Revolutionary Spy in these words: “The man or woman who enters upon such a career must possess strength of character and be endowed with all the qualifications of a good soldier and a commanding officer besides. A soldier must possess bravery and courage, but a spy must be not only brave and courageous, but must also have what is called ‘nerve,’ poise, self possession, absolute control of facial expression, fearlessness, tact and discretion unequalled. For his is the most hazardous of all undertakings. Discovery means death, the penalty inflicted alike by all nations.”

FOOTNOTES to “FOREWORD”:

[1] In October, 1773, Nathan Hale began teaching in East Haddam, Connecticut, but in May, 1774, he took charge of a school in New London, called the “Union School.” Here he remained until the summer of 1775, when he joined the third company of the 7th Connecticut Regiment, commanded by Colonel Charles Webb.

[2] “The Two Spies, Nathan Hale and Robert Townsend,” might almost be called a first edition of this volume, but there being more new material in this than the entire contents of the first issue, it is given a new title.

[3] Until this publication the identity of Culper Senior was not positive. Some said Nathaniel Ruggles was the man; others were correct in assuming that it was Abraham Woodhull, but others confused matters by declaring that it was Abraham C. Woodhull, an entirely different person, although he lived in the same town at the same time.

[4] The above Amos Underhill had brothers, one being Benjamin, whose wife was the daughter of Sylvanus Townsend. After his death she married in 1789, John Franklin, son of Thomas. Benjamin’s only son he called Townsend Underhill, born in 1765. His daughter was Elizabeth. This Elizabeth Underhill married John Butler Coles. In 1780 he was a clerk for Thos. Buchanan & Co., and later had his own business at 12 Dock Street, now Pearl. He was a director of the Bank of New York from 1806 to 1820 and died January 2, 1827, leaving a large estate. His father, Nathaniel Coles, happy over the return of peace, in 1783 roasted an entire ox and invited the neighborhood to partake of it. Both Amos and Benjamin Underhill had business dealings with Robert Townsend.

[5] Sir Thomas Sterling.

[6] A somewhat similar method was used on the New England side, at least in the vicinity of Newport. It is described on page 48 of a Discourse by Arthur A. Ross, who a hundred years ago was Pastor of the First Baptist Church there. Mr. Ross says: “During the whole time the British had possession of the Island, a correspondence was maintained between certain individuals of the Island and the main at Little-Compton, so that the American officers were constantly apprized of the general movements of the enemy, while in possession of Rhode-Island. This correspondence was maintained by signals given on the Island, indicating a clear coast, and that a messenger could pass over in safety, after dark. The first signal was the leaving down of a certain pair of bars, which, with a spy-glass, could be distinctly seen from the main. Afterward, for fear of exciting the suspicion of the enemy, the signal was changed, when an open window of Mr. Peleg Peckham’s barn, answered the same purpose. A small vault in the ground, near the shore, and at no great distance from Mr. Peckham’s, covered with a flat stone, served as a depository of communication.—Here, letters and papers were regularly deposited and removed, by the respective individuals engaged in the correspondence.”

[7] Judge Strong was born on Dec. 25th, 1737, and died July 4, 1815. His parents were Thomas Strong and Susannah Thompson, daughter of Samuel Thompson and Hannah Brewster. His wife died August 2, 1812. Anna Strong’s father was William Henry Smith, b. Mar. 13, 1689, Brookhaven and d. Jan. 27, 1743. Her mother was Margaret Lloyd, granddaughter of Grizzell Sylvester.

NATHAN HALE

Late in the evening of September 22, 1776, Captain John Montressor, of the British Engineers, who was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Howe, appeared under flag of truce at the American outposts on Harlem Plains, New York. He bore a letter to General Washington respecting the exchange of prisoners. General Putnam, Captain Alexander Hamilton, and Captain William Hull were among those who met him. To them Montressor verbally gave the information that an American officer, one Captain Hale, had been executed that morning as a spy. It was startling news, and to Hull it came like a shock, for Nathan Hale had been his chum at college[8] and confided to him details of the dangerous mission he had undertaken. A week later, the sad news reached the home of Hale, and one of his brothers, Enoch, started for the encampment of Washington’s army. There Lieutenant-Colonel Webb was induced to visit the British headquarters under a flag, and he returned with information that enabled Enoch to record that “Nathan, being suspected by his movements that he wanted to get out of New York, was taken up and examined by the general, and, some minutes being found with him, orders were immediately given that he should be hanged. When at the gallows, he spoke and told that he was a captain in the Continental army, by name Nathan Hale.”

Enoch carried this news home, and later his brother John made entry in the town records of Coventry which reads as follows: “Capt. Nathan Hale, the son of Deacon Richard Hale, was taken in the City of New York by the Britons and Executed as a spie some time in the month of September, A.D. 1776.”

Tench Tilghman, in a letter to William Duer, written ten days after the announcement of Hale’s execution, betrays the feeling in the American army. “The General is determined, if he can bring some in his hands under the denomination of spies, to execute them,” he writes: “General Howe hanged a Captain of ours belonging to Knowlton’s Rangers who went into New York to make discoveries. I don’t see why we should not make retaliation.”

Another letter, written by an American officer in camp at Harlem, is dated September 26, 1776, and reads: “One Hale, in N.Y. on suspicion of being a spy, was taken up and dragged without ceremony to the Execution Post and hung up.” “Yesterday we hanged an officer of the Provincials who came as a spy,” writes a British officer to friends at home; and James Drewett, on board the British frigate Mercury at New York, writes: “On the 22d we hung a man who was sent as spy by Gen. Washington.”

It was almost five months later when the newspapers began publishing garbled accounts. The “Conquest of Canaan,” an epic poem, by Timothy Dwight, probably the first book to mention Hale, was not published until nearly nine years after his execution, although, strangely enough, its author had early in 1776 solicited Hale to get subscribers to it for him.

Hannah Adams was in fact the first historian to record a concise account of Hale, and her “History of New England,” in which it appears, was not published until 1799, nearly twenty-three years after the event. The story in her book reads as follows:

“The retreat from Long Island left the British in full possession. What would be their future operations remained uncertain. To obtain information of their situation, their strength and future movements, was of high importance. For this purpose, general Washington applied to Colonel Knowlton, who commanded a regiment of light infantry, which formed the van of the American army, and desired him to adopt some mode of gaining the necessary information. Colonel Knowlton communicated this request to Captain Nathan Hale, of Connecticut, who was then a captain in his regiment.

“This young officer, animated by a sense of duty, and considering that an opportunity presented itself, by which he might be useful to his country, at once offered himself a volunteer for this hazardous service. He passed in disguise to Long Island, examined every part of the British army, and obtained the best possible information respecting their situation and future operations.

“In his attempt to return he was apprehended, carried before Sir William Howe, and the proof of his object was so clear, that he frankly acknowledged who he was, and what were his views.

“Sir William Howe at once gave an order to the provost marshal to execute him the next morning. This order was accordingly executed, in a most unfeeling manner, and by as great a savage as ever disgraced humanity. A clergyman, whose attendance was desired, was refused him; a bible for a few moments devotion was not procured, although he requested it. Letters, which, on the morning of his execution, he wrote to his mother[9] and other friends, were destroyed; and this very extraordinary reason given by the provost marshal, ‘that the rebels should not know they had a man in their army who could die with so much firmness.’

“Unknown to all around him, without a single friend to offer him the least consolation, thus fell as amiable and as worthy a young man as America could boast, with this as his dying observation, ‘that he only lamented, that he had but one life to lose for his country.’... To see such a character, in the flower of youth, cheerfully treading in the most hazardous paths, influenced by the purest intentions, and only emulous to do good to his country, without the imputation of a crime, fall a victim to policy, must have been wounding to the feelings, even of his enemies. So far [1799] Hale has remained unnoticed, and, it is scarcely known such a character ever existed....”

Fifty years after Hale’s execution the “Long Island Star” published (April 2, 1827) extracts from a letter of Stephen Hempstead, Sen., aged sixty-nine, which Hempstead had published in the “Missouri Republican.” Another ten years went by before the first printed address appeared, and thereafter memoirs and biographies followed at frequent intervals to the present time. Attempts have been made to trace every step in his career, but there is much that still puzzles the historians. Nobody has been able to prove how he got to New York, and no one can say positively where he was captured. From all that has been gathered on the subject, we have arrived at the following conclusions:

The retreat of the American army from Long Island had been satisfactorily accomplished, but the officers found themselves in a most perilous condition when on September 7, 1776, Washington called a council of war to consider the important question: Should they defend or abandon New York? At another council on the 12th, it was decided to move to a position on Harlem Heights, leaving a guard of four thousand men under General Putnam in the city, with orders to follow if necessary. On the 14th, Washington made his headquarters at the house of Robert Murray, father of Lindley Murray the grammarian. From there he wrote to General Heath, then stationed at Kingsbridge:

“As everything, in a manner, depends upon obtaining intelligence of the enemy’s motions, I do most earnestly entreat you and General Clinton to exert yourselves to accomplish this most desirable end. Leave no stone unturned, nor do not stick at expense, to bring this to pass, as I was never more uneasy than on account of my want of knowledge on this score....”

To quote a paragraph from Lossing: “The vital questions pressing for an answer were, Will they make a direct attack upon the city? Will they land upon the island, above the city, or at Morrisania beyond the Harlem River? Will they attempt to cut off our communications with the main, by seizing the region along the Harlem River or at Kingsbridge, by landing forces on the shores of the East and Hudson Rivers, at Turtle Bay, or at Bloomingdale, and, stretching a cordon of armed men from river to river, cut off the four thousand troops left in the city?”

Washington, in his perplexity, called another council of war at Murray’s. He told his officers that he could not procure the least information concerning the intentions of the enemy, and again asked, What shall be done? It was resolved to send a competent person, in disguise, into the British camps on Long Island to unveil the momentous secret. It needed one skilled in military and scientific knowledge; a man possessed of a quick eye, a cool head, unflinching courage; tact, caution, and sagacity—a man on whose judgment and fidelity implicit reliance might be placed.

Washington sent for Lieutenant-Colonel Knowlton and asked him to find a man for the service. Knowlton summoned a number of officers to a conference at his quarters and after explaining the service required called for volunteers. Late in the conference, when it seemed he would not find a man competent and willing to undertake the perilous mission, “a young officer appeared, pale from the effects of recent severe sickness. Knowlton repeated the invitation, when, almost immediately, the voice of the young soldier was heard uttering the momentous words, ‘I will undertake it!’ It was the voice of Captain Nathan Hale.”

Everybody was astonished. The whole company knew Hale. They loved and admired him. After the meeting his friends tried to dissuade him from his decision, setting forth the risk of sacrificing all his good prospects in life and the fond hopes of his family and friends. Hull employed all the force of friendship and the arts of persuasion to bend him from his purpose, but in vain. With warmth and decision Hale said:

“I think I owe to my country the accomplishment of an object so important and so much desired by the commander of her armies, and I know no mode of obtaining the information but by assuming a disguise and passing into the enemy’s camp. I am fully sensible of the consequences of discovery and capture in such a situation. But for a year I have been attached to the army, and have not rendered any material service, while receiving a compensation for which I make no return. Yet I am not influenced by any expectation of promotion or pecuniary reward. I wish to be useful; and every kind of service necessary for the public good becomes honorable by being necessary. If the exigencies of my country demand a peculiar service, its claims to the performance of that service are imperious.”

Knowlton presently conducted Hale to Washington, who delivered instructions concerning his mission. The commander also furnished him with a general order to the owners of all American vessels in Long Island Sound to convey him to any point on Long Island which he might designate.

Asher Wright, his trusty servant, was told to have the horses ready at the earliest moment, and, in company with Stephen Hempstead, they set off that Saturday evening. No hint has been given as to how they reached Norwalk, except that because of the British cruisers in the vicinity they could find no available boat until they got there, which may indicate that they spent a part of Sunday, hunting perhaps at Stamford and other points between there and Rye. Captain Pond, whom Hale knew, happened to be at Norwalk, then in command of the armed sloop Schuyler and arrangements were made to take him across to Huntington on the Long Island shore that night. Hempstead, who accompanied him this far, writing fifty years later, says that he changed his uniform for a plain suit of citizens’ brown clothes, with a round broad-brimmed hat: He does not tell us whether he brought the extra suit with him, but we must presume that Captain Pond furnished it, although Hale charged Hempstead with the care of his army clothes, his commission and public and private papers, and also his silver shoe buckles, saying they would not comport with his character as a schoolmaster. He requested Hempstead to wait at Norwalk until he returned or was heard from.

It was near daylight Monday morning when Hale was landed on the beach at Huntington. No sound save the plash of the waves disturbed the quiet of the approaching day. No sign of human habitation was in sight: no guidepost to indicate the direction to the town; but there were hills not far away and from these a better view might be had. A path was discovered and he rightly surmised it led to the town. Who there entertained this martyr unawares we may never know. Nobody there wanted a teacher just at that time, but everybody was ready to tell him how the Whigs were crossing from Huntington every day in order to escape the British. Foraging parties had already been to Oyster Bay and other towns. Two hundred wagons had been demanded from the farmers of Suffolk County to remove the baggage of the British from New Utrecht to Hellgate, and already three hundred had been sent there. Only the troops were allowed to cross the ferries from Long Island to New York without passes;[10] but the market boats were still in service and doing a good business supplying the British troops with fresh country produce. Their difficulty was to get men to assist in loading and unloading.

We cannot think that Hale would fail to take advantage of this opportunity. Whilst the boats at Huntington were transporting passengers to Connecticut with their household effects, those from Oyster Bay were supplying the New York markets and now were making deliveries directly to the camp kitchens. Without loss of time, Hale must have followed the road from Huntington to Oyster Bay. There it was not necessary for him to diverge from the truth. He found Huntington was already well supplied with teachers, and being willing to work at anything was glad to assist on the market boats. They stopped at Whitestone Landing, at Flushing, and at Hellgate, and it was now his business to inquire how many troops were at each place, how many more were expected, and how long they would remain, and perhaps even where they expected to be the following week. Then, with what was left of the cargo, they crossed to New York and there found ready market.

We know that Nathan Hale upon arrival in the city found that many of the British had already crossed the river, had engaged the men of his own company among others, and were now fortifying their positions in various sections of the city. And undoubtedly he mingled among them until, early on the morning of the 21st of September, the lower portion of the city was discovered to be in flames. We may never know how his time was occupied that day,[11] but it is possible that in spite of his disguise he discovered he had been recognized as one of the officers attached to Washington’s army. It may have startled him when he realized that he was back at the place he started from almost a week before. Back, but now not among friends. Washington had withdrawn and the British were now in possession of the ground between him and the American army. A walk of less than three miles along the shore of Harlem Creek would bring him within the American lines. It may have seemed the easiest way to return, and in fact might have been safely accomplished but for the unusual events of that day. The great curtain of smoke that hung over the city attracted attention for many miles around. Among those who went out of their way to obtain details of its cause was Captain Quarme and the crew of the Halifax. They were off Whitestone Point at the time, but when they had neared Manhattan in the vicinity of Ward’s Island, Quarme, with a few men, went ashore near what is now One Hundred and Eleventh Street. Hale was just reaching the water-front at that point, and noticing the small boat, and the Halifax not being in sight as the trees on Ward’s Island hid the view, concluded it might be a friendly party from Long Island. He had betrayed his anxiety and attracted suspicion before he realized his mistake. By Captain Quarme’s order he was left with the sentinels at the British outposts, who later conducted him to headquarters, and when the men returned they rowed for the Halifax and sailed back to anchorage that night in the vicinity of City Island. Later in the war the Halifax was stationed at Huntington, which may account for the idea that Hale was captured there.

The documents previously quoted show his treatment after reaching the British lines.

FOOTNOTES to “NATHAN HALE”:

[8] In the class of 1773 at Yale College among others were Nathan Hale and his brother Enoch, Benjamin Tallmadge, and William Townsend. William Hull was in the class of 1772. Of all the college mates of Nathan Hale perhaps none had as deep an influence over his decisions as Benjamin Tallmadge, and as may be observed, perhaps none was more responsible for Tallmadge devoting the greater part of his military career to assisting the spies of Washington than Hale. A carefully preserved letter of advice to Hale, written at the time he was contemplating changing the garb of a teacher for that of a soldier reads: “Was I in your condition, notwithstanding the many, I had almost said insuperable, objections against such a resolution, I think the more extensive service would be my choice. Our holy Religion, the honour of our God, a glorious country, & a happy constitution is what we have to defend. Some indeed may say there are others who may supply your place. True there are men who would gladly accept such a proposal but are we certain that they would be likely to answer just as good an end? Could this be certainly known, though we all should be ready to step forth in the common cause, I could think it highly incumbent on you not to change your situation. These hints, thrown together in great haste, proceed from a heart ever devoted to your welfare, and from one who shall esteem it his happiness to promote yours. I hope to hear from you soon & to know your determination; in the mean time I remain your constant friend &c., &c.,

B. Tallmadge.

To Mr. Nathan Hale
New London.
Wethersfield, July 4, 1775.

[9] Hale knew his mother was not living. It was an incorrect guess that one of the letters was for her.

[10] In a letter from New York we hear that no person is suffered to go out of the town without giving proper notices of their departure to Gen. Howe; nor no person suffered to enter without their being first strictly examined by the general officers commanding the several gates for admittance.—Middlesex Journal, Sept 24, 1776.

[11] Although most of our large cities have had fires equalling that of New York, yet because New York’s happened just at the time Nathan Hale was there there are those who contend that he must have had a hand in it. So insistent were some that an exhaustive study of the subject seemed desirable. For this purpose contemporary charts of the tide and records of the wind on the date of the fire were studied and the route of the men from near Whitestone to 111th Street. The conclusion arrived at is that Hale could have had no part in the fire aside from the possibility of his being an interested eye witness. It must not be forgotten that he was sent over to Long Island—the British had not yet entered New York, and from the spot from which he started on his way to Long Island it was at that time possible to send any man to any part of the city of New York within an hour. It is not possible to believe that any sane man would start on a week’s journey to reach a destination he could arrive at in safety within an hour. Had Hale, discovering the opportunity favorable, turned aside from the work he was given to do, he being sent as a spy to discover and report the intentions of the enemy, he would have deserved the treatment of a deserter at the hands of General Washington and if he had given the British any proof that he had acted the part of an incendiary he would have met death accordingly, and not as alleged “because upon him they discovered notes and documents that proved him to be a spy.” True many favored destroying the city at that time, and it is also a fact that a large quantity of inflammable material was left in the city when the troops under General Washington moved north, and to these were added additional stores that the British brought with them. The area of the fire may have been increased thereby but the contemporary conclusion that its origin was accidental cannot be changed.

GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES

The capture and execution of Nathan Hale made a failure of the attempt to get instant information from within the British lines; but it formed a determination in the General’s mind to establish a Secret Service Bureau that would be more carefully planned and consequently less liable to disappointing results. The man selected to manage the spy system within the city of New York was Robert Townsend, of Oyster Bay, Long Island. Without discovery he furnished General Washington with correct information throughout the war, and at its close, lest harm should come to him, the General determined that his identity should never be revealed. His books, which remained sealed for over a century, now permit positive identification.[(101)]

Before the war began, Robert Townsend acted as purchasing agent for his father, in importing flax and sugar and molasses, tea and coffee and iron and rum and similar commodities,[(102)] and there is a suggestion that he may have collected a secret fund for the “Sons of Liberty” in 1772, ’73, and ’74. His first war work commenced when the Provincial Convention resolved unanimously on August 24, 1776, “That Robert Townsend be a commissary to supply Brigadier-General Woodhull’s Brigade with provisions”; but it may have been abruptly ended with the capture of Woodhull and the scattering of his men.[(103)] Released from other employment he had opportunity and with the gift of a keen observation was able to assist General Scott and later Abraham Woodhull in collecting intelligence. Lack of confidence might have deterred him from making more than verbal reports had they been required but at the moment they were satisfactory, and either Woodhull or Scott embodied his information in the reports to headquarters. Every general was prepared to furnish spies, but the arrangement now being made was of a more permanent nature, General Washington proposing that they should establish headquarters right in the heart of the British camp. General Chas. Scott took particular interest in arranging for this but was called to other service before it was fully organized. Major Benjamin Tallmadge, of the Second Regiment, Light Dragoons, was then selected to carry on the work. Tallmadge was a native of Long Island, born at Brookhaven in Suffolk County on February 25, 1754; and it was, therefore, natural for him to expect to find there those in whom he could place the greatest confidence. In this he was not disappointed. Men there were already anxious to be serviceable to their country’s cause in any capacity. Abraham Woodhull, Caleb Brewster, and Austin Roe, were among the leaders. So important was their work that without them little from New York City could have reached the General.

The exact date when the service of systematically transmitting intelligence commenced cannot be ascertained. In his “Memoir,” Colonel Tallmadge merely records:

“This year [1778] I opened a private correspondence with some persons in New York [for Gen. Washington] which lasted through the war. How beneficial it was to the Commander-in-Chief is evidenced by his continuing the same to the close of the war. I kept one or more boats constantly employed in crossing the Sound on this business.... My station was in the county of Westchester, and occasionally along the shores of the Sound.”

A letter from Major Tallmadge addressed to General Scott, dated Bedford, October 29, 1778, reads:

“I have this moment received a letter from a gentleman direct from Long Island, by the very gentleman whom I made mention to you the other day to serve as a conveyance for Samuel Culper’s letters. I doubt not it is authentic.”

Samuel Culper was the name assumed by those who furnished the secret intelligence. At first without distinction, but later Abraham Woodhull signed “Samuel Culper, Sr.,” and Robert Townsend, “Samuel Culper, Jr.” Sometimes in error they would write “Culper Samuel,” and Townsend sometimes forgot to add the “Jr.”

Abraham Woodhull’s letter of October 31, 1778, indicates the hazard of the work in New York City, and mentions finding a faithful friend who will assist him. His letter reads:

“Since my last have explored Long Island, City of New York and island unto the ten mile stone to Tryons Quarters where I received his threats for comeing their that made me almost tremble knowing my situation and business but blessed be God have been prosperd and particularly successful in ingaging a faithful friend and one of the first characters in the City to make it his business and keep his eyes upon every movement and assist me in all respects and meet and consult weekly in or near the city. I have the most sanguine hopes of great advantage will acrue by his assistance.... If bad weather doth not prevent you will hear from me weekly. I have to request that you will destroy every letter instantly after reading for fear of some unforseen accident that may befall you and the letters get into the enemies hands and probably find me out and take me before I have any warning. I desire you will be particularly cairfull. Hopeing this may arrive safe and be able to serve you better in my next is the earnest desire of your most obedient Hbl. Servt.

“Samuel Culper.”

9. MAJOR BENJAMIN TALLMADGE ALIAS JOHN BOLTON

1. Generals Philip Schuyler, 2. Marquis de LaFayette, 3. Nathaniel Greene, 4. George Clinton, 5. Robert Howe, 6. Israel Putnam, 7. John Lamb, 8. William Heath.

Before the end of the next month Culper’s letters were delayed, which caused Major Tallmadge to address the General with the letter which follows:

Bedford, Novr. 19th, 1778.

Your Excellency’s favr. of yesterday has this moment arrived—The queries therein contained shall be immediately transmitted for solution.

I have been hourly waiting, for more than two days, for a letter from Culper, and I am confident the failure must be attributed to those employed in crossing the Sound for such despatches, as his punctuality heretofore in fulfilling all appointments with his Post, leaves no room to doubt in the present case. I am further induced to impute it to this cause inasmuch as I was lately informed that the men who had been employed with Lt. Brewster on this business, had not yet returned to their former duty. I could wish that no difficulties of this nature might prevent his letters coming in season, as it may be of the utmost importance that his letters should be immediately forwarded to Headquarters. To the end that your instructions may be duly transmitted and to make some little inquiries into the causes of the aforementioned delay, I determine to ride immediately to Fairfield, where Brewster has made his Post for some time.

When Genl. Scott was about leaving this Post he proposed a plan for the regular conveyance of Cr’s letters to your Excellency, which he intended to lay before your Excellency on his arrival at Head Quarters. I hope before the General removes from Fredericksburgh his pleasure may be known, that Cr. may not be at a loss how to convey his letters with certainty and expedition. His extreme cautiousness and even timidity, in his present undertaking, would not admit of having his business made known to any Persons who are not at present his confidants—so that, as Genl. Scott observed before he left us, if it was communicated to any other persons he would most probably leave his present employment immediately—I mention this, not fearing that his letters or business will be made public at camp, but lest some persons in this quarter should be made acquainted with his present situation, which, as I before observed, would make him extremely unhappy, and as he assured when he embarked in the business, he should leave the Island immediately. I am with all due Respect, &c.

Benj. Tallmadge.

To this General Washington replied:

Headquarters, 20th. Nov. 1778.

Sir. I was favored with your letter of Yesterday. You will be pleased to observe the strictest silence with respect to C—— As you are to be the only person entrusted with the knowledge or conveyance of his letters.

The 23d of November found another long letter of Abraham Woodhull’s on its way to Headquarters, the first page of which may be read among the Notes.[(104)] Continuing he says:

“I am firmly of opinion that a sudden attack of ten-thousand men would take the City and put an end to the war, and save the stores and Long Island from devastation. All the best of their troops are on Long Island. There is about 300, most of them Hessians, at Brooklyn Ferry. 350 New Town, British; 1500 British Jamaica; 800 Yeagers, Flushing; 200 Jerico, most of them Dragoons; 400 foot, 70 Dragoons Oyster Bay; 150 Lloyd’s Neck, N. Leveys; 400 Hempstead, Dragoons; Stripping Barns and out houses for boards to build huts for Winter. 40 wagons 100 troops this day at Smith Town collecting cattle, sheep, Boards, &c. They make no distinction between Whig and Tory, abuse all to a great degree, and no redress can be obtained. Count d’Estaing’s dispatches for France are taken and brought to town but are Cypher prepared so they cannot be found out. I will note to you that much provision is brought to town from the Jerseys privately; flour, beef, &c. I saw a gentleman of my acquaintance, lately from England, where he hath been three years; he saith Independence will certainly be granted this session of Parliament. My business is expensive; so dangerous traveling that I am obliged to give my assistants high wages, but am as sparing as possible. I have drawn on you for fifty Pounds in Specie, York Money, which please accept. I should be glad to have given you a better account but it cannot be obtained their movements are so strange that causes every one to admire. Hoping this may be of some service I remain Your most Obedt. Hbl. Servt,

“Samuel Culper.”

In a letter enclosing the preceding to Headquarters Major Tallmadge adds:

“It may not be amiss to observe, in addition to Culper’s letter, that the gentleman mentioned by him to have lately arrived from England, is one Doctr. Nicoll, a gentleman of my acquaintance, on the varacity of whose report I have been persuaded I might safely depend—Your Excellency will perceive by the enclosed that C—— has drawn for 26 or 27 Guineas. In addition to this he has forwarded an order for the payment of sd. money to his friend. If your Excellency should see fit to transmit any money, it may be safely entrusted to the Bearer, on whose integrity I could depend in matters of much greater importance.”

As will later be observed, General Washington was now in receipt of a secret formula for their correspondence, which he wished to put to use. Therefore he answered Major Tallmadge saying: “I should be glad to have an interview with Culper myself, in which I would put the mode of corresponding upon such a footing that even if his letters were to fall into the enemy’s hands, he would have nothing to fear, on that account.” However in his letter following the above he says: “When I desired an interview with him I did not know his peculiar situation. I now see the danger that so long an absence would incur and I must leave it entirely to you to manage the correspondence in such a manner as will most probably insure safety to him and answer the desired end.”

* * * * *

Major Tallmadge answered this on December 23d, saying: “Since your Excellency judges it improper to have an interview with C——, any private instructions which you may wish to transmit him, not so proper for me to transcribe, may be very safely conveyed to him, as from the regularity of his dispatches and the characters of the persons who I know are entrusted with their conveyance from N. Y. to Brook Haven, I dare venture to say there is not the least probability, and I had almost said hardly a possibility of a discovery.”

* * * * *

From Philadelphia on January 2d, 1779, came instructions for Major Tallmadge to forward his letters through General Putnam. “There are regular Expresses established between Danbury and the Head Quarters of the Army,” it reads. “And you therefore need not in future send a special messenger the whole way. Send your letters to General Putnam at or near Danbury, letting him know that they are to be forwarded with dispatch. I shall get them sooner than by a single express.”

* * * * *

Culper’s next letter, dated Feb. 26, is one of great length,[(105)] detailing the strength and position of all the troops of the enemy. In the closing paragraph he says: “Coll. Floyd returned on his Parole the 16. I earnestly wrote you for his discharge. I repeat it again, I anxiously desire you would not forget. I am very likely to stand in need of his services. I desire you will send me one hundred pounds, by the next appointment without fail, as I have spent already forty pounds more than I have received from you. Board is £3 per week in New York besides other necessary expenses postage and etcetra.”

“Samuel Culper.”

* * * * *

An enclosure from Brewster accompanied the above letter. His in full is as follows:

Fairfield, Feb. 26th, 1779.

Dear Sir. I have returned from the Island this day. Genl. Erskine remains yet at Southampton. He has been reinforced to the number of 2500. They have three redoubts at South and East Hampton and are heaving up works at Canoe Place at a narrow pass before you get into South Hampton. They are building a number of flat bottom boats. There went a number of carpenters down last week to South Hampton. It is thought by the inhabitants that they will cross over to New London after the Continental Frigates. Col. Hewlet remains yet on Lloyd’s Neck with 350, wood cutters included. Col. Simcoe remains at Oyster bay with 300 Foot and Light Horse. There is no troops from Oyster Bay till you come to Jamaica. There is one Regt. of Highlanders and some at Flushing and Newtown, the numbers I cannot tell, but not a regiment at both places. The most of the shipping of force has left New York. There is one 50, one old East India man, one 20 that is repairing at the ship yard, the Scorpion at N. City Island, one old India man at Huntington, 40 guns, the Halifax Brig at Oyster Bay, one sloop of ten guns they are repairing all their flat bottom boats in New York and building a number at the ship yard. This intelligence is as late out of New York as the 20th of the month. The inhabitants is fitting a number of Privateers out in the City. There was one French ship brought in with 500 hogsheads of Sugar last week. I am with respect, Yours, &c.

Caleb Brewster.

From General Washington at Middlebrook dated March 21st, 1779, came a long letter of instructions, most of which will be found in another chapter. To Tallmadge he says: “With this letter you will receive fifty guineas for S. C. which you will cause to be delivered as soon as possible, with an earnest exhortation to use them with all possible econemy, as I find it very difficult to obtain hard money.... As all great movements and the fountain of all intelligence must originate at, and proceed from the Head Quarters of the enemy’s army, C. had better reside at New York—mix with and put on the airs of a tory, to cover his real character and avoid suspicion.... The temper and expectation of the tories and refugees, is worthy of consideration; as much may be gathered from their expectations and prospects. For this end an intimacy with some well informed refugee may be political and advantageous—Highly so will it be to contract an acquaintance with a person in the Naval Department, who may either be engaged in the business of procuring transports for the embarkation of the troops, or in victualling them.”

* * * * *

An unusual line heads Samuel Culper’s next letter. It reads:

“Sir. No. 10 10 April 10 1779.

It is the forerunner of their use of a code. Without alteration his letter follows just as it was originally written.

“Whenever I sit down I always feel and know my Inability to write a good Letter. As my calling in life never required it—Nor led to consider how necessary a qualification it was for a man—and much less did I think it would ever fall to my lot to serve in such publick and important business as this, and my letters perused by one of the worthiest men on earth. But I trust he will overlook any imperfections he may discover in the dress of my words, and rest assured that I indevour to collect and convey the most accurate and explicit intelligence that I possibly can; and hope it may be of some service toward alleviating the misery of our distressed Country, nothing but that could have induced me to undertake it, for you must readily think it is a life of anxiety to be within (on such business) the lines of a cruel and mistrustful Enemy and that I most ardently wish and impatiently wait for their departure. I sincerely congratulate you on the miscarriage of the Enemies intended expedition up the Sound. I can discover no movement on foot at present. Their excursions are always very sudden and seldom begin to move before dark, and it will be ten to one if ever it will be in my power to give you early intelligence of their sudden excursions, as I can only write at times. All I can say you must be every where upon your guard, and be more assiduous than ever in order to defeat the designs of our Enemies. Within and without their lines I am confident that they are using every art to distract your army and to divide the Country. It is a matter of surprise to me to see such numbers of deserters come in since the General’s pardon, published in the News Paper. But it is some releaf to find that they are mostly those that deserted from them heretofore. On the 25 Last Month 7 Sail Transports with about one hundred and seventy Scotch Troops of the Duke of Athol’s Regiment arrived from Halifax under convoy of the Rainbow of 44 Guns, Sir George Collier, who is come to succeed Admiral Gambier. On the 26th, 23 Sail arrived from England (which place they left the 2th Jany.) under convoy of the Romulus of 44 guns. They were chiefly loaded with stores and provisions for the Army. Very few goods came in the fleet. They say they have a large supply of money come in the Romulus. I have conversed with several gentlemen of different sentiments that came in the fleet and those that have a desire in favor of the Crown cannot give me a sufficient reason to think that any troops will come out this Spring, or that Great Britain will certainly continue to act against America. And those on the contrary say they will withdraw their force and give us Peace. On the 4th April arrived 7 Sail of Transports from Cork with provisions. The enemy now have a very large supply of Provisions and Stores indeed I think enough for three months without any addition. On the 6th Admiral Gambir sailed for England in the Ardent of 64 guns together with a number of transports, how many I am not able to ascertain nor think it very material—and this day sails another small fleet under convoy of the Rose, of 20 guns. All transports laying in the East or North River are completely victualed and waterd for sixty five days for their compliment of troops that they were accustomed to transport. The number of Ships, Brigs and Snows in the Harbour differeth not much from two hundred, out of which thers two sloops of war, four Frigets and two forty four guns ships and an old Indiaman with their usual number of guns for their defense, and an old 74 Store Ship, with only her upper teer of guns in. It is currently reported that Admiral Gambier met an express soon after he sailed from the Hook, from the West Indies and turned him back and now lays at the Hook. We expect every day to hear important news from England. The Enemy seem to be in high spirits, and say now Great Britain is Roused and will support them and carry on the war at all events and appear to be more sanguine than ever. But I dont wonder at it for they are kept as ignorant as possible and believe every report that is in their favour. The Torys say they have not the least doubt but that they shall succeed and enjoy their possessions yet.

“N. B.—
No. 10 represents N. York
20 Setauket
30 and 40 2 Post Riders.”

Another letter also marked No. 10 and dated April 12, addressed to John Bolton is signed only with the initials S. C. It begins: “Your No. 6 came to hand, together with a Vial for a purpose that gives me great satisfaction, and twenty guineas. It is a great satisfaction to me to hear that his —— is well pleased with my letters.” The rest of the two sheets is a repetition of his letter of the 10th and may be a rough draft of it. It at least puzzled Major Tallmadge and he promptly started across the Sound for Setauket. There he found Abraham Woodhull suffering from the greatest fright of his life. It was only one of a series soon to follow, and was perhaps the least serious of them all. It would be hard to imagine that when Alexander Hamilton read this from Tallmadge to General Washington his usual calm countenance was not convulsed in smiles. The full letter will be found among the notes.[(106)] Here is the extract:

“I must now relate an anecdote respecting the Vial which I forwarded Culper. Much pleased with the curious ink or stain, and after making some experiments with the same, he was set down to answer my letter which accompanied it. He had finished the enclosed when very suddenly two persons broke into the room (his private apartment). The consideration of having several officers quartered in the next Chamber, added to his constant fear of detection and its certain consequences made him rationally conclude that he was suspected and that those steps were taken by said officers for discovery. Startled by so sudden and violent an obtrusion he sprang from his seat, snatched up his papers, overset his table and broke his Vial. This step so totally discomposed him that he knew not who they were or even to which sex they belonged—for in fact they were two ladies who, living in the house with him, entered his chamber in this way on purpose to surprise him. Such an excessive fright and so great a turbulence of passions so wrought on poor Culper that he has hardly been in tolerable health since. The above relation I had from his own mouth. He is much pleased with the Ink and wishes if any more can be spared to have a little sent him. By this he thinks he could frequently communicate intelligence by persons permitted to pass the lines. Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting the movement of the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to New London; and which I have reason to believe in a great measure defeated their intentions, have been communicated by Culper.”

In the same letter Major Tallmadge incidentally states: “Culper was the other day robbed of all his money near Huntington, and was glad to escape with his life.”

Culper’s next letter was dated from New York, April 29th. It was a “Stain” letter and only a poor copy of it has survived. Letters of importance were already on their way to Headquarters when from Smith’s tavern in the Clove, on June 13th, 1779, General Washington addressed Major Tallmadge as follows:

“Your letter of yesterday with the enclosures from Culper came duly to hand. Should suspicions of him rise so high as to render it unsafe to continue in New York I should wish him by all means to employ some person of whose attachment and abilities he entertains the best opinion, to act in his place, with a request to be critical in his observations rather than a mere retailer of vulgar reports—To combine the best information he can get with attentive observation will prove the most likely means to obtain useful knowledge—a mode of conveying it quickly is of the utmost importance and claims much attention. When I can procure more of the liquid Culper writes for, it shall be sent, at present I can not say when this may happen—I thank you for the information respecting Long Island—The letter to Mr. Deane shall be sent.”

Two letters, both dated June 5th, and numbered 13, were the next received from Abraham Woodhull. In them he relates his narrowest escape from capture.[(107)][(108)] Colonel Simcoe and his Rangers hastened to Setauket in April, 1779, upon information furnished by John Wolsey against him. Fortunately, he was with Robert Townsend in New York at the time; but they fell upon his father and plundered him in a most shocking manner.[12] Hardly was it thought possible that Woodhull would be able to pay the price of satisfaction, but through a friend he accomplished it.

Woodhull’s next letter is worthy of study. Two features of it are here emphasized. In full it will be found among the notes.

“No. 14. 20 June 20, 1779.

“Your No. 8, on the 16th, found me at 20, anxiously concerned for our interest, and unwilling it should be neglected, and some reason to fear that by delay the door might be shut and out of my power to performe what I proposed in my No. 13, which I have concluded would be your desire. I thought proper to detain 40 until I went to 10 to endeavour to gain the best intelligence I could, and settle the plan proposed. I returned on the 19, and my success hath exceeded my most sanguine expectations.[(109)] I have communicated my business to an intimate friend, and disclosed every secret, and laid before him every instruction that hath been handed to me. It was with great difficulty I gained his complyance, checked by fear. He is a person that hath the interest of our Country at heart and of good reputation, character and family as any of my acquaintance. I am under the most solomn obligations never to disclose his name to any but the Post, who unavoidably must know it. I have reason to think his advantages for serving you and abilities are far superior to mine. I must call on you for ten guineas which will about defray my charges with what I have received. If what I have done is disapproved of it can be dropped, but if mine was worth attention this will not certainly be of less value. You will receive a letter from him in a short time beginning at No. 1. He will expect an ample support at the same time he will be frugal; as long as I am here shall be an assistant and do all that I can. In the Interim I remain

“Your most Obt. Huml. Servt.,
“Samuel Culper.”

General Washington received through Major Tallmadge on June 26th, the news of Simcoe’s raid, and the next day answered in a long letter with which he sent ten guineas for Culper and mentioned one George Higday, who had attempted to get him information from New York.[(110)]

Entire direction of the Secret Service within the City of New York having now been placed in the care of Robert Townsend, his first letter[(111)] must have been looked forward to with anxiety by Abraham Woodhull, who announced its receipt in his No. 15, which is incorrectly dated June 31, 1779:

“Enclosed you have Mr. Saml. Culper Junr’s letter, which is but short but hope it may be of some service. He hath wrote in the stile of Loyalty, I think through fear like me at first unaccustomed to the business and filled with fear but the longer one continues in the business if unsuspected of more real service can he be. I have appointed to see him on the 8th inst. and shall repeat again to him those instructions that I have received from time to time from you, and use my utmost endeavor to acquaint him with the steps I used to take and circumstances necessary to judge from, that a person unaccustomed would not readily conceive of. My greatest desire is that he may be useful and answer your most sanguine expectations. He wishes that the ink or stain might be forwarded. He hath hinted to you the prospect of their making excursions in to Connecticut very soon. Very probably the war will be carried on in that manner, as free liberty is granted to the Refugees to plunder as much as they can. You must keep a very good look out or your shores will be destroyed. It is a pity that company could not be destroyed at Lloyd’s Neck. Their refugee boats are continually coasting along and much endanger 40. They entirely disown the defeat of their troops in Carolina, and I confess I am not fully satisfied about it. Have not yet seen nor heard of its being published by authority. Just received the enclosed and the boat awaiting have not had time to write as I would. Please excuse hast and any imperfections you may discover, and am your humble servant,

“Samuel Culper.”

These letters, with those significant words, “You must keep a very good look out,” were on their way, but had not had time to reach Major Tallmadge when he was surprised by a night attack. Lord Rawdon, with nearly all of the British light horse, accompanied by a body of light infantry, had come upon them under cover of the darkness and compelled them to fight, principally with the broadsword, until Colonel Sheldon found it necessary to order their retreat. Tallmadge lost in the affray a fine horse, most of his field baggage, and the money and letters that General Washington had sent him for the Culpers. Upon receipt of this information at Headquarters, General Washington replied to Major Tallmadge on July 5th, as follows:

“Sir: I have just received your letter of the 3d. The loss of your papers was certainly a most unlucky accident and shows how dangerous it is to keep papers of any consequence at an advanced post. I beg you will take care to guard against the like in future. If you will send me a trusty person I will replace the guineas.

“I observe yourself and other officers have lost some cloathing. Though I have not given an order of the kind before, yet in this particular exigence I am ready to give one on the Clothier to those officers who have been the sufferers for such articles as are absolutely necessary. You will be pleased to communicate this to Col. Sheldon and request him to send the Pay Master with a proper return to Head Quarters.

“The person who is most indangered by the acquisition of your letter is one Higday, who lives not far from the Bowery, on the Island of New York. I wish you could endeavour to give him the speediest notice of what has happened. My anxiety on his account is great. If he is really the man he has been represented to be, he will in all probability fall a sacrifice. I am, etc.”

Nine days later, Samuel Culper’s seventeenth letter, dated July 9th, was forwarded to Major Tallmadge. He begins by saying it is a long time since he has heard from him and cannot tell if he wants him to continue the correspondence, and continues, saying: “I yesterday had an opportunity of seeing Mr. Culper, Junr. and repeated again all my instructions ever received from you. I have kept no secret from him and have consulted every thing and he’s determined to pursue every step that he may judge for advantage and is determined as soon as I can communicate to him your authority for my engaging him he will disengage himself from every other business which at present affords him a handsome living—He’s allowed to be a person of good sense and judgment and his firmness and friendship towards our Country I do assure you need not doubt. I have known him several years and confident he is a sincere friend, and will be frugal of all moneys he may receive, and hath undertaken it solely for to be some advantage to our distressed Country, and have determined to forward you for the future weekly intelligence if possible, as I have concluded to remain here as long as I possibly can (although I look upon myself all the time in danger) for the sole purpose of advantage to our correspondence.

“Below is what intelligence I could gain from C. Junr. It is but trifling but he assured theres nothing more worthy of notice. On the 4th, 10 sail arrived from Halifax under Convoy of the Romulus of 44 guns with about one hundred of the new raised Scotch, believe the Duke of Athol’s. Same day 10 Sail sailed for Cork. On the 6th, 10 sail of Merchantmen from the West Indies, but brought nothing new, only that Admiral Byron was cruising for a reinforcement that was expected to join Count d’Estaing. On the 4th, a Packet from Georgia with an account of Genl. Provost being with his army 16 miles south of C. Town, on St. John’s Island. Hardly any thing is said about the enemy in that quarter. He tells me the spirits of the enemy in general are much lower than heretofore and that he heard a very noted refugee say there would certainly be a peace or a Spanish war in four weeks. The times grows worse within the Enemy’s lines and Protection for those called rebels is almost banished, in fact Refugees are let loose to plunder within and without their lines. Parties of them are hiding in the woods and laying wait for the unwary and ignorant to deceive them, putting on the character of people from your shore, and have succeeded in their design too well. Carried off 10 or 12 men and stripped their houses lately from about 20. The roads from here to 10 is infested by them, and likewise the shores. It makes our correspondence very dangerous and requires great care and a strict observance of the before mentioned characters and circumstances. Sincerely,

“Samuel Culper.

“N.B.: Culper Junr. should now be furnished with some money. I gave him 4 half Joes on the 8th. instant.”

Meanwhile, General Washington had prepared instructions for the Culpers, a copy of which is still preserved among the papers of Colonel Tallmadge, as follows:

“INSTRUCTIONS

“C—— Junr, to remain in the City, to collect all the useful information he can—to do this he should mix as much as possible among the officers and Refugees, visit the Coffee Houses, and all public places. He is to pay particular attention to the movements by land and water in and about the city especially.

“How their transports are secured against attempt to destroy them—whether by armed vessels upon the flanks, or by chains, Booms, or any contrivances to keep off fire Rafts.

“The number of men destined for the defence of the City and Environs, endeavoring to designate the particular corps, and where each is posted.

“To be particular in describing the place where the works cross the Island in the Rear of the City—how many Redoubts are upon the line from River to River, how many Cannon in each, and of what weight and whether the Redoubts are closed or open next the city.

“Whether there are any Works upon the Island of New York between those near the City and the works at Fort Knyphausen or Washington, and if any, whereabouts and of what kind.

“To be very particular to find out whether any works are thrown up on Harlem River, near Harlem Town, and whether Horn’s Hook is fortifyed. If so, how many men are kept at each place, and what number and what sized Cannon are in those works.

“To enquire whether they have dug Pits within and in front of the lines and Works in general, three or four feet deep, in which sharp pointed stakes are fixed. These are intended to receive and wound men who attempt a surprise at night.

“The state of the provisions, Forage and Fuel to be attended to, as also the Health and Spirits of the Army, Navy and City.

“These are the principal matters to be observed within the Island and about the City of New York. Many more may occur to a person of C. Junr’s penetration which he will note and communicate.

“C—— Senior’s station to be upon Long Island to receive and transmit the intelligence of C—— Junior.

“As it is imagined that the only post of consequence which the enemy will attempt to hold upon Long Island in case of attack will be at Brooklyn, I would recommend that some inhabitant in the neighborhood of that place, and seemingly in the interest of the enemy, should be procured, who might probably gain daily admission into the Garrison by carrying on marketing, and from him intelligence might be gained every day or two of what was passing within, as the strength of the Garrison, the number and size of the Cannon, &c.

“Proper persons to be procured at convenient distances along the Sound from Brooklyn to Newton whose business it shall be to observe and report what is passing upon the water, as whether any Vessels or Boats with troops are moving, their number and which way they seem bound.

“There can be scarcely any need of recommending the greatest Caution and secrecy in a Business so critical and dangerous. The following seem to be the best general rules:

“To intrust none but the persons fixed upon to transmit the Business.

“To deliver the dispatches to none upon our side but those who shall be pitched upon for the purpose of receiving them and to transmit them and any intelligence that may be obtained to no one but the Commander-in-Chief.”

Robert Townsend acknowledges receipt of the above instructions in his second letter, dated July 15th,[(112)] and in transmitting it Samuel Culper added the following:

“Mr. C. Junr. informed me at our interview that Christopher Duychenik, Sail Maker of 10, formerly Chairman of the Committee of Mechanics, is amongst you and is positively an agent for David Mathews, Mayor of 10, under the direction of Tryon he assisted Mathews, John Rome and others in affecting their escape. Mr. C. Jr. wishes for some of that Ink or Stain that he may paint out his character to you. Don’t fail to forward it immediately, and when you receive the History of his conduct be very caucious how you handle it for if it should get to the above mentioned persons ears C. Jr. tells me they would immediately suspect him. In the mean time I would advise and is approved on by Culper, Junr. Obtain the Mayor’s signature and let a letter be wrote suitable for deception, and let it be handed him by some person of good address, praying his assistance to escape from the tyranny of Congress, which is the term used by the Mayor—or something like this plan I do not doubt will have the desired effect. John Rome is Secretary to M. Genl. Jones. It is not in my power to favour you with the Mayor’s signature at present. I am your &c.

“Samuel Culper.”

General Washington forwarded the ink as requested, together with the following letter, dated West Point, July 25, 1779.

“Sir: All the white Ink I now have (indeed all that there is any prospect of getting soon)[13] is sent in phial No. 1 by Col. Webb. The liquid in No. 2 is the counterpart which renders the other visible by wetting the paper with a fine brush after the first has been used and is dry. You will send these to C——r, Junr., as soon as possible, and I beg that no mention may ever be made of your having received such liquids from me or any one else. In all cases and at all times this procedure and circumspection is necessary, but it is indispensably so now as I am informed that Govr. Tryon has a preparation of the same acid or something similar to it, which may lead to a detection if it is ever known that a matter of this sort has passed from me.”

John Jay’s letter to General Washington introducing through his brother James Jay, the invisible ink that was used so successfully by the Culpers. The secret of its manufacture still remains a mystery.

See [page 51].

It is not surprising that General Washington so frequently expressed satisfaction with the intelligence that Robert Townsend was now furnishing. His third letter as well as those that follow is a good example. No. 3 is dated 10 July 29, 1779:

“Sir, Since my last the number of the Enemy within these lines have not been augmented by any arrivals. The Romelus, Daphne and Delaware did not sail as I advised you, owing, I believe, to the unexpected account of your taking the Garrison at Stony Point. The account was truly alarming to the Torys—However, like true Philosophers, they soon reconciled themselves to it by saying that it would tend to their advantage in the end, as it would tend to rouse the British Troops, which in their opinion is all thats wanted to put a final end to the war. General Clinton, I am told, was much alarmed. He left New York the next evening attended with all the Horse (himself mounted on the lowest and meanest amongst them) which was then in Town, and it is said, declared that he wou’d make W. pay for it.—

“The Greyhound Frigate, with Lord Cornwallis, General Patterson, late Adjt. of the Army, & Col. Stewart, son of Lord Bute, arrived the 21st Inst. Nothing can be collected more than from news papers, as no private letters came by her. It is generally believed by the Torys that the Fleet said to have on board 5000 Troops for N. Y. and 2000 for Carolina, sailed before the Greyhound. The most intelligent of the Torys expect a Spanish War, and affect to wish it, as they suppose that England has at this time a Fleet much superior to the united Fleets of France and Spain.

“The LeBlond Frigate arrived on Monday last from Penobscot with Dispatches, in consequence of which (it is said) Sir Geo. Collier with the Raisonable sails tomorrow. I cannot learn whether any other Ships goes with him. The movement of the Troops in consequence of the taking of Stony point, has prevented my obtaining an account of their situation. The 54th Regiment marched in town from the Bridge on Monday last. A number of Transports are ordered to be ready to take on Troops, said to be the 54th Regt., Queens Rangers and Lord Rawdon’s Corps, and to be commanded by Lord Cornwallis—it is said by some of the officers that they are intended for Carolina. This is also the general opinion. I believe they are bound to the Southward, as I heard a Pilot belonging to Cape Fear, North Carolina, say that he expected to go with them. General Vaughan is positively going home, and some say General Clinton. It is positively said that preperations are making to Fortify Governor’s Island, the Narrows at Staten Island, the Gorge at Fort Knyphausen, repair the Fortifications at Paulus Hook & the Battery at New York; all of which places are to be put in the best state of defense.

“The times now are extreamly difficult—guard boats are kept out every night in the North and East Rivers to prevent any boats from passing, & I am informed that some persons have been searched on Long Island; therefore whenever you think that my intelligence is of no service, beg you will notify me, ’till which time I will continue as usual. Privateering flags very much. I have recd. your Dictionary,[14] and will be glad to have the Stain as soon as possible, when shall endeavour to find some shorter route to forward my letters. I am, Sir, Your Hbl. Servant,

“Samuel Culper, Junr.”

August 6th is the date of Townsend’s 4th letter. It was written altogether in the stain and required the services of two of the General’s secretaries to copy it. The first half of the first page is in the handwriting of Alexander Hamilton but the rest of the three pages was written by McHenry.[(113)]

Meanwhile, Samuel Culper continued to advise Robert Townsend that he should give up his business in New York.[15] In a letter to Tallmadge, dated August 12th, he writes:[(114)]

“I do assure you he is a sincere friend and capable of rendering service to our country. And as such a one I have again most earnestly endeavoured, and begged him to disengage himself from all concerns that may interfere with the Public business he hath undertaken.”

Jonas Hawkins called for Townsend’s fifth letter, but fearing capture destroyed it before reaching Woodhull. He advised Tallmadge of this in a letter, mostly in cipher, dated August 15th.[(115)] The sixth shared the same fate. Woodhull called for the next, which follows:

No. 7.

Long Island, Sept. 11th, 1779.

“Sir, Your No. 11 & 12 have come to hand, the contents I duly note. I am very sorry that No. 5 was destroyed, tho’ I can’t say that it contained any intelligence that wou’d have been of material consequence—The bearer thought himself in danger. I believe it was merely imaginary. From timidity and the situation of affairs at that time, he did not choose to come to N.Yk; I therefore met him at a place quite out of danger on Long-Island. I then made an appointment for No. 6, at wch. time he came, I wrote it, and took it over the Ferry that he might run no hazard from the Inspector of Letters there. However he was so much intimidated that it shared the same fate as No. 5.

“I have now the pleasure of seeing our mutual friend Saml. Culper, Sen. who will run every hazard to forward this.

“I had informed you in No. 6, of the arrival of the British Fleet consisting of about 70 sail, under convoy of Adml. Arbuthnot in the Europa of 64 Guns & Russel of 74 Guns—The number of the Troops from the best information I can collect does not exceed 3000. They are all new troops, and in bad health, and are now encamped in and about Bedford; three miles from Brooklyn Ferry. The 44th. and 3 Hessian Regts. embarked a few days ago, and are to sail this day—Their destination said to be for Quebec—This is generally believed—Sir James Wallace in the Experiment sails sometime for Georgia, with one Store Ship and two or three other vessels, but no Troops. No prospect of any other movement further than some vessels are fitting for Horses. The general opinion is that there will be no Campaign opened from N.York. The most knowing and judicious of the Torys think that some troops must be sent to the West Indies. They have now given up all hope of the second division so much talked of, as they think they will be wanted at home. Their spirits in general was much dejected with the accounts of a Spanish war, and Lord North’s declaration that he had formed no alliances nor had any prospect of forming any. Their spirits are now in some measure elevated with the accounts of the destruction of the American Fleet at Penobscot.—I hope it will be but a temporary elevation. It certainly is a bad stroke, and I think it cou’d not be owing to want of inteligence of Sir Geo. Collier’s sailing. A vessel arrived a few days ago from St. Kitts, but nothing transpires further than that the French had embarked 6000 Troops, with an intent, as is supposed, to take Antegua. The most judicious of the Tory’s think that the Spaniards have by this invaded Jamaica, and make no doubt but that they will succeed. A fleet of 12 sail of victualers arrived yesterday from Cork—Another fleet was to sail in about four weeks after them, but they are not expected soon as its thought that the Spanish War will occasion a general embargo for some time, for the purpose of manning their fleet. The Guards, 54th, and two Hessian Regts. do duty in and about N.York. The guards are in the City, 54th encamped at Greenwich, one Hessian Regt. Near Jones’s on DeLancey’s land, and the other near the water works. The number on Staten Island I do not know—On Long Island the new troops as mentioned, a Regt. of Horse about Flushing, a guard of about 30 men of the 3d. Battalian of DeLancey’s Brigade, with a party of the Militia Horse are at Jamaica, as a guard for the General. He might have been taken off with much ease sometime ago, but it would now be very difficult, and the Queens Rangers are at Oyster Bay. Their number is about 450, near 100 of which are mounted. The 3d. Batallian of DeLancey’s brigade are at Lloyd’s Neck. From the vicinity of the Queens Rangers, who can be there by means of an alarm gun in two hours, I think it would by no means be advisable to attack them. They were alarmed on Thursday night last, and was there in one and a half hours after the alarm.

“My being unwell for a week past, and my engagement in business has prevented my obtaining a more particular account of the situation of the enemy. I intended to have disingaged myself from business agreeable to the solicitations of my friend Samuel Culper, Sen; but find it will be attended with more difficulty than I expected, owing to my having a partner, as I can make no excuse to do it. Untill I can, will continue to write as usual, and shall be less expensive.

“The Europa, Russel, Renown and four or five Frigates are now in port. It is thought by many that all the large ships on this station will be ordered to the West Indies to re-inforce Byron.

“The works at the Battery goes on very slow. The Hessians are repairing the Fort on Bunker hill, with some alterations. A very large Fort is building at Brooklyn on the west side of the road, and abt 80 rods due north from Cobble Hill. A large number of the Militia of Kings and Queens County are at work on it. The Militia of Suffolk have not as yet complyed. The orders, a copy of which you will have forwarded. I fear if they do not comply that devastation will attend that Loyal County. No late accounts from Georgia, the last were that their lines was more contracted. It is the general opinion that nothing more can be done there till they have re-inforcement which it is thought will be sent about the beginning of October. You may rest assured that I will use every endeavour to comply with your requests. I have made some overtures to a person to convey letters by a shorter route, and flatter myself that I shall succeed.

“I am, Sir, Your most obedt. Servt,

“Culper Jun.”

The General thought it was not necessary for Townsend to give up his business, and so replied from Headquarters at West Point, September 24, 1779:

“Sir, It is not my opinion that Culper Junior should be advised to give up his present employment. I would imagine that with a little industry he will be able to carry on his intelligence with greater security to himself and greater advantages to us, under cover of his usual business, than if he were to dedicate himself wholly to the giving of information. It may afford him opportunities of collecting intelligence that he could not obtain so well in any other manner. It prevents also those suspicions which would become natural should he throw himself out of the line of his present employment. He may rest assured of every proper attention being paid to his services. One thing appears to me deserving of his particular consideration, as it will not only render his communications less exposed to detection, but relieve the fears of such persons as may be entrusted with its conveyance to the second link in the chain, and of course very much facilitate the object we have in view; I mean, that he should occasionally write his information on the blank leaves of a pamphlet, on the first, second, and other pages of a common pocket book, or on the blank leaves at each end of registers, almanacks, or any new publication or book of small value. He should be determined in the choice of these books principally by the goodness of the blank paper, as the ink is not easily legible unless it is on paper of a good quality. Having settled a plan of this kind with his friend, he may forward them without risk of search or the scrutiny of the enemy, as this is chiefly directed against paper made up in the form of letters.

“I would add a further hint on this subject. Even letters may be made more subservient to this communication, than they have yet been. He may write a familiar letter on domestic affairs, or on some little matters of business, to his friend at Setauket or elsewhere, interlining with the stain his secret intelligence, or writing it on the opposite blank side of the letter. But that his friend may know how to distinguish these from letters addressed solely to himself, he may always leave such as contain secret information without date or place (dating it with the stain), or fold them up in a particular manner, which may be concerted between the parties. This last appears to be the best mark of the two, and may be the signal of their being designated for me. The first mentioned mode, however, or that of the books, appears to me the one least liable to detection. I am, &c.

“Go. Washington.”

FOOTNOTES to “GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES”:

[12] This, as related by John Jay and Robert Townsend to James Fenimore Cooper, has been woven into fiction as the basis of the tenth chapter of The Spy.

[13] James Jay, brother of John Jay, claims the credit of this invention. In a letter to Thomas Jefferson he says: “The curious experiments in Sympathetic Inks, fluids with which if one writes on the whitest paper the letters immediately become invisible, are generally known; and so is likewise the facility with which the writing with any one of them may be rendered visible. For this reason I presume the subject has been considered as a matter of mere curiosity and entertainment, and has never been applied to any use in Politics or War. When the affairs of America, previous to the commencement of hostilities, began to wear a serious aspect, and threatened to issue in civil war, it occurred to me that a fluid might possibly be discovered for invisible writing, which would elude the generally known means of detection, and yet could be rendered visible by a suitable counterpart. Sensible of the great advantages, both in a political and military line, which we might derive from such a mode of procuring and transmitting intelligence, I set about the work. After innumerable experiments, I succeeded to my wish. From England I sent to my brother John in New York, considerable quantities of these preparations. He furnished Silas Deane with them when that gentleman first went to France. When Mr. Deane was in Paris, he writ to me in London, requesting further supplies of them, which I accordingly sent him. In the course of the war, General Washington was also furnished with them, and I have letters from him acknowledging their great utility, and requesting further supplies. Gordon in his history of the Revolution relates the fact, but without mentioning the author of the contrivance.

“By means of this mode of conveying intelligence, I transmitted to America the first authentic account which Congress received, of the determination of the British Ministry to reduce the Colonies to unconditional submission; the ministry at the time concealing this design, and holding out conciliatory measures. My method of communication was this: To prevent the suspicion which might arise were I to write to my brother John only, who was a member of Congress, I writ with black ink a short letter to him, and likewise to 1 or 2 other persons of the family, none exceeding 3 or 4 lines in black ink. The residue of the blank paper I filled up, invisibly, with such intelligence and matters as I thought would be useful to the American Cause. All these letters were left open, and sent in that condition to the Director or Secretary of the General Post Office, with a letter insinuating that I thought it could not be the intentions of Government, in their restraining laws, to put a stop to family intercourse; and therefore requesting the party to read over the letters, and if nothing improper appeared in them, that he would permit them to pass in the mail to New York. They passed accordingly, and on their arrival in New York were sent into the American Lines. In this invisible writing I sent to Franklin and Deane, by the mail from London to Paris, a plan of the intended Expedition under Burgoyne from Canada.”

[14] See it on [page 218].

[15] Oakman & Townsend was the firm name, Henry Oakman being the partner at this time, supplying ships and the public with dry-goods and groceries.

SECRET SERVICE SECRETS

The hazard of transmitting letters in the ordinary way between Headquarters and the Culpers continued to increase. It taxed the ingenuity of General Washington, as his preceding letter indicates; and Major Tallmadge carefully studied the subject. The first crude use of a few ciphers (ten for New York and twenty for Setauket) was no longer deemed sufficient. Early in July, 1779, Major Tallmadge prepared a “pocket dictionary” in which a new code was arranged. Copies were furnished the Culpers as well as Headquarters. Reference to it is in a letter from Washington dated July 27, 1779,[16] and a copy of the code is now among the letters of General Washington in the Library of Congress.

In letters Major Tallmadge’s name was never used on Long Island. He was always addressed as John Bolton. He had also a number, which was 721. Abraham Woodhull was always addressed as Samuel Culper or Culper Senior, and was known by the number 722. Robert Townsend was Culper Junior, and his number was 723. Austin Roe[17] 724, Caleb Brewster 725, George Washington 711, New York 727, Long Island 728, Setauket 729, etc.

The stain letters were doubtless the most clever, but only fragments of them have survived. However, copies of those that reached Headquarters were made by Alexander Hamilton and other trusted members of the General’s official family, and these are still preserved among the Washington Papers. Sometimes they reached the General in a manner that alarmed him, as the following extract shows:

“C——r, Jr. should avoid making use of the Stain upon a Blank sheet of paper (which is the usual way of its coming to me). This circumstance alone is sufficient to raise suspicions. A much better way is to write a letter in the Tory stile with some mixture of family matters and between the lines and on the remaining part of the sheet communicate with the stain the intended intelligence. Such a letter would pass through the hands of the enemy unsuspected and even if the agents should be unfaithful or negligent, no discovery would be made to his prejudice, as these people are not to know that there is concealed writing in the letter and the intelligent part of it would be an evidence in its favor.”

Probably Major Tallmadge had not explained that Townsend’s method was to conceal the sheet by forwarding with it to him an entire package of the same folded letter-paper, in which there was no way of discovering this particular sheet except by knowing its position.

It was such a letter from Townsend that Culper Senior mentions in his of September 19th.[(116)] He also relates how it became necessary for him to expose himself in order to protect Brewster, who with his boat was waiting for it. Culper Junior’s tenth letter is dated October 9th.[(117)] In it he says:

“A considerable number of Troops are on the West end of Long Island. The 17th Dragoons at Hemstead, the mounted Legion and Queens Rangers at Jericho, and the Foot belonging to the Legion are at Oyster Bay. No arrivals of any consequence since my last, except those mentioned. The spirits of the troops flag much, but still some flatter themselves that there is yet a probability of England rising superior to all her enemies. There does not appear the least prospect of this place being vacated this fall, tho I believe they would be glad to have them at home.”

With this Samuel Culper encloses his twenty-fifth letter, in which he relates how he was captured and escaped, as follows:

“Inclosed you have S. C. Junrs. letter, which wish safe to hand. He desired me to send for some more of that Stain. It is too great a risque to write with ink in this country of robbers. I this day just saved my life. Soon after I left Hempstead Plains and got into the woods I was attacked by four armed men, one of them I had frequently seen in N.York. They searched every pocket and lining of my clothes, shoes, and also my saddle, which the enclosed was in, but thank kind Providence they did not find it. I had but one dollar in money about me. It was so little they did not take it, and so came off clear. Don’t mention this for I keep it a secret for fear it should intimidate all concerned here—and am Yours Sincerely,

“Saml. Culper.”

Meanwhile General Washington was dictating a letter to Major Tallmadge, which reads:

“Head Quarters West Point, 9th October, 1779.

Dear Sir, I have your favr of the 8th inclosing a letter for Major Jameson who is in South Carolina. It shall be forwarded by the first opportunity. Should a certain operation take place, it will be necessary to establish a very regular communication with Long Island. These things are better settled personally than by letter, I shall therefore be glad to see you at Head Quarters. After leaving some person who can be intrusted with the receipt of C— letters, and who can forward them and any observations upon the Sound, be pleased to ride over.”

Townsend’s next letter, dated October 21, and written entirely with the stain, was copied at Headquarters, and reads:

“I am this day favord with yours of the 12th Inst. and note the contents. The fleet from Newport, contrary to my information, sailed the day I wrote to you. I was led into this error by persons whom I thought could give me the best information, as they belonged to Newport and intended going in the fleet. They have been deceived for from that belief they were left behind. I informed you that a number of vessels had been prepared to sink at Sandy Hook, four of which were sunk two days after I wrote you. The Russel, Europa, Raisonable, Defiance, Roebuck and several Frigates and a number of armed transports still continue at the Hook. The Renown (dismasted) Solebay and Towey Frigates are still in the Harbour.

“The Captain of a Privateer which arrived on Friday last, says that he saw 12 sail of the French fleet the 25th Septr. off Georgia, not dismasted as the paper mentions but all well; and that the noted Sir James Wallace was taken.

“The 7th, 23d, and Lord Rowdon’s Corps embarked some days ago. The 7th and 23d. have disembarked and the 57th with some of the artillery have embarked in their place, and it’s said will sail in a few days. Some of the officers say they are going to Halifax, and it’s generally believed they are.

“The enemy have large magazines of wood and forage and are daily collecting more, particularly Hay. Some of the Comrs. of provision say they have enough of all kinds to last 9 months. I believe they have plenty for six months. There is considerable on board victuallers of this, and the quantity, I will inform you more particularly in my next. No arrivals of any consequence since my last, except the Robuste from Halifax which arrived yesterday. A number of transports have been taking water and ballast some days past and from which and some other circumstances it is concluded that another embarkation will take place. Some transports with some private vessels sailed yesterday for Newport under convey of the Hunter Sloop of War. No new forts erecting. That on Bayards Hill is completed, and also the one back of Jones’ house. The Battery and the fort on Governors Island is nearly completed. I entirely approve of your conveying letters, and shall in future follow it. But shall want some more stain immediately, as I have scarcely enough for another letter. S. Culper Senior will forward you a Receipt for the Guineas.

“Saml. Culper, Junr.”

Culper Senior’s next letter,[(118)] dated October 26th, he also, incorrectly numbers 25. Townsend’s next letter,[(119)] written with the stain, is dated October 29th, as is also the following from Culper Senior:

“Your No. 19 with the inclosed came to hand on the 26th, and have noted the contents and shall follow your directions as far as in me lay, and to compleat the same have desired an interview with Culper Jnr. which if by the movement of your army it should become necessary that the present rout of dispatches should be shortened must principally depend on his acquaintance. If any secrets are with you, and may tend to the common good by communicating them to us, and enable us to better judge and assist your measures, don’t fail to do it. I sincerely declare to you by all that is valuable and sacred that no person but him and me shall know it—depend nothing shall be wanting on my part to forward intelligence to you as frequent as possible. And forget not to urge 725 to his duty, which I must say he hath lately neglected. Mr. Jackson perfectly knows it. And he frequently objects to coming so often.

“I most impatiently wait the arrival of the Count De-Estaing, and your operations, and as the season is so far advanced, I greatly fear nothing will be done, but am not altogether without hopes.

“Since my last the sum of about £400. was subscribed in this town to be presented to General Clinton in order to obtain his favour and evade the threatening storme—but before it could be possibly forwarded, a general demand for all our Oxen, or cattle of equal value, was sent. None escaped except some of our Tory gentry, and we have concluded since to keep our money and let them take and be damned. It is truely cutting to see the most notorious escape this demand, and the virtuous distressed. I conceive in my own mind, that their views in taking the oxen and breaking up teams in general is through fear they may fall into your hands and be of service to your army. The enemy still continue to collect hay to the westward, without estimating it or giving receipts as heretofore, and are carrying it to Brooklyn Ferry and to Lloyd’s Neck. Unless prevented they will soon be at this place.

“Night before last a most horrid robbery was committed on the houses of Coll. Benj. Floyd and Mr. Seton, by three whale boats from your shore, commanded by Joseph Hulce and Fade Danolson, and one other master of boat, name unknown to me. 725 can well inform you of their names. From the best judgment I can form they took to the value in money, household goods, Bonds and Notes, of Three Thousand Pounds. They left nothing in the houses that was portable. They even took their clock and all their looking glasses, and all Seal Gold Cloths, perhaps none before theirs in America.

“I cannot put up with such a wanton waste of property, I know they are enemy’s to our cause, but yet their property should not go amongst such villians. I beg you would exert yourself and bring them to justice.”

Major Tallmadge supplements the above in a letter to the General dated Bedford, Novr. 1, 1779, in which he says:

“I have just recd. the enclosed despatches from the C——rs. I was obliged to touch the Counterpart on the enclosed letter written with the Stain to discover whether it was the right sheet or not as it was in a Quire.

“With respect to the robbery lately committed at Setauket, as related by C. Senior, I have additional accounts of the same from others. In addition to the crime of plundering the distressed inhabitants of Long Island the perpetrators of such villany never bring their goods before any court for tryal and condemnation, but proceed to vend them at option. This species of Privateering (for it goes by this name) is attended with such numberless bad consequences, that to a gentleman of your Excellency’s feelings, I am confident I need not state them. If being so plundered by the enemy that the inhabitants have hardly a subsistance left, be not sufficient (for the marauders from our shore make no distinction between Whig and Tory further than what interest may point out) it surely cannot be reputable to leave it in the power of individuals to punish at pleasure, and enrich themselves by the plunder they take. Perhaps your Excellency may have seen the Proclamation lately issued by Governor Clinton prohibiting such practices. I would further observe that the boat that crosses for dispatches from C—— has been chased quite across the Sound by those plunderers, perhaps for the sake of being the more secret in their Villany, while our crew has suspected them to be the Enemy. Indeed if some stop cannot be put to such nefarious practices C—— will not risque, nor 725 go over for dispatches. I should be happy to have permission to take the men who have been concerned in this Robbery, and have them delivered over to the authority appointed by Governor Clinton (as mentioned in his proclamation) to take notice of such offenders, or other ways punish them. What would give a peculiar sanction to such a proceeding is that some of the Perpetrators of this villany belonged to Long island and of course to the State of New York.

“One of the gentlemen who was plundered was Col. Floyd, who not long since was brot. over a Prisoner, and is now on Parole. From a long and intimate acquaintance with this gentleman I believe him to be of more service to the Whig interest in Setauket than every other man in it, tho from his family connection I believe he has been in favor of Royal Government. The other gentleman, Mr. Seaton, is from England, and purchased a plantation at Setauket before the War began. This family is of the first fashion of any on the Island. The whole of their furniture, Jewels, Clothing, Money, Bonds, and papers of all kinds were brought off. I hope some steps may be taken to prevent such conduct in future ...

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

Townsend’s next letter, November 3d, announces that General Clinton and the Admiral were at Oyster Bay on Monday, observing the Harbour. In detail it reads:

“Being more hurried than usual these three days past and the Bearer coming unexpectedly, prevents my writing so particularly as I would wish. I have this day received yours of the 19th ulto. and I will endeavour to follow your instructions. No arrivals of any consequence since my last. The information I gave you, concerning the sailing of the fleet for Halifax, I thought so good that I might have given it for certain. I could not have wished for better unless from the Admiral or General. They did not sail, and I am since informed have disembarked. Eight or nine private vessels were to sail from the Hook for New Foundland a few days ago. They are in Ballast and are to take in Fish for the West Indies. I have not heard from the Hook these three days past, I therefore cannot say whether they have sailed. It was positively said the latter end of last week that several Regiments were to go into Suffolk County. But I believe it is now given over at least for the present. A considerable number of transports, (say 10000 tons) are under orders to take in troops but it is not said where they are going. Lord Cornwallis is said to be going with them. No forts or redoubts near this City but those I have mentioned. The people in general now think that the French Fleet will not be here this fall. We have no certain accounts from Georgia. General Clinton and the Admiral were at Oyster Bay on Monday observing the Harbour. It is positively said a number of Transports are to be sent there to winter. I believe it is to be depended upon that the heavy ships of war are to winter at Halifax. I will write you more particularly in my next. I am Yrs. &c.

“Saml. Culper, Junr.”

Woodhull’s No. 27, dated Nov. 5th, is only short, but written under excitement. He says: “I have just received the Dispatches, and verbal accounts, that Coll. Fanning’s Regt. is at Lloyd’s Neck, and the Prince of Wales American Regt. formerly commanded by Monfort Brown tarried last night at Jamaica on their way to Huntington. One regiment is ordered to Jerusalem South side Hempstead Planes. Much talk about their coming to this place soon, and we are greatly alarmed about it. Should they come here I shall most certainly retreat to your side as I think it will be impossible for me to be safe. Shall see Culper, Junr. on the 10th, inst. at which time shall hope to compleat your directions, and order affairs so that the damage I hope will not be great if it should become necessary to quit the Island. Depend I shall not do it without absolute necessity. If you have anything material to communicate to Culper Junr. let 725 come one night before (say on the 9th.) I give over entirely the arrival of the French fleet. Nothing is said about them in New York, and the movement of the enemy looks like their going into winter quarters. Friends are all well. I am, &c. Your most Obedt.

“Saml. Culper.”

Abraham Woodhull’s next letter on November 13th covers six sheets[(120)] in which he says:

“On the 10th I was to see Culper Junior, at a house he appointed twelve miles west from here, and set out with all my letters to meet him, and just before I arrived at the appointed place I suddenly met a foraging party of 40 horse and 200 foot and about 100 wagons. Was much surprised but after answering a few questions passed them unmolested.

“But to my great mortification Culper Junior did not come that day. I waited all the next, and sent a person westward to several houses where I thought likely to find him, but could hear nothing of him. I am much concerned. Fear some accident hath befallen him, but yet wish to entertain a favorable thought that he may be sick. The wagons went from Smith Town yesterday loaded but am informed the troops all stayed behind waiting their return. We have 20 horse and 4 foot bilited about in houses, but no wagons have loaded here yet. They are exceedingly afraid and keep a very strict guard at the foot of Seaton’s Neck. Coll. Floyd, E. Jones above the Mill. J. Thompson, P. Lions. John Bayles is Head Quarters. Main guard in Kelly’s House. They are not expected to stay here more than 10 days, some say not longer than a week. The inhabitants of this Island at present live a miserable life, which you may readily judge when having the refuge of three kingdoms and thirteen States amongst them, plundering and repine increaseth at no small rate. I am tired of this business, it gives me a deal of trouble, expecially when disappointment happens. Could not consent to be any longer an assistant if I was not almost an enthusiast for our success. I am perfectly acquainted with a full year’s anxiety, which no one can scarcely have an idea of, but those that experience. Not long since, there was not the breadth of your finger betwixt me and death. But so long as I reside here my faithful endeavours shall never be wanting.”